An Introduction to Indonesian Linguistics

Front matter

ESSAY IV

PHONETIC PHENOMENA

IN THE INDONESIAN LANGUAGES

Section I : Fundamental Considerations

1. The present monograph is a dehneation of the phonetic phenomena of the IN languages.

Note. — As to the method of transcription, see § 39, as to the abbreviations, § 38.

2. Up to the present no comprehensive work on this subject has appeared, but a sufficient quantity of material for such a work has been published in the shape of IN grammars and vocabularies and a number of treatises. I shall not enumerate these sources and prelitninary works here, because I intend to refer to them in detail in my “Geschichte der IN Sprachforschung” which is to appear shortly. — The works of my predecessors have furnished me with a relatively small part of the materials, either rough hewn or more or less worked up; the greater part has been collected by myself. In its whole plan, as well as in the execution of the individual sections dealing with the subject from various points of view, my monograph takes its own independent line. 3. I have to delineate the IN phonetic phenomena of the past as well as those of the present time. The past history of IN sounds can be gathered from the written documents handed down to us, or it can be deduced by the usual methods of linguistic science, above all by the method of comparison. On account of its heritage of written documents dating from former periods, Javanese is of special importance for the study of IN phonetics; Bugis, Sundanese, Malagasy, and some other tongues, are of much less moment. 4. For our deductions we often require a basis to start from; and that basis is Original IN. In this matter I follow the same procedure as Brugmann in his “Kurze vergleichende Grammatik der indogermanischen Sprachen” . Just as IE comparative research has inferred from the Sanskrit dhūmás, Latin fumus, etc., an Original IE dhūmós, “smoke”, and as Brugmann (KvG, § 85), in deahng with the vowel ū, proceeds from this dhumos and other such Original IE words as by the same method have been shown to contain the vowel u ; so from Hova telu, Toba tolu, etc., there follows an Original IN tĕlu, “three”. This tĕlu, together with the other words in which an Original IN ĕ has been inferred, serves us as a point of departure for the discussion of the sound ě and its derivatives.

Note. — By far the greater part of the IN words occurring in this monograph have the accent on the penultimate syllable. In that case I do not mark it, and accordingly write telu, tolu; on the other hand, in § 5 I write talǒ, because this Pangasinan word is accentuated on the final syllable. For the reasons given in § 330 I cannot indicate the accent in the reconstructed Original IN words. — As regards quantity, see §§ 67 seqq. 5. I will now demonstrate by an individual example the nature of the method by which I reconstruct the Original IN forms.

Thesis.

“Original IN possessed a neutral, colourless vowel, styled in Javanese, and accordingly also in IN comparative linguistics, the pĕpĕt, which is represented (not very aptly) by the symbol ě, and occurs for example in the Original IN word tĕlu, ' three” .

Evidence.

I. As “three” in Pangasinan is taló, in Hova telu, in Sundanese tilu, in Toba tolu, in Tinggian tulu, the variegated character of the vowel of the first syllable can be most satisfactorily explained as a case of differentiation from a neutral original, just such as the pĕpĕt. II. The pĕpĕt still actually exists, even though in a minority of the IN languages, yet in the most diverse local areas of the family. Thus in Karo in Sumatra, in Balinese next to Java, in Tontemboan in Celebes, etc., the word for “three” is tĕlú.

III. Old Javanese likewise has tĕlú; and how important Old Javanese is will be shown in § 6.

IV. Nias has no pĕpĕt; where other tongues have ĕ, Nias has an o. But this o has a peculiar pronunciation, it is articulated further back in the mouth than the o of a different origin. If I represent the front o by o1 and the back one by o2, I get (for example) the equations: Nias bo2li, “price” = Original IN, and likewise Gayo, Malay, etc., bĕli, but Nias o1no1, “child” = Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, Tagalog, etc., anak. The peculiarity in the articulation of the o2 accordingly points to an originally peculiar sound, in fact to the pĕpĕt.

V. Iloko knows no pĕpĕt; where other languages have a pĕpĕt, Iloko puts an e. But the consonant, which immediately follows this e, is doubled ; thus the equivalent of Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, Malay, etc., lĕpas, “free”, is Iloko leppás. This doubling of the consonant does not occur after an e of any other origin. Now Madurese says lĕppas; it also doubles the consonant, but leaves the ĕ unchanged. If we compare the Mad. procedure with the Iloko, it follows that the Iloko e, after which the consonant is doubled, points back to an original pĕpĕt.

VI. Talautese lacks the pĕpĕt; an a occurs where other languages have ĕ. But after this a the liquid l is articulated differently than it is after an a which descends from an Original IN a. So in Tal., too, we have an indication of the existence of the pĕpĕt in Original IN.

VII. Hova possesses no pĕpĕt; for an ĕ of other languages it puts in an accentuated syllable an e, in an unaccentuated one an i. Original IN, and likewise Karo, etc., tĕlĕn, “to swallow”, has therefore in Hova the equivalent télina. Now before this i < ĕ Hova preserves Original IN l unchanged, whereas before a Hova i < Original IN i it becomes d; thus tĕlina < Original IN tĕlĕn, but dimi, “five” < Original IN lima. Here again, then, we find in a language which itself has no pepet an argument for the existence of the pĕpĕt in Original IN.

Conclusion

The evidence of I.-VII. supra, to which many other testimonies could be added, shows conclusively that the phonetic system of Original IN must be credited with the vowel called pĕpĕt.

6. The phonetic conditions of Old Javanese coincide in most cases with the phonetic system of Original IN as inferred by the comparative method. Hence we get, from objective documents, a confirmation of what has been attained merely by inference. — To this harmonious agreement there are two exceptions :

I. Original IN r2 (= uvular r) disappears in Old Jav.; hence Old Jav. atus, " hundred ", from Original IN r2atus.

II. Original IN successive vowels are often contracted in Old Jav. Original IN, and also Malay, etc., disyllabic lain, "other", becomes len in Old Jav.

7. It is not possible in IN linguistic research, any more than in IE, to discover the corresponding original values of all the phonetic phenomena of the living languages. Some IN languages possess the sound called hamzah; but, as stated in § 40, I am not at present in a position to decide with absolute certainty whether it should be ascribed to Original IN.

8. Between any of the phonetic types that exist to-day and its corresponding archetype in the original mother- tongue, there may have been intermediate stages. IE hnguistic research possesses the means of determining such intermediate stages in many cases. Thus Kluge, in his "Etymologisches Worterbuch der deutschen Sprache", s.v. Met, shows that between Original IE mĕdhus and the Modern German Met (= mēt), " mead ", we have to intercalate Original Germanic mëdus. Old High German mëto, and Middle High German mët as intermediate forms. IN research possesses such means to a much more limited extent, seeing that it has only got one single language with really important written records of some antiquity, namely, Javanese; besides which, Old Jav. mostly exhibits the same phonetic state as Original IN. Nevertheless, IN research is in some instances able to detect such intermediate forms, and the cases where it is possible may be taken to fall pretty much under the following heads:

I. The intermediate form is found in Old Jav.:

|Original form | |Intermediate stage | |Final result

|Original IN | |Old Jav. | |Modern Jav.

|dir2yus | |dyus | |adus, "to bathe"

II. The intermediate form is represented by the native spelling:

|Original form | |Intermediate stage | |Final result

|Original IN | |Written Minangkabau | |Spoken Minangkabau

|sĕlsĕl | |sasal | |sasa, "to regret"

III. The intermediate form exists in a cognate dialect:

|Original form | |Intermediate stage | |Final result

|Original IN | |Tunong-Achinese | |Achinese Proper

|batu | |batew | |batee

IV. The intermediate form can be ascertained by inference. If Original IN bar2a, "glowing embers", results in Bungku wea, we must assume a form waya as an intermediate stage: see § 136.

9. We often have reports that the older living generation adheres to an older phonetic stage, while a newer phonetic type has developed in the speech of the younger people. In Kamberese Original IN s becomes h, e.g. Kamb. ahu, "dog", < Original IN asu, but "one often hears old people pronouncing the s" (Wielenga).

10. Phonetic changes either take place unconditionally or are dependent on definite conditions. Original IN pĕpĕt unconditionally, in all cases where it occurs, becomes e in Dayak; thus Original IN tĕkĕn, "staff", results in Day. teken. In Hova, which, betrays a somewhat near relationship with Day., the pĕpĕt only becomes e when it bears the accent; hence Original IN tĕkĕn produces Hova tĕhina. Accentuation, therefore, is the condition for the change of ĕ into e in Hova.

11. The condition under which a phonetic change takes place is one thing, and the cause which calls it into existence is another. The conditions are very often recognizable in IN, but as regards the causes the same observation applies to IN as Hirt, in his “Handbuch der griechischen Laut- und Formenlehre” ", § 71, made about Greek: “We are often unable to detect the causes of phonetic change”. Nevertheless IN linguistic students have set up many a theory on this subject, and I here repeat some of them, without commenting thereon: “A peculiarity of certain of the Toraja languages is the change of s into h. It appears to us that the custom of filing the teeth quite short or partially knocking them out, may be the cause of this phonetic change” (Adriani). — In Karo, Original IN a remains a, but alongside of jah, “yonder”, a form joh has appeared, “in consequence of a movement of the lips, with which one indicates the direction ‘yonder’ ” (Joustra). — “The custom of chewing betel explains why the Javanese often pronounce a velar instead of a labial, e.g., kĕstul for pĕstul, ‘pistol’ ” (Roorda).

12. In the evolution of IN sounds a number of other forces bear sway, which operate in the way of influencing,furthering, hindering, crossing, etc., though they cannot be called “causes” or “conditions” in the strict sense. These are analogy, popular etymology,* the tendency towards differentiation, phonetic symbolism, onomatopoeia, euphem- ism, and the tendency towards disyllabism.

13. Analogy plays as great a part in the phonetic evolution of the IN languages as it does in the IE family. Thus- among the IN, as among the IE languages, there is hardly one in which the numerals have not been affected by its influence;

[The tendency which produces forms like “Hobson-Jobson”, “sparrow-grass”, etc.] cf. Paul, “Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte”, under the heading “Kontamination”.

In Original IN, “hundred” is r2atus and “thousand”, r1ibu, but for “thousand” Bajo says ribus, having transferred, to it the s of r2atus.

14. Popular etymology also has the same importance in IN as in IE. Persian lāzuwerdi, “sky blue”, becomes in Javanese rojowěrdi, in imitation of rojo, “king”, as if it meant the royal colour. —Particularly frequent is the occurrence in IN of a species of popular etymology which I will style grammatical popular etymology. From Sanskrit yoga comes Karo iyoga, “yoke” ". But as i- in Karo is a prefix, it appears to the people who speak Karo as if iyoga were made up of the prefix i + the intermediaiy sound y + oga, and hence they have abstracted out of iyoga a WB oga, which is now employed alongside of iyoga. Or, since ka- is a very common prefix in Old Javanese, the Sanskrit kawi, “poet”, makes the impression of being a derived word, and from it is extracted a WB awi, “to compose (poetry)”, from which in its turn various derivatives are formed, e.g., aiviawian, “poetry”.

15. Tendency towards differentiation. Where the originally single meaning of a word is differentiated, a phonetic differentiation may also be induced, in IN as in IE. Just as in the dialect of Lucerne the Middle High German mësse has evolved into Mäss, “the religious ceremony styled the mass”, and Määs, “an annual feast and fair”, so too the Original IN ulu, “head”, appears in Bimanese as ulu, “formerly”, and uru, “beginning”.

16. Phonetic symbolism. In many IN languages we find phonetic symbolism at work in the duplication of words, as in the Sundanese uncal-ancul, “to hop hither and thither”, alongside of ancul, “to hop”. So too the substitution of a sonant for a surd in the Nias aizo2-aizoo2, “somewhat sour”, beside aiso2, “sour”, and other cases, may be due to phonetic symbolism. On the other hand, I do not share the view that in durative formations such as the Old Javanese mamanah from the WB panah , “to shoot”, the m replacing the p, that is a continuous sound instead of a momentary one, indicates duration; in a former monograph I have given a purely mechanical phonetic explanation of this phenomenon, and I am convinced that all IE scholars will approve of my view.

Madurese exhibits a peculiar phenomenon in connexion with words where the WB is partially reduplicated, after the fashion of los-alos, “ very fine ”, te-pote, “ quite white ”; alos, “ fine ”, is evolved phonetically from the Original IN, and likewise Malay, etc., halus, and similarly pote from putih. But alongside of los-alos, te-pote, we also find forms which have preserved the Original IN vowels, viz., lus-alus, ti-puti, and these denote a still higher or more superlative degree than los-alos, te-pote. In these cases, then, it is the more archaic phonetic type that denotes the higher degree of quality.

17. Onomatopœia exercises its influence on the evolution of the IN sounds mainly in the way of impeding the consistent operation of phonetic laws. It manifests itself in the first place in interjections that mimic a sound. In Minangkabau an Original IN liquid at the end of a WB disappears; Original IN lapar, “hunger”, is also written lapar in Mkb., but pronounced lapa. Further, Original IN final explosives turn into hamzah in spoken Mkb.: thus Original IN atĕp, “ roof ”, > spoken Mkb. atoq. So no r and no p can occur as finals in spoken Mkb. But interjections like gar, “crack !”, dapap, “ plop ! ”, etc., are exceptions to this rule. — Besides these, the operation of onomatopœia is seen in words of substance, mostly in names of animals, which have been formed in imitation of natural sounds. In Tontemboan, in the case of WB's consisting of a doubled root, the final consonant of the first half must as a rule become q: thus Original IN korkor, “ to scratch ”, becomes Tontb. koqkor. But the onomatopceically formed kerker, the name of a species of bird, retains the r in the first half.

18. Euphemism. For reasons of euphemism certain words, especially such as are connected with sexual matters, have been deliberately deformed in the IN languages. A number of these are given in Van der Tuuk's Toba vocabulary, e.g., ilat, disfigured from pilat, "membrum virile". Such deformations usually occur on the analogy of some other, more or less comiected, word: thus Hat, on the analogy oiila, "shame".

19. Tendency towards disyllabism. Whereas the forces thus far mentioned, analogy, popular etymology, etc., operate in IE as well as in IN, the tendency towards disyllabism is exclusively peculiar to IN. Its significance was already recognized by Humboldt in his "Kawisprache", pp. ccccii seqq. The WB's of the IN languages are as a rule disyllabic, and the genius of the IN languages is often impelled to squeeze into this mould such words as are not really disyllables at all or have lost that form in the course of linguistic evolution. Thus the Dutch word lijst, "list", appears in several IN languages under the form eles, with a prothetic formative ĕ which has no meaning or significance; and "Rome", i.e., Constantinople, is called Ruhum in Minangkabau, not Rum.

20. Between the written language and the colloquial in IN there are often phonetic differences. The one of most frequent occurrence is that the colloquial allows abbreviations which are avoided in the written language. Thus spoken Javanese says dulur, "brother or sister", for the written sĕdulur.

21. The phonetic phenomena hitherto described occur in ordinary, normal speech. Besides this we find in IN certain special modes of speech. These are the language of children, the language of animals in the beast fables, poetic language, and various artificial languages.

22. The language of children in IN has the four following characteristics :

I. Substitutioti of one sound for another. "As long as a Bareqe child is unable to pronounce the velars, it regularly replaces them by the dentals; thus it says atu for Original IN, and also Bareqe, aku, 'I'. Small children often pronounce c for s, and accordingly say cucu for Original IN, and likewise Bareqe, susu, 'breast'" (Adriani).

II. Infantile repetition. By the change of a consonant, words are adapted to this type. Thus Bareqe children say jeje for keje, “membrum virile”; Tontemboan children, kiqkiq for kiqciq, “to bite”. In Tontb. titiq for hiliq, “to sleep”, both changes have occurred, viz., substitution of the dental for the velar and also adaptation to the infantile habit of repetition.

III. Transformation of combinations of sounds which are difficult for children to pronounce. Thus Karo children say a-pe for laṅ-pe, “not at all” .

IV. Besides the above, the language of children exhibits other isolated phenomena, which cannot be classed under any general category. Thus Tontemboan children say lileq instead of lěleq, “to bathe”.

23. When parents speak with children, they use either the normal form of speech or the children's language; but they also sometimes make a compromise between the two. In the preceding paragraph, under subsection I, we saw that the Bareqe children use cucu for susu, “breast”. But in normal Bareqe the palatal tenuis only occurs after the nasal, so that forms like cucu do not exist in the speech of adults. On the other hand, the palatal media is not subject to the same restrictions as the tenuis, and so it comes about that parents, when they speak to children, say neither susu nor cucu, but juju.

24. It is not uncommon for childish words to make their way into the language of adults, particularly the forms involving infantile repetition. In Original IN and in most of the living IN languages, “father” is ama, “mother”, ina; but several languages employ the infantile forms mama and nina. In Tontemboan, “grandfather” is apoq, and “uncle”, itoq; but the vocatives of these words are papoq and titoq. — In Bugis the word for “little girl” is běsseq or běcceq, the first form being used only of princesses. According to subsection I of § 22, the form with s is the normal one, while the one with c was originally the infantile form.

25. The phenomena of childish speech recur to a great extent in IE. In certain of the Swiss dialects the word for “father” is Ätti, but other dialects replace it by Tätti, using therefore the form that involves infantile repetition: see “Schweizerisches Idiotikon” , I, 585.

26. The language of animals employs (inter alia) the method of infantile repetition, like the language of children. In the sixteenth tale in Adriani's “Leesboek in de Bareqe taal” , p. 17, 1. 10, the old mouse says kuko, for duṅko “crust of the rice-pap in the pan”.

27. Poetic language. The requirements of rhythm and rhyme produce all sorts of phonetic changes. Certain literatures, it is true, e.g. the Bareqe, do not tolerate such disfigurements, but others put up with a great deal in this respect. Such poetical deformations may be divided into two classes, viz., those which exhibit changes that are still within the limits of linguistic possibility, and on the other hand such as exemphfy deliberately artificial modification.

I. To the first category belongs the poetic licence in Bisaya, whereby i before a vowel may be treated as a consonant, e.g., motya, for the trisyllabic motia, “pearl”. The change of i in this position into a consonant is found in the normal form of many IN languages: the Old Javanese WB ipi, “to dream”, has a conditional aṅipya.

II. To the second category belong the most varied forms of licence, which for the most part are based on no principle. Sometimes they result from metric difficulties. Thus in the Balinese Epic Megantaka, strophe 318, verse 7, we find tos, for totos, “descendant”, because if totos had been used the verse would have had one syllable too many. In the second place, they may be due to difficulties connected with the rhyme. In the Minangkabau Epic “Kaba Sabay nan Aluyh”, verses 446, 447, read: "That we say yes, yes, that we say no, no" = maq kami bario-io, maq kami batido-tido. Here the form tido is a deformation of the normal tidaq, “no”, made to suit the rhyme, which consists in a similarity of both

vowels of the WB's. Thirdly, these changes may be produced by the requirements of the lagu, i.e., the current mode and fashion of reciting. Achinese has (inter alia) a special lagu for the recitation of solemn or tragic poems. In this lagu the several syllables are pronounced very long, and here and there extended into two syllables by pronouncing the vowel twice over with the intercalation of an ṅ between the two: for instance, puṅucoq instead of the normal pucoq, “tip”.

28. In IE we also find both kinds of poetic licence, as depicted in the preceding paragraph. If in the Aeneid we have to scan conubjo, that corresponds to motya in subsection I, while the mutilated form navyasā vacas, cited in Wackernagel, “Altindische Grammatik” , I, p. xvii, is parallel to the deliberately artificial deformations of subsection II.

29. In reading aloud, certain phonetic peculiarities also occur. "It is customary at the Javanese Court, in reading out official documents, but only in that case, to aspirate initial vowels, e.g. to say hadalěm for adalěm, 'to dwell'" (Poensen).

30. Artificial languages. In IN there are quite a considerable number of artificial languages: e.g., priestly languages, languages of ceremonious politeness, languages specially used when hunting, thieves' languages, etc. The peculiarities of these artificial forms of speech are lexicographical and morphological, but also phonetic. . From the phonetic point of view two principles in particular are operative:

I. Metathesis. The Toba thieves' language, for example, interchanges the two syllables of the WB, saying therefore tema for mate, “dead”.

II. Analogical transformation. The Dayak priestly language says rohoṅ, “sword”, for the dohoṅ of normal speech, by analogy with rohes, “to slay”. The Javanese language of ceremonious politeness changes kuraṅ, “too few”, into kiraṅ, by analogy with liraṅ, “half”.

31. One of the methods of formation of the Javanese language of ceremonious politeness consists in replacing

various word- endings by -jiṅ or -jěṅ: thus from esuq, “morrow”, it makes enjiṅ and from buru, “to hunt”, bujěṅ. I shall style this mode of formation the jěṅ-type. Now we find isolated representatives of this jěṅ-type in other languages also. Malay has a word anjiṅ, “dog”, Makassar a word tojeṅ, “true”, with e instead of ě. These words do not belong to an artificial stratum of these two languages, but to their normal form of speech. But inasmuch as anjiṅ coexists with the Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, etc., asu, and tojeṅ with the Dayak, etc., toto, one must assume that anjiṅ and tojeṅ were originally artificial forms, transformations of asu and toto in accordance with the jěṅ-type, and that they subsequently found their way into normal speech and displaced asu and toto. This is an interesting case of the influence of the artificial type of language upon the normal type. 32. The word anjiṅ is genuine Malay, the word tojeṅ is genuine Makassar, they are not borrowed from Javanese, for the simple reason that Javanese does not possess these words. Thus we find the jěṅ-type of word formation as an estabhshed institution in several widely separated languages. Hence we may perhaps be entitled to ascribe this particular mode of artificial word formation even to Original IN. 33. Influence of foreign languages. This influence, it must be admitted, shows itself most strongly in the vocabulary, and only shghtly in phonetic evolution. I. Phonetic influence of other IN languages. Kulawi changes s into h, and accordingly says tahi, “lake” , for Original IN tasik. “But many of the men, who nearly all know Palu, which has preserved the s, often pronounce the s even now, whereas the women, who for the most part only know Kulawi, regularly use h” (Adriani). In Ruso-Talautese the normal Talautese k of a final syllable is pronounced s, e.g., ápuka, “lime”, becomes ápusa; " but this peculiarity has been steadily disappearing since the settlement in Ruso of a number of people from Niampak, who mock at this idiosyncrasy of the Ruso population" (Steller). The Tojo-Bareqe has par- tially adopted the accentuation of its neighbour, the Bugis. "“His dwelling-place”" in Bareqe is banúa-ña, in Bugis wanuwá-na; but Tojo-Bareqe under Bugis influence says banuá-ña. II. Influence of non-IN languages. Madurese had originally no ƒ, but the Madurese have no difficulty in pronouncing the sound and therefore mostly preserve it unchanged in loan-words from Arabic or from European languages, so that we must now include the sound ƒ in the Mad. phonetic system. Bimanese rejects all original final consonants, and treats loanwords in the same way, thus saying asa for the Arabic aṣal, “origin”. "But educated Bimanese often pronounce the final consonant" (Jonker). 34. Influence of school teaching. Tontemboan has changed the Original IN, and likewise Old Javanese, Malay, etc., media g into the spirant ɤ.* “Under the influence of school education, which is given in Malay, the younger generation now uses the media instead of the spirant” (Adriani). 35. The native systems of writing and spelling are of importance for linguistic research in two sets of cases: I. The spelling of certain languages, particularly in Sumatra, exhibits a more archaic phonetic stage than the pronunciation. IN research establishes that the word for “free” in its original form was lḝpas. Minangkabau says lapeh, but writes lapas; the written language, therefore, has preserved the original final of the word. Such spellings accordingly confirm the conclusions of linguistic comparison. II. Words that lean proclitically or enclitically on a principal word are in several languages written continuously with it. Thus in the Makassar tale I Kukang, p. 5, 1. 15: “He was always presented (with) money” = nanitanrotanrówimo doweq. Here na, “he”, and mo, an emphatic particle, are written together continuously with the principal word nitanrotanrówi, “to be always presented (with)”. From the point of view of linguistic science this habit must be regarded as correct.

[See §41, IV, footnote.]

36. For the understanding of IN phonetic phenomena it is absolutely necessary to study texts. Naturally those texts are most satisfactory which mark accent, quantity, sandhi, and the like. One can often get more Hght from the texts than from the explanations of the manuals. For instance, Seidenadel, in his grammar of the Bontok language, gives no theory of quantity, but out of his most conscientiously edited texts we can construct the theory for ourselves. Not infrequently the texts even correct the data of the grammars. Matthes, in his Bugis grammar, § 193, says that the pronoun of the first person ku is abbreviated proclitically, but never enclitically, to u, but in the Budi Isětiharatě, edited by himself, p. 294, 1. 8, we find: “My husband loves me” = He loves me, husband my = na-elóriy-aq woroiwané-u. Moreover for several languages we possess carefully edited texts, indicating accent, quantity, sandhi, etc., but as yet no grammars or vocabularies. 37. Comparison of IN with IE. In this monograph I compare, where it seems to me feasible, the phonetic conditions of IN with those of IE. The idea of comparing IE linguistic phenomena with IN is nothing new. Humboldt and Bopp did it, though with an inadequate comprehension of the IN material. Kern does it with a true insight into both the IN and the IE material, and the critical student is grateful to Kern for his work. But recently certain voices have made themselves heard, denying the desirability of such comparisons. Therefore I must adduce some considerations in support of my point of view. I. IE research has advanced further than IN, its subtle and highly developed methods can, indeed must, serve as a guide to IN research. For example, many IN scholars classify the IN languages according to the sounds they admit as finals; others have classified them on the basis of their genitive construction, particularly as regards the position of the genitive before or after the principal word. Both systems depend upon a single linguistic phenomenon. In the IE sphere we find (inter alia) a classification of the Germanic languages into East Germanic and West Germanic. But Kluge, “Urgermanisch”, § 146, bases this division not upon a single criterion, but upon a whole series of them, and yet the classification is not accej)ted by all scholars. That sort of thing ought to make IN scholars wake up; either they must discover additional criteria or abandon their classification of the IN languages.