Front matter
FACTORS IMPACTING AFRICAN
WOMEN’S DOCTORAL SUCCESS
Lifutso Tsephe
Introduction
Women in Africa are neglected because of institutional culture influenced by patriarchy
Religion’s influence on culture impacting decisions made by women in Africa regarding their educational trajectories
Women in Africa face social challenges that hinder their success in doctoral studies
A higher education institution’s highest qualification is a doctoral degree
Where to go from here? Research gaps to be filled
Chapter 2: African women’s challenges within doctoral studies Doctoral education in Africa Women in Africa are marginalised within higher education institutions
Doctoral education in South Africa
The South African government’s interventions to enhance doctoral completion
Women in doctoral education and factors hindering their success
African women in doctoral education in South Africa
Factors hindering women’s success in doctoral education in South Africa xiii
N N m a vii
Factors that contributed to African women’s success in doctoral education
Mentoring of doctoral students Personal qualities that contribute to completing PhD study
Theories employed to study women’s success factors in doctoral education
Chapter 3: Supervision is one of the critical aspects of doctoral education
Supervision’s role in the completion of studies Mentoring academic staff without doctoral degrees South Africa
Supervision as experienced by African women within an African university
Chapter 4: African women doctoral graduates’ journey through the capabilities approach and resilience theory lens
Capabilities approach Resilience theory
Doctoral education requires capacitated academics to guide students
Chapter 5: Methodological stance Personal positioning Reflecting on my doctoral journey Research paradigm Human life can only be understood from within Social life is a distinctively human product The human mind is the purposive source or origin of meaning Human behaviour is affected by knowledge of the social world
The social world does not exist independently of human knowledge
Research approach Data-collection methods Sampling Semi-structured interviews Summary of participants within the study Data analysis viii
31 31 32
37 39 41 42
49 50 51
57 57 58 60
61 62 62 62
63 63 65 65 67 69 69
Chapter 6: Women in Africa’s narratives of their doctoral journey 71 Window to pursue a PhD 72 Choice to study in South Africa 72 Juggling life 73 Rare species 74 Same vision as a couple 74 Hope 15 Cheerleaders 76 Sought education as an escape from social, economic and political instability 76 Passion for humanitarian work 77 Botle 11 Thought marriage would be a better way out of poverty 77 Self-motivation 78 Supportive friend 79 Sibongile 79 Curious child 79 Having a dream bigger than herself 80 Dineo 80 Steadfast faith in God 80 Referring to the times when God did it 81 Brother’s tough love 81 Itumeleng 82 Spousal support 82 Brother’s support 82 Lerato 83 Love for research 83 Love for her students 83 Tumeliso 83 Peer reviews 83 Mpho 84 Being an empty nester 84 Prepared weekly meals 84 Pablo 84 Aims to inspire her brothers 84 Kari 85 Not married, no child and no boyfriend 85
Staying at the university residence 85
Keabetswe Fear of missing out Motivation to be a better version of self Tebogo Hated being a domestic worker Getting married Tsholo Escape poverty Gain independence
Chapter 7: Lessons learned from individual stories narrated by women in Africa
Introduction
How women!’s individual backgrounds contributed to the attainment of their doctoral degrees
Mandisa Hope Botle Sibongile Dineo Itumeleng Lerato Tumeliso Mpho Pablo
Kari Keabetswe Tebogo Tsholo
Lessons learned from women’s narration of their lives until doctoral completion
Teenage pregnancy
Early marriages
Lack of information regarding different levels of study Aspiring to be different from how they grew
All women enrolled having worked before
Similar yet different stories for women in Africa
86 86 86 86 86 87 88 88 88
91 91
Chapter 8: Recommendations on how to better prepare for doctoral studies and increase the number of women PhD graduates in Africa
Carefully prepare yourself and your life to enrol for doctoral education well ahead of time
Be intentional about knowing yourself
Enrol in fields you are passionate about because passion influences resilience
Research the possible university choices regarding where to study Have a dream bigger than yourself
Family matters
Hold on to your faith or beliefs
Self-motivation
Embrace everything about you
References Index
106 107
111 125 xi
Biographical note
Lifutso Tsephe
Focus Area: GenderJustice Health and Human Development, DVC/RIE Faculty, Durban University of Technology,
Durban, South Africa
Email: lifutsot@dut.ac.za; lifutso26@gmail.com
Lifutso Tsephe was a postdoctoral fellow at the Durban University of Technology (DUT) within the Department of GenderJustice, Health and Human Development, Durban, South Africa, during the writing of this monograph. She holds a Doctor of Philosophy degree (PhD) in Education Management, Law and Policy Studies from the University of Pretoria, Pretoria, South Africa. She obtained a Master’s degree (MA) in Higher Education Studies and Honours (Hons) in Sociology from the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa. Tsephe has an Bachelor of Arts degree (BA) from the University of Lesotho, Lesotho, where she majored in Development Studies and Sociology. She is passionate about gender equality, human development and social justice, which reflects in her MA and PhD work on African women in higher education. However, her interest is not limited to African women in higher education. Tsephe believes in women’s potential to partner with men in the development of our societies. Therefore, she advocates for better opportunities for women within societies, particularly within higher education spaces.
xiii
Abbreviations and acronyms and tables appearing in the text and notes
List of abbreviations and acronyms
ADDRF BA CA CARTA CHE CUT DHET DST EACEP FOMO HBI HBls HE HEI HEIs HEMIS Hons HWI HWIs IAU MDGs NDP NESP NPC NGO NRF PhD RSA SAQA SARCHI SARUA
African Doctorate Dissertation Research Fellowship Bachelor of Arts degree; bachelor’s degree capabilities approach
Consortium for Advanced Research Training in Africa Council on Higher Education
Central University of Technology Department of Higher Education and Training Department of Science and Technology
Existing Academics Capacity Enhancement Programme fear of missing out
historically black institution historically black institutions
higher education
higher education institution
higher education institutions
Higher Education Management Information System Honours degree
historically white institution historically white institutions
International Association of Universities
millennium development goals
National Development Plan
Nurturing Emerging Scholars Programme
National Planning Commission
non-governmental Organisation
National Research Foundation
Doctor of Philosophy degree; doctoral degree Republic of South Africa
South African Qualifications Authority
South African Research Chairs Initiative
Southern African Regional Universities Association
XV
Abbreviations and acronyms and tables appearing in the text and notes
SDG STEM SUN UCT
UJ
UKZN UN UNESCO
UP USA Wits
Table list Table 5.1:
sustainable development goal
science, technology, engineering and mathematics Stellenbosch University
University of KwaZulu-Natal
United Nations
United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
University of Pretoria United States of America University of the Witwatersrand
Summary of the research participants.
Dedication
This book is dedicated to my late parents, Malekhoba and Mosuoe Ts’ephe, who worked hard to provide everything | desired, but mostly for their unwavering support through my educational trajectory.
To my dearest late brother Bahlakoana Ts’ephe, for being a loving brother and friend.
xvii
Acknowledgements
The author thanks the Durban University of Technology (DUT), Durban, South Africa, for granting her an opportunity as a postdoctoral fellow under the mentorship of Professor Cheryl A Potgieter. Professor Potgieter is thanked for her guidance and insightful comments.
The author is thankful for the funding, without which this book would not have been possible. The author is grateful to her colleague and friend, Dr Vimbai Chibango, for her support and love throughout this journey. She also thanks her son, who has been with her through it all.
The author extends her gratitude to everyone who took part in the study and helped make it possible by taking the time to discuss their views and thoughts with her.
xix
Epigraph
African women, we are able!
Preface
Because of its role in the growth of economies and the knowledge economy, doctoral education has long been a source of concern around the world. Even though its significance is acknowledged, there is still a lack of African women among doctoral graduates. As a result, there is little literature on African women’s success in doctoral education. The aim of this book is to shed light on the factors that African women Doctor of Philosophy degree (PhD) graduates attribute their success to, the difficulties they encountered while pursuing their doctorates and how they overcame those difficulties to realise their dreams. This book may motivate those who want to explore this path and aspire to obtain PhDs, as it will be accessible to a wide range of people from different walks of life. Additionally, higher education institutions (HEIs) and relevant policy-makers across governmental departments will find this book informative. Although this study cannot be generalised across all African women doctoral graduates, it echoes the voices of this silent group of women so that their narratives may be heard by those in authority and all their experiences can inform policy, which improves doctoral education.
There are various well-known key issues that negatively impact doctoral students’ retention, such as lack of funding, lack of supervision because of overburdened supervisors, not having a good relationship with their supervisor and having to juggle studies with family life and work, to mention a few. Despite the availability of funding in the first three years of study, failure to complete one’s doctoral studies within record time brought about financial challenges for some women, and this affected their concentration and, thus, their progress. As there is literature on factors that push students to drop out of doctoral studies, this book highlights the positive factors that enabled a group of African women to succeed.
This research is a qualitative approach. It is a narrative case study that provided in-depth knowledge on the strategies and capabilities that enabled fourteen African women PhD graduates to obtain PhDs from a South African university even though they come from different African countries. Participants were selected through purposive and snowball sampling. Data were collected through semi-structured, in-depth interviews.
How to cite: Tsephe, L 2023, ‘Preface’, in Factors impacting African women’s doctoral success, AVARSITY Books, Cape Town, p. xxiii. https://doi.org/10.4102/aosis.2023.BK411.00 xxiii
E Synopsis
This chapter describes the broad neglect that women in Africa suffer within higher education (HE) and in doctoral studies specifically. Despite the efforts from governments, such as providing funding for doctoral studies (bursary obtained based on merit and normally granted for three years only), satisfactory supervision, culture, patriarchy and many other factors are still largely responsible for the underrepresentation of women in Africa among successful graduates. This shows that not only should the education system enable or motivate women to be retained until completion but also that the social environment and social systems need to be reconstructed to enhance the implementation of policies. A holistic approach is needed in the restitution of gender inequalities.
Although many studies have been conducted on women’s struggles within the HE landscape with regard to doctoral studies, including high attrition rates, not much is known regarding the opportunities and freedoms that enable their success, particularly when using the resilience approach together with the feminist theory or capabilities approach as a theoretical framework. Levels of resilience vary from woman to woman, depending on the background, support from their spouses and immediate family members, supervisors and many other factors. To address this gap, this chapter will discuss the obstacles encountered by these women, setting a
How to cite: Tsephe, L 2023, ‘Neglect of women in Africa within higher education’, in Factors impacting African women’s doctoral success, AVARSITY Books, Cape Town, pp. 1-14. https://doi.org/10.4102/ aosis.2023.BK411.01 tone or building up a foundation for the whole book on how those who obtained their doctoral degrees described their individual journeys, thereby contributing to knowledge on the scholarship literature on the experiences of women pursuing doctoral studies in Africa.
E Significance of the book
This book aims to showcase the approaches employed by some women in Africa that made the completion of their doctoral education possible. This book represents a substantial reworking of a Doctor of Philosophy degree (PhD) thesis. The research investigates the attributes of a group of fourteen women’s success and the challenges they encountered during their doctoral studies. The relevant women, used as case studies, obtained PhDs from one African university but were citizens of five African countries, namely, South Africa, Nigeria, Lesotho, Zambia and Zimbabwe. Knowing more about these women’s doctoral journeys adds to the literature regarding not only the challenges they faced but also how they overcame them. The research results produced by this book may inspire other women, particularly women in Africa, to persevere in doctoral programmes. The narratives recorded in the research may resonate with women who aspire to embark on their doctoral journeys and motivate those who are pursuing their doctoral studies to persevere, despite the demands and challenges, until completion. Therefore, the aim of this book is to contribute to new knowledge in doctoral education scholarship regarding the marginalised, specifically women in Africa, by addressing the gap in literature on African women’s success within doctoral education. Not much is known about the attributes at work in African women’s attainment of doctoral degrees. This book will provide a glimpse into how African women overcome challenges by narrating the experiences of their doctoral journey. The author aspires to not only motivate other African women through the narration of these experiences but also motivate their male counterparts with whom these stories may resonate.
E Introduction
Research shows that increasing the number of doctoral graduates in higher education institutions (HEIs) is a key concern globally, given that the knowledge economy is now a major contributor to global economic development (J@rgensen 2012; Matsolo, Ningouanyeh & Susuman 2018; Nerad 2011a). In the traditional (or Mode 1) PhD, which was designed only to produce academics, a student conducted an independent study and was required to prepare a thesis of between 80,000 and 100,000 words (Thomson & Walker 2010). Only one supervisor assisted in monitoring and guiding the candidate’s progress (Nerad & Evans 2014). According to
Cloete, Sheppard and Bailey (2015) and Nerad (2015), doctoral education currently aims to produce interdisciplinary researchers (also known as Mode 2 doctoral graduates) who can engage in various professions outside of academia and who can successfully work in transnational settings with scientists and scholars from a variety of backgrounds and disciplines (Evans et al. 2014).
Despite doctoral education being seen as a gateway to jobs in research and innovation (Nerad 2011b), as well as other fields (Holley & Gardner 2012), and being perceived as an indicator of development capacity in South Africa (Herman 2014), African women still constitute a small percentage of doctoral graduates (30%) in sub-Saharan African countries (Khisa et al. 2019). The knowledge economy, according to Bratianu (2017), is distinguished by a greater emphasis on intellectual skills than on physical inputs or natural resources. Hence, the knowledge economy emphasises the importance of having scholars who can think critically and offer development prospects. Attesting to this statement, Desie and Tefera (2017, p. 91) state that ‘doctoral education cultivates thinkers and researchers’. In other words, the knowledge economy emphasises the importance of critical thinkers and developers; as a result, many African women are excluded from the category of critical thinkers and developers because the majority do not hold doctoral degrees.
According to Altay (2019), however, no nation can grow without the contribution of women; thus, modern civilisation is the result of both men and women cooperating in modern society. Hence, it is important for African women to complete their doctoral education, and even though some do complete it, documentation detailing the available opportunities and freedoms they have, the challenges they encounter in their doctoral journey, as well as their motivation to overcome these challenges to attain their goal is lacking. There is a paucity of research on African women doctoral graduates. Not much is known about this category of women’s attributes to success in doctoral studies.
Doctoral graduates are required in every country. This comprises engaging both men and women in the growth of their economies. However, the intersection of race, gender and class tends to disadvantage women within HE. Although Mokhele (2013) indicated that African women face dual oppression (that of being African and female), which puts them at a disadvantage compared to both African males and white women, this category of women’s financial background impacts their educational choices. For example, some women state that they did not further their studies after matric because they did not have money to afford tertiary education even though they qualified to study at the university level (Tsephe 2014). Furthermore, as they pursue their HE studies, they find themselves subjected to an institutionalised culture of racism and sexism (Robinson 2013). This is because of the educational environment which is influenced by patriarchal culture, prioritising men and limiting women’s rights for dignity and freedom to embark on an HE trajectory (Loots, Tsephe and Walker 2016; Sultana 2012). The experiences of African women are exaggerated or aggravated in the South African context, according to Loots et al. (2016), because of racial discrimination and strong patriarchal norms that remain closely woven throughout South African culture despite the emergence of democracy in 1994.
During the apartheid era in South Africa, for instance, racial inequality resulted in black Africans receiving substandard education, which has had a severe impact on many parts of their lives. Apartheid laws prohibited African students from enrolling in the HEls of their choosing among the current so-called 26 parliamentary-recognised universities. Among these HEls, they were only allowed to enrol in six institutions that were specifically designated for their use. Apartheid laws restricted nineteen universities as ‘white universities’. Furthermore, black Africans were discriminated against in medical service platforms as a result of existing structures. Apartheid regulations also prevented black students from health care professional training (cf. Van Rensburg 2014). The Constitution of the Republic of South Africa Act 108 of 1996, during this era, divided citizens into four racial categories at HEls: African, coloured, Indian and white (Bunting 2006). Hence, two types of universities were created because of racial segregation: historically black and historically white universities. African students were prohibited and refused entry to the then nineteen white HEls, which were significantly better endowed, with better study facilities, more senior lecturers and professors with doctoral qualifications, and thus better resourced than historically black universities (cf. Breetzke & Hedding 2018).
Universities play a critical role in the development of nations, endorsed by the National Development Plan (NDP) (National Planning Commission [NPC] 2011), as they educate and train highly qualified persons in preparation for work in both the public and private sectors. Higher education improves prosperity, social justice and democracy by allowing people to move up the social ladder (NPC 2011). Because education is viewed as a major determinant in economic growth and increased wealth, it is essential that women, particularly African women, pursue doctoral studies and get PhDs. This could assist African women students in becoming knowledge contributors and contributing to the growth of their personal lives, social mobility, gender and race equity, all of which can benefit their families and communities. Universities are platforms that support equality and diversity, as well as venues that foster original creativity and the development of lifeenhancing education or any other concerns that contribute to society (Walker & McLean 2013). It is important to note that the United Nations (UN) (2007) states unquestionably that the right to an education is high on the international community’s agenda, as evidenced by the numerous human rights treaties that governments have recognised as critical to development and social transformation. According to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (UNESCO n.d.): In 2015 world leaders signed up to the Education 2030 Sustainable Development Agenda, a structured pathway to making education accessible to all and the foundation for sustainable development and peace. UNESCO coordinates the international community to achieve the education goals of Sustainable Development Goal 4 through partnerships, policy guidance, capacity development, monitoring and advocacy with the Education 2030 Framework for Action as roadmap. (n.p.)
While doctoral education is not a right, it remains a ‘goal’ that is vital for black women to pursue it as it is widely recognised as a way of advancing human development and economic development (cf. Stromquist 2006).
As a result of the complex relationship between women’s and girls’ education and sustainable development, women are prioritised for education. ‘If you educate a man, you educate an individual’, according to an African saying. But, ‘educating a woman educates a nation’ (Dlamini & Adams 2014). These terms, however, do not exist in the academic community, as women’s dignity is still undervalued and African women continue to be underrepresented in doctoral studies. According to the Higher Education Management Information System (HEMIS) (2015), African women doctoral graduates from South African universities made up only 16% of all doctoral graduates. In 2015, African women accounted for 34% of all African doctoral graduates and 37% of all female doctoral graduates of all races. It is important at this point to mention that ‘African’ women refer to black African women, which excludes Indian and coloured women as per HEMIS categorisation. According to a study conducted by Managa (2013, p. 212), African women, in particular, ‘experience fractured doctoral careers or studies’ because of difficulties stemming from the mix of working and caring for their families.
Aja-Okorie Uzoma, affiliated with the Department of Educational Foundations, Faculty of Education, Ebonyi State University, Abakaliki, Nigeria (Aja-Okorie 2013), known for her aspirations to combat gender disparity and her research on women’s education in Nigeria, attests in her 2014 work to the importance of HE and its contribution to economic development as it is acknowledged to be in line with the broader needs of economic development and competitiveness. Despite this knowledge, Nigerian women still face numerous barriers and inhibitions that prevent them from obtaining a high-quality education, even though it is essential for both men and women to have equal opportunities to enter HE. One example of the barriers is religious restrictions on women, which impede their ability to enrol in HE. In the Boko Haram group in Northern Nigeria, some religious sects in Nigeria continue to preach and teach that women should not pursue a Western education. Although Nigeria’s National Policy on Education (2004) stipulates the inclusion of each person into high-quality, worthwhile educational opportunities for all citizens, religion contributes a great deal to women’s low participation in HE. Despite the policy indicating that all Nigerian children, regardless of sex, have complete access to high-quality education at all levels, the right to education and, thus, equitable access to education as a national objective for development has sadly not been realised, even though the UN and the Federal Government of Nigeria have recognised education as a fundamental human right. Although it is technically possible for men and women to have equal access to HE, traditional social beliefs regarding the suitability of HE for young Nigerian women are not changing as quickly towards social equality of the sexes. This evidence from Nigeria also refers to the South African context.
Despite the fact that both men and women have been known to drop out of doctoral programmes for a variety of reasons, including financial constraints, family obligations anda lack of progress in their research, women’s participation rates in doctoral programmes have increased (Herman 2011; Magano 201la). Rathgeber (2013), on the other hand, indicates that some public institutions have established parallel programmes with various selection criteria, where students who are studying part-time occasionally pay full tuition. This has helped students who would not have otherwise been able to pursue HE, including married women. However, it is possible that men have a higher percentage of completion than women, partly because of the masculine culture in HEls, which includes things like having more male senior lecturers or academics (Brown & Watson 2010; Haake 2011; Ismail 2011). Several studies have demonstrated how a lack of role models, mentorship, insufficient funding, dual identities and a masculine environment impact African women’s experience and performance in doctoral studies (Brown & Watson 2010; Johnson-Bailey et al. 2009). Despite these challenges, it is worth noting that some women do complete their PhDs. This book’s aim is to showcase the approaches employed by some women in Africa that made the completion of their doctoral education possible. Having more literature on African women’s positive narratives regarding their doctoral journeys may influence people who aspire to attain PhDs to see that such attainment is possible, and hence, they may feel encouraged to enrol and realise their dream.
However, in this book, | will demonstrate that because of the African culture, HEls are not fully encouraging women’s participation. This is seemingly because of the existing patriarchal system that still influences relationships between women and men. Despite these male-favouring systems, women started pursuing doctoral education to better themselves. The section that follows discusses how patriarchy affects women’s status in society.
E Women in Africa are neglected because of institutional culture influenced by patriarchy
Women all around the world may have experienced or still experience marginalisation in their lives because of patriarchy. Patriarchy refers to a system that activated and institutionalised male dominance over women and children in the family and the expansion of the supremacy of men over women in society (Sultana 2012). The patriarchal structure has shaped social connections in Africa in particular. Women and girls take on domestic and caring chores because of traditional gender roles, and this has an impact on women’s economical participation (Uddin 2021). Chege and Arnot (2012) further state that the dependence on females for tasks involving caring for other family members, overseeing rituals connected with marriage, childbearing and their transitioning into adulthood affect young men and women’s access to and outcomes from schooling. Women are consequently subjected to significant discrimination (Makama 2013), as they are expected to perform all duties at home as well as outside, putting them at a disadvantage compared to their male counterparts as men undertake minimal tasks within their families. Although males are not born to be breadwinners and women to be carers, both groups are socially conditioned to fulfil these ‘traditional roles’, and cultivate various mystified personality traits as if they are divinely ordained from creation (cf. Robinson 2013). For instance, girls are taught that their jobs are at home, and their mothers direct and educate them on how to care for their homes as they grow up (Magano 201la). Women find themselves working at home rather than in a competitive environment like the office, and as a result, they are viewed as inferior to males. Mapuranga (2013) and Udoh, Folarin and Isumonah (2020) claim that religion and culture are the main reasons for women being seen as more helpful when coming to private issues and thus keeping women in the kitchen. In patriarchal societies, women are frequently viewed as subordinates who belong in the kitchen (Makama 2013). Although the Beijing Declaration of 1995 stipulated that there should be equal access to and equal treatment of women and men in education and thus empowerment of women through gender equality, African women are marginalised by a long-standing patriarchal regime. This is because a patriarchal system does not provide a conducive environment for women and girls to thrive, and their participation in household tasks is typically higher than that of their male counterparts. Despite the integration of modernity into human life in Africa, little progress has been made in this area. The challenging quest for gender equality is complicated by the continent’s practically inescapable gender dynamics.
Women are rarely placed in management positions because they have historically been subjugated to men, whether at home or in business (Makama 2013). Therefore, male domination impedes the advancement and development of women as a result of cultural norms that oppress women (Sultana 2012). Thus, an obstruction to women’s access to quality education is the assignment of patriarchal roles (Devkota 2021). This is a product of the male-dominated, competitive culture prevalent in HE, which disadvantages women (Magano 2011b). Particularly in sectors where white men predominate, like the natural sciences, it can be difficult for women to adjust to and integrate into HE (Tsephe 2014). The high female attrition rate from doctoral programmes may also be partially explained by academic environments that provide women with fewer opportunities than men. There are inequalities in academia that are exacerbated by a lack of a supportive environment. For instance, although African women are incorporated into previously white, male disciplines, the use of equipment requiring manual labour forces women to rely on their male counterparts for favours, which impedes the advancement of women and their retention (Managa 2013).
Because of the demands of being a mother or a working mother, it is difficult to enrol women in doctoral programmes and retain them until completion because they are more likely to become lost in the system and drop out. This is because many HEls do not have family policies that support working mothers (Keen & Salvatorelli 2016). For instance, there is no documented literature regarding kindergartens within the universities where mothers who are studying can take their children. For instance, there is Little Professors Crèche within the University of the Free State, which enrols children from the ages of six-months-old to six-years-old. This facility is open to everyone, but preference is given to university staff. Because there is no documented scientific literature on this facility, women students may not have the information on whether the facility is open to enrol their children as well because it is assumed to be open for staff and anyone who could afford it, leaving slim chances for student mothers because of financial challenges. The affordability of daycare for studying mothers was attested to by some African women graduates when they explained some of the challenges they encountered on their doctoral journeys (Tsephe 2021).
In supporting their spouses in achieving their goals, women put their dreams on hold and serve as the primary carers for their children. This enables the husbands to pursue their careers while the majority of women choose to postpone their enrolment in doctoral programmes, according to Prozesky (2008). Another factor influencing women’s decision to pursue HE and one that contributes to the low enrolment of women in sub-Saharan African nations is the social stigmatisation they face should they defy social norms and beliefs that a good woman takes care of the home and takes pride in motherhood because it has a high social value. Society expects women to always prioritise being there for their children and husbands; hence, their womanhood is questioned when one is a working mother and pursuing her dream. Women are expected to let their own dreams take a back seat. Consequently, the notion of a ‘good woman’ governs a woman’s allocation of her time and effort (Carter, Blumenstein & Cook 2013, p. 341).
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