A Brief Review of the Labour Movement in Japan

Front matter

Workers of the world, unite!

A Brief Review

in Japan.

Part I: The Early History (1867–1910)

1867–1910.

Part I, Chapter I: The Forerunner of Trade Union. (1867–1900)

I.

The Forerunner of Trade Union. (1867–1900).

1. The Birth of Bourgeois Japan.

The Revolution of 1867 («Meiji Ishin») saw the birth of «Modern“ or „Bourgeois“ Japan. Economic, consequently political, power transfered from the feudal-landlord to the rising commercial capitalist class, with the Emperor as their figurehead.

This was immediately (especially after the reactionary revolt of 1878) followed by „Industrial Revolution“. It should be remembered that the industrial slavery system was at the first step introduced into the textile industry which is still one of the main sources of Japanese bourgeois wealth, and also that the great majority of workers employed in this industry is composed of peasant girls. This is one of the reasons why we had a scanty existence of workers' organisations at the earlier stage of Industrial Revolution.

During a quarter of century since the Burgeois Revolution, therefore, there were, apart from friendly and trade societies, only a few Unions, of which the printers' and metal workers' were notable.

2. The Forerunners of Modern Trade Union, 1897–1900.

In the meantime, young Japanese capitalists challenged China in 1894; and after rwo years' fight succeeded in plundering Formosa and Korea from China, and in getting the right to share with European Countries in exploiting the vast commercial markets of China. This naturally caused a great economic prosperity, an important development of industrialism and a consequent growth of the modern fighting proletariat. Those facts, side by side with an enormous advance of prices, gave a remarkable impetus to the combination movement of the working classes, as well as to industrial disputes.

Generally speaking, it is since those years that the modern Trade Union—a fighting body of enslaved classes against the bourgeois exploitation mainly in the industrial field—has come into existence in Japan.

A body which worked to a great extent for the development of the movement was the „Society for the Promoting Trade Unions“ in 1897. The society was an educational or propaganda association established by a dozen intellectuals (Katayama, Takano, etc.), followed by thousands of workers.

The first Union, born directly from the propaganda of the above „Society“, was the „Iron Workers Union“ in 1897, consisting of metal workers in several workshops near Tokyo. This is a landmark in the History of the Japanese Trade Union movement, both in a historical sense and in structure. Although its formal object was friendly benefit and mediation in trade disputes, with the rapid growth in membership (claiming 5400 in 1900), it became more and more militant against the employers. But the defeat of a dispute the same year was a fatal blow to the young organisation and soon a rapid reduction of members came in.

In 1898, no less important Union, called „The Nippon Railway Culture Society“ of locomotive-engineers and firemen, arose from a great successful strike which had stopped the whole traffics in the north-eastern district. It enrolled 1000 membership and accumulated funds of £1000 in the second year.

In the same year, the Printers' Union with 2000 members, under the auspices of middle class politicians and some employers, rose, but to disappear. After the collapse of this Union, a small group of printing workers was formed, and this group was succeeded in 1907 by „The Oyu-kai“, and then in 1916 by „The Shinyu-kai“, one of the most militant Unions at the present time.

While the above Unions were the organisations which came to existence directly or indirectly from the devoted efforts of the „Society for the Promoting Trade Unions“, there were many other associations extending. from skilled to unskilled workers, for the purpose of trade contract or mere friendly benefit. But those were of no significance historically.

3. The Police Law, Suppression and Collapse.

Now, turning to the field of class struggle, we witnessed the first appearance of industrial workers' mass action and labour unrests, which reached the climax in 1898–1899. Up to 1899 those disputes were closed comparatively in favour of the workers. But entering 1900 a sudden change came. Not only industrial and commercial depression had a serious effect on the movement, but also the possessing classes, alarmed by the rising tide of revolt of masses, put a speedy end to the strike action of the oppressed through legislative measures—that is the notorious Police Law of 1900, which is still exercising its mighty power. According to the article 17 of the Law, any action of instigation or agitation either for strikes or for increase of Trade Union membership is to be punished (imprisonment of one to six months). No discussion is necessary to prove that the Law practically forbids strikes and the organised movement of the working classes.

The result is easily forseen. Within a short time, almost all noticeable Unions, one after another, ceased to exist.

In this manner, the earlier history of the Japanese Trade Union movement was concluded. During nearly a decade till 1912, when the „Yuai-kai“ was formed, the industrial workers' mass movement hardly showed any sign of life.

But the movement for the emancipation of the exploited class was not absolutely left for dead when the Trade Union quitted the battle field. For the field was promtly taken over by a forlorn hope—a group of revolutionary Socialists.

Part I, Chapter II: Socialist movement (1901–1910)

Socialist movement (1901–1910).

The history of Socialism in its wider sense can be traced far back into the radical movement of bourgeois Liberalism of 1877–1900. It was, however, not until 1901 that scientific Socialism took a form and programme as „The Social Democratic Party“. But the Party was an unfortunate child. It had no sooner come nut than the government suppressed it. Then in 1908, „The Plebs League“ was formed by a dozen intellectuals for the purpose of study and Socialist propaganda. This was the father of Modern Socialism in Japan. It was the League which sowed the seeds of revolutionary Marxism in the soil of Japan. It was also the followers or remnants of the League who have been to-day the leaders of Communist movement in our country The period of 7 years from 1903 to 1910 was in fact the history of the League.

At the begining of Russo-Japanese War (1904), the League sent comrade Katayama as a delegate to the Congress of the „Second International“ held then at Amsterdam and, on the other hand, made the most energetic agitation against the War, in which many members were sent to prison and their paper suppressed.

In 1905 the League itself was forced to dissolve.

The years following the Russo-Japanese War are marked by a series of important social events,—on the economic side, the great expansion of commercial markets, the astonishing growth of industrial (particularly Iron and Steel) Capitalism, the enormous advance of prices; on the political side, the „national“ upheaval against the „compromised“ peace terms with Russia, to which the government answered with Martial Law, and the first appearance of the „genuine” bourgeois cabinet;abroad, the first Russian (proletarian) Revolution, and, at home, desperate struggles of Socialists, and incessant persecutions upon them.

It is of importance to notice the fact that there already appeared three main currents of thought in the Socialist movement: that is, Marxism ed by Sakai, which always predominated over the rest; Anarchism (Kropotkin) led by Kotoku, one of the greatest thinkers Japan has ever produced; thirdly, Christian Socialism. In the practical movement, however, those sections always united against their common enemy which had prepared to sweep away by every forcible means all obstacles from the paths of bourgeois exploitation.

In 1907 they published the first Socialist Daily, called „The Pleb's Paper“, although soon prohibited.

In the next year, „Red Flag Demonstration“ took place, in which more than 50 active Socialists were arrested.

At last in 1909 occurred one of the most tragical events in the Socialist history of the world. Twenty four comrades were arrested under a false charge of „Anarchist Conspiracy“; and half of them (including Kotoku and Oishi) were hanged and another imprisoned for life.

The earlier history of our Socialist movement ended in such a tragical catastrophe. Surviving Socialists (mainly Marxists) have been kept under the extremest watch of police, chased by the hatred, calumny and threats of the possessing classes. A few of them fled to foreign countries, and a few went over to enemy.

This is but the path through which all social martyrs had to and shall pass bofore their final goal could be attained. One thing, however, is regretful to the utmost,—they died, before they were able to attract the working masses to their Red banner, and before the masses would experience such a proletarian revolutionary rehearsal as the Russian workers experienced in 1905, the French in 1871, the British in Chartist movement. But nobody can blame our earlier Socialists by this reason when taking into consideration the economic and political conditions of the time, which were far from being ripe for social revolution.

At any rate, from 1910 to 1918, the whole Socialist movement went underground. Not a single protest against the capitalist robbery was heard. And the whole of the oppressed classes seemed to be thrown into the whirlpool of bourgeois Social-bettermentism or Class-harmonism.

Part II: Recent Development 1912–1921

1912–1921.

Part II, Chapter I: „Yuai-kai“ and „Shinyu-kai“ (1912–1917)

I.

„Yuai-kai“ and „Shinyu-kai“.

(1912–1917).

1. Formation of the „Yuai-kai (Fraternal Society)“.

Not less than a decade after the wholesale collapse of the Trade Unions under one blow of the Police Law of 1900, and only two years after the massacre of leading Socialists and Anarchists, a new glimmer was thrown on the dark world of labour, not by Socialist, but by petit-bourgeois Reformers—that is, the formation of the „Yuai-kai“ (August 1912) by B. Suzuki as the President and a handful of workers in Tokyo, principally for the purpose of educating the working peoples.

During the first few years, the Yuai-kai did nothing but preach Reformism among its members and arbitrate in case of industrial disputes. But as there existed then no other organisations, the intellectual section of the working classes had begun to join it. Without any support from leaders at the Head Office, the rank-and-file members created the branches in their workshops, and everywhere took the most leading part in strikes, in agitation, and in social life. Thus in 1917 it claimed a membership of 27,000 men and women and more than 100 branches, based on area or workshop, all over the country.

In 1915 and 1916 the Yuai-kai sent the President as a fraternal delegate to the Conference of American Federation of Labour. Anyhow, this is the opening of the International relation of the Japanese Trade Union.

This unceasing development of the Yuai-kai met a hard blow (with lock-out, black-list, police-spy) from the employers who, both rightly and wrongly, attributed the labour unrest of the time to the existence of the Yuai-kai. Despite its moderate propaganda and its opportunist leaders, from 1917 onward it suffered from the bitter attacks of the possessing classes (especially in the government factories). The membership suddenly began to drop (16,000 in 1918), and, at the same time, the old leaders deserted it.

In spite of the ominous situation, in spite of the wish of the governing classes, the Yuai-kai did exist. Not only did so; the assaults upon it served as an invaluable stimulus to give up the former opportunist attitude toward the employer, thanks to the bourgeois autocracy. Since then the Yuai-kai has converted its function into a weapon of the class struggle and a school for educating the proletarian vanguard.

2. The „Shinyu-kai“.

Before entering the next period, it should be written on the no less important body, the „Shinyi-kai (Fratetnal Society)“. As we have in the earlier history taken a glance at a long series of workers' fights. The „Shinyu-kai“ was the successor of the „Oyu-kai“ in 1916. At the outset, it was a pure craft-union with an exclusive policy by the European typographers employed in several, plants in Tokyo. But soon it opened its door for all workers employed in the same industry, and in 1917 enrolled 700 members.

From the beginning the Shinyu-kai has been led by a few socialist workers and has taken the militant policy against the employer. This has soon made the Union the focus of fire from the enemy camp. Above all, when the „Rice Riot“ broke out in 1918, a number or members were arrested under the charge of seditious action, and then came the secession of timid members from the Union. In a short while, it remained sick and sore.

3. The „Yuai-kai“ and „The Shinyu-kai“.

I have described in some detail two Unions, the „Yuai-kai“ and the „Shinyu-kai“, because these Unions are to-day not only leading the whole of labour moyement, but also represent two types or tendencies of the Trade Unions.

It is not, therefore, without interest to make comparison, and to point out a few differences between them: In the first place, both differ in their origin. The Yuai-kai grew largely by effort of class reformers, from the above, for something „wider“ object, while the Shinyu-kai (of printers) was created by workers themselves in order to fulfil their own immediate necessities. Secondly, in the spiritual side, the former represented the compromising type of Union (however this is not the fact to-day), the latter the militant Unionism. Thirdly, the former was a General (Trades) Union or „One Big Union“ including several trades and industries. On the other hand, the latter was a Trade (or Industrial in the wider sense) Union of printing workers only.

In other words, the Yuai-kai was characterised by its constitution, organisation and number of membership, while the Shinyu-kai by its fighting spitit. Doubtlessly it is clear that the alliance of two Unions was absolutely necessary for the development of a proletarian revolutionary movement. And happily this was finally accomplished early in 1920.

4. General View of 1912–1917.

Strictly speaking, the working class movement as a whole was during the period in an embryo and chaotic condition both in practice and theory.

On the practical side, the Unions were left without strike fund, without benefit (except a small fund of sick benefit), without defined trade policy, and without concrete organisation. Moreover, on the spiritual side it was worse than that. Not merely the mass of workers, the Unions and their leaders lacked a clear idea of the class-struggle, a clear comprehension of the Capitalist system and a definite programme for future action, but most of the Socialists (except a small Osugi Syndicalist group) shut themselves up in their study, keeping aloof from the practical movement, leaving the workers' organisations in the hands of Reformists.

But such a period did not last long. The historical year of the world revolution was coming nearer.

Outside those two, there was another Union in Osaka, called „Association for Conducting Trade Union“ of metal workers.

Part II, Chapter II: Prologue of the Social and Industrial Upheaval, and Unorganised Strikes (1917–1918)

II.

Prologue of the Social and Industrial Upheaval, and Unorganised Strikes.

(1917–1918).

1917 and the following years mark the turning point in the world history, not only because the Workers' Republic was for the first time established in Russia, but also because the enslaved classes in the Far Eastern countries have begun to awake from their long sleep. In Egypt, in India, in China, in Korea, we have seen the open rebellions of the toiling masses against the exploiting classes, both foreign and at home at first in the form of riot and then organised mass action.

In Japan this tide of proletarian revolt and organising movement synchronises with (1) extraordinary development of industrial capitalism, (2) increase of industrial workers in number, (8) amazing advancement of prices, and (4) also with revolutionary ferments in Russia and Europe.

1. Development of Industrial Capitalism.

Without doubt the „European War“ gave Japanese capitalists a golden opportunity for their expansion and adventure, while to European Capitalists it meant a sword for their suicide. During the War Japanese bourgeois triumphantly invaded the huge markets of the Eastern countries, seized upon navigation on the western part of Pacific and the Indian Sea, robbed the former German flash-houses in the South Sea for future large-scale piracy, and succeeded to lay with the sanction of the English government their avaricious hands on rich coal and iron fields in China, Everywhere Japanese and American robbers have knocked heads together and grappled together, leading both into another bloodthirsty War.

At home, economic gravity transfered from agriculture to commerce and industry. Also the iron and steel industry rose to the rank next to the textile. Financially, Capitalism has largely shaked itself free from British and American gold. The following figure tells us the uncommon increase of the „Productive Power“ in a last few years. (Also see the Appendix).

1914 | £ | 25 | millions

1915 | " | 30 | "

1916 | " | 65 | "

1917 | " | 156 | "

1918 | " | 267 | "

1919 | " | 406 | "

This extraordinary growth of economic power profoundly reflected on every directions of the political and social life. The „heimin“ (plebeian, bourgeois, or democratic) Cabinet (based on a political Party—tho „Seiyu-kai“—of the commercial and agricultural Capitalists) took in 1918 the reins of the government, throwing aside the Emperor and the aristocrats from the political sphere, and depriving the militalists of their mighty power. The franchise was more and more extended in the poor middle class. The Principle of „Democracy“ and „Liberty“ has been noisily advocated by bourgeois Liberals.

Thus „Bourgeois Japan“ was completely established.

2. Increase of Proletariat in number and power.

It is an inevitable result that such a capitalist development has been accompanied with no less rapidity by the increase in number and power of its mortal enemy—the proletariat and semi-proletariat, whose social position is naturally bringing up class-consciousness, class-antagonism in their minds. The following table clearly shows the fact. (Also see the Appendix.)

Year | No. of Factories | No. of Workers

1905 | 9,776 | 689,750

1914 | 17,062 | 911,453

1916 | 19,299 | 1,157,540

1918 | 22,391 | 1,504,761

(Factories quoted here are those which employ over ten workers).

3. High Prices.

The economic prosperity caused extremely high prices of life necessities (particularly of rice prices), resulting in the reduction of real wages. The next table indicates the heavy pressure which „War prosperity“ brought upon the life of the producing classes.

Year. | Index of Prices. | Among above Prices. | Index of Wages. | Differences.

Rice. | Cotton.

1900 | 100 | 100 | 100 | 100 | 0

1914 | 126 | 140 | 119 | 141 | +15

1915 | 117 | 106 | 103 | 139 | +22

1916 | 136 | 108 | 129 | 146 | +10

1917 | 191 | 170 | 268 | 168 | —23

1918 | 277 | 280 | 318 | 208 | —69

1919 | 294 | 372 | 506 | 267 | —27

4. Revolutionary ferments abroad.

Every events produced by the Western workers are keenly responded and soon followed by the Japanese workers. Above all, the proletarian Revolution in Russia aroused a stormy enthusiasm, awakened in them a great hope, and drew them into the vortex of the worldwide revolutionary ferments.

But tho influence of the Russian Revolution over the Japanese a proletariats should not be overestimated. Because the Japanese workers not only felt a great difficulty in getting the true news on Soviet Russia, but also they had been never well educated by the Socialist ideas.

5. Social and Industrial Unrest.

Now, Japan entered upon a period of great social and industrial-unrests which she had never seen in any of the foregoing periods. The following figures will show the astonishing increase of strikes since 1917.

Year. | No. of Strikes, | Members directly affected.

1900 | 11 | 3,316

1914 | 50 | 7,904

1915 | 64 | 7,413

1916 | 108 | 8,413

1917 | 398 | 57,309

1918 | 417 | 66,457

1919 | 497 | 63,137

1920 | 185 | 162,366

6. „Rice Riot“.

In August 1918 this unrest burst out as the notorious „Rice Riot“, first in a hamlet and then spreading all over the country. Everywhere rice-merchants were raided by hungry peoples; beautiful show-windows along the busy streets were smashed down. In Kobe and Osaka a street fighting took place between rioters and military forces. The price of rice suddenly went down. But these wild risings were mercilessly suppressed by summoning armies and by the arrests of hundreds and the mania faded away at the end of month.

It should be remembered that this event is not any sort of social as es revolutionary movement in character at all, but an unconscious and unorganised rebellion of the poorest masses against artificially high prices of rice particularly and against the rich people generally. Not only the majority of industrial and organised workers did not take part in the „Riot“, but it entirely lacked revolutionary ideas and leaders! By saying so I do not imply that the Riot ended without any effect. But, on the contrary, it has left a profound lesson to the Japanese working classes—by demonstrating the might power of mass action or violent force against which the rich class was pitifully powerless, and by unmasking the real nature of the soldiers who were ordered to level their rifles against their starving „brothers and sisters“ instead of the foreign enemy.

Part II, Chapter III: Amazing Growth of New Unions, a Series of Great Strikes. Sabotages (1919)

Amazing Growth of New Unions, a Series of Great Strikes. Sabotages. (1919).

Such a growing intensity of industrial disputes gave a fresh impetus to the Trade Union movement—both to the reorganisation of the existing unions and the creation of new unions.

1. Reorganisation.

As early as 1919, we saw that the „Yuai-kai“ had already recovered from one year's sickness and a new movement to reconstruct its constitution had appeared with a definite form. Membership and branches began to increase. In April all local Committees in the Western district (Osaka, Kobe, Kyoto) formed a big District Council, publishing a local journal. In September the National Conference of the Yuai-kai decided to reconstruct it on the lines similar to „One Big Union“, which was more definitely assured by the 1920 Conference.

At the same time, hostility against its president, Suzuki, on the ground of his opportunism and reformism, has emerged from inside. It is certain that a new spirit, a new (left-wing) section was being born and the power of leading the Yuai-kai has been transfered from the old reformist to the new revolutionary leader.

This fact will be seen in. a series of devoted struggles by the Yuai-kai during the following months.

Also the „Shinyu-kai“ of printers healed wounds which were resceived in the „Rice Riot“, and prepared in May for a fight for increased wages and an eight hours day.

In May the „Association for Conducting Trade Union“ was reorganised in the „Osaka Iron Workers' Union“, one of the biggest metal workers' Unions in Osaka.

2. Up till July.

As there had been before this year no other Unions than the above organisations, most strikes had been either led by the temporary strike committee or left without organisation. But experiences of strikes have always stimulated the spirit of combination. Already the time of unorganised strikes passed.

Since early 1919 there were a continuation of strikes and attempts at organising new unions among printing workers apart from the old Shinyu-kai. As a result, the „Reform Society“ was formed in July by printers employed in 15 daily paper printing offices in Tokyo. As soon as it came into being, it ordered a general strike and completely stopped the publication of all papers in the Metropolis for five days. But the strike aided by some middle class politicians broke from inside, and the Society pitifully fell to pieces.

Up till July we saw also the appearance of metal workers' and dockers' Unions in Tokyo, Osaka and districts, but the majority of them were very short lived. dhr]}

3. August.

Six months from August 1919 to January 1920 marks new epoch in the Japanesse Trade Union movement. During this period Japan faced the great social upheavals, a mushroom growth of Unions, penetrating into the less industrial towns and the less skilled workers.

It is, however, to be remembered that along with the creation of real fighting bodies there increased such Unions as (1) Black-leg Union to keep away the employees from the real Union or to crush down the already existing body; 2) Yellow Union utilised by middle class politicians for their political ambition; 3) For the electoral purpose of the Labour Delegate on the Washington International Labour Conference.

In Aug. the „Koishikawa Labour Society“ (12,000) was established by workers of the Tokyo Ordnance Factory, and soon challenged the authority demanding the recognition of the Union, an eight hours day and higher wages. Backed by the sympathetic „down-tools“ of workers of other government factories, the strike continued for about ten days. Against this, the government called out gendarms, dismissed a large number of strikers and at last arrested 23 leaders. The Society was completely beaten, however surviving till now.

A result of this fight gave birth to two Unions. One is the „Jujo-kai“ of employees of military powder mill who waged the sympathetic strike, and the other is the black-leg Union, called the „Kojo-kai“ spreading now to important government workshops over the country.

In this month, more important Unions appeared to exist. The „Transport Workers Union“ of tramway employees in Tokyo which challenged so-called „citizen“ with a general stoppage of city transportation early in 1920; the „Miners Society“, a strong Union in the northern colliery field of Kyushu; the "Miners Federation of Japan" (5,000) at Ashio copper mine. The last Union succeeded in creating a branch at Kamaishi iron mine and later carried on desperate strikes.

Also printing workers Unions sprang up rapidly in several important towns (e. g. in Osaka. Kobe, Kyoto, Kure, Hiroshima,) of which the most important one is the „Taishin-kai“ in Tokyo.

4. Agitation against the Labour Delegate to Washington International Labour Conference.

In Sept. the Japanese Proletariat experienced three momentous events. In the first place, the Yuai-kai, throwing away its former opportnuist mantle, acomplished complete reconstruction. The second event is the great „sabotage“ in Kobe with which I shall deal later.

The third occurrence arose from the election by the government of a former Director of a big shipbuilding firm as a Labour Delegate to the Washington International Labour Conference to be held in October. Against this nonsensical measure all the working classes rose up spontantaneously and instictively; huge demonstration after demonstration, violent protest after protest. Many arrests of agitators; threats to the life of the Labour Delegate. For a while the whole of the workers seemed to have become mad. In spite of the opposition of all workers, however, this absurd Delegate sailed in secret for Washington. For what? In order to entreat a Special treatment for Japanese workers, that is to say, in order to continue the present sweating system, to let men and women toil for more than eight hours a day. And the Washington Conference granted this to him.

The tactics which the organised workers (led by the Yuai-kai, the Shinyu-kai, the Miners' Federation) took in the agitation is worthy of note. From the very beginning they boycotted the election of the government, and strove to ummask the true nature of the League of Nations and the International Labour Conference, and also openly propagated before the masses that the government is nothing more than the executive committee of the robber class. Japanese workers have begun to doubt, What is the State, What is the Government. Thanks are due to the stupid government and the Black-leg International Labour Conference, without which the working class might not obtain such a mental change.

More than that; the temporary unity of Unions against the government served above all as a bond to combine them permanently, which resulted in the next year in the formation of „Federation of Trade Unions“, Tokyo.

5. Trade Unions, September–December.

A no less important result gained from this event was that the government was compelled to call upon each representative of five Unions (Yuai-kai, Shinyu-kai, Osaka Iron Workers' Union, and two yellow Unions), to the electoral Meeting of the Labour Delegate under the direct superintendence of the government; however, they boycotted it. This recognition of Trade Unionism by the government extremely instigated the creation of new organisations. It was in the period of four months from October that the workers' combination movement attained its zenith.

Among metal workers, tho following Unions were founded: the „Kojin-kai (Artisans' Fraternal Society)“ consisting of workers of the Tsukiji Naval Arsenal iu Tokyo (in October); the „Japanese Labour Fraternal Society“ of the Yawata Iron Foundry (in October); the „Mechanicians' Union“ of engineers employed in several workshops in Tokyo (December), etc.

In the printing industry, the „Seishin-kai“, one of the militant Unions, was organised by those defeated in the general strike of July in Tokyo.

In this period, the association extended from factory to out-door workers, and from manual to brain workers. For instance: dockers' and carriers' Union in Osaka. Tokyo, Yokahama, Nogoya; agricultural workers' Unions in Tamba, Tokyo; tailors' Union in Tokyo; dyers' Unions in Osaka, Kyoto; carpenters' and cabinet makers' Unions in Tokyo, Osaka; postal workers' Union in Tokyo; clerks' Unions in Tokyo.

On the other hand, yellow and black-leg Unions rapidly increased everywhere. Most of them takes the form of the workshop committee, openly or in secret, helped or created by the employer, both for the purpose of „promoting the intimate relation between master and employee“, and of smashing the real workers' Union from within. First of all, the „Kokusui-kai“ (Nationality Society) is the one typical of such disgraceful bodies. It was formed in December by out-door workers, led by political underlings, under the auspices of the Minister of Interior. This is the curious coincidence with the „Okhrana“ Union in Russia early this century. But the Japanese „Okhrana“ has been rendering better service to its patron than to Russian. In February 1920, it did its best to break the great strike in the Yawata Iron Foundry, and now is making a bloody counter agitation against the Socialist and Communist movements.