The Origin and Early Development of the Zhou Changes

Front matter

PROGNOSTICATION IN HISTORY

DH

The Origin and Early

PART 1 The Context

The Zhou Changes: Received Text and Early Manuscripts

2 The Philosophy of Divination in Ancient China 65 3 Turtle-Shell Divination 85 4 Milfoil Divination 143 5 Milfoil Divination with the Zhou Changes 214 6 The PoeticImagination 272 PART 2 The Text 7 TheHexagram 289 8 TheHexagram Statement 314 9 TheLlineStatement 347 io Intra-hexagram and Inter-hexagram Structures of Hexagram

Texts 396

VI

CONTENTS The Hexagram Sequence 430 From Divination to Philosophy 453 Works Cited 501

Index of Zhou Changes Hexagram and Line Statements Cited 520 General Index 525

Preface

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RIR ta 1o aa FIGURE 0.1 Plan of Western Zhou structure at Shaochen £1 $K; from Fu Xinian R 224,

“Shaanxi Fufeng Shao-Chen Xi Zhou jianzhu yizhi chutan: Zhouyuan Xi Zhou jianzhu yizhi yanjiu zhi er" Xu Jte Bgpu EE See ER : FE Vu TESROGEHRHETAC Z, Wenwu XH) 1981.3: 37

VIII PREFACE

The reconstruction of this Western Zhou temple depicted above was achieved through the methodology of archaeology. At least four steps were required before the picture could be completed. First, successive layers of accumulated Chinese history had to be penetrated, coming at last to the pisé foundation on which the temple was erected. Next, the perimeter of the foundation had to be determined, thereby demonstrating the size and outline of the structure. Third, post-holes cut into the pisé indicated the detailed configuration of the temple’s walls and some idea of the supporting structure of the roofing. And finally, comparative evidence and a degree of imagination allowed the archaeologists to draw in the roof.

In the following pages I propose to undertake a somewhat similar reconstruction of another temple of the Western Zhou. The same four-stage methodology will be employed: successive layers of Chinese history will have to be penetrated, the outline of the foundation will have to be determined, markpoints will have to be found in that foundation demonstrating how the edifice was constructed, and finally, a degree of imagination will be required to complete the picture. But the result of this reconstruction effort will inevitably be less graphically satisfying than that of the temple at Shaochen village, for although the temple with which we will be concerned was crafted by the same Western Zhou men out of the same hard Western Zhou earth, it was constructed of ideas and images rather than of timber and thatch. This temple of which I speak is the Zhou Changes.

The comparison is not fatuous. As surely as men worshipped in the temple at Shaochen, so too have one hundred generations of Chinese never ceased to worship at the temple of the Zhou Changes. But exposure to the light of day can result in the same type of disfiguration of original structures as can such long burial as that at Shaochen. Living institutions invariably and ceaselessly evolve. This has been true also with the Zhou Changes. Early on, a cult formed around the sacred scripture, giving rise in turn to an intermediary priesthood formed in order to explain its mysteries. Later, successive generations never hesitated to change the temple trappings to suit the fashions of their own day. This evolutionary process continues even today with the Zhou Changes.

But for better or for worse, modern historical scholarship is decidedly agnostic. We in the halls of academe are only anthropologically concerned with cult. We are interested in the context of cult: where did it happen? when did it happen? how did it happen and what actually happened? who was responsible? and finally why did it happen? We are fortunate with regard to the period since the formal organization of the cult of the Zhou Changes to have abundant evidence with which to answer these questions. Unfortunately, even the beginning of that period some two thousand years ago was already long removed from the

PREFACE IX original creation of the temple by the people of the Western Zhou. But thanks largely to the efforts of modern archaeologists and their related brethren the paleographers and historians of ancient China, it is now becoming ever more possible to ask these questions even of the time when the Zhou Changes was but newly built. Indeed, it is time that these questions must be asked. For as splendid as the temple at Shaochen appears, it is but a hollow shell. It is from relics such as the Zhou Changes that the spirit of the time may finally be divined.!

Ibegthereader's indulgence to begin this book on the origin and early development of the Zhou Changes with a lengthy quotation from the very beginning of my own doctoral dissertation, written almost forty years ago. I hope that the reader will excuse the purple prose as just an indication of my youthful exuberance, but see in that exuberance something of the spirit that I brought to that dissertation. While I hope that my writing style now is a little less breathless, I also hope that I have not lost any of that exuberance for the topic, or any of the imagination that I suggested was necessary to complete the picture.

It has become quite standard in the American scholarly world for newly minted Ph.D.s to go on to publish the dissertation as their first book. In the Spring of 1986, less than three years after completing my degree, I was approached by Jim Clarke, then director of the University of California Press, who inquired whether I would consider publishing the dissertation book with his press. Of course, I was flattered but also reluctant. As I told Mr. Clarke, I was then deep into another research project, studying the bronze inscriptions of the Western Zhou dynasty, hoping thereby to gain a better control over the linguistic context of the period.? I promised him that once I had gained that better control that I would return to the dissertation and to the Zhou Changes.

Ihopedto do so when I finally had my first research leave from the University of Chicago, in 1993-1994. However, in the middle of that year the Mawangdui F5

Et manuscript of the Yijing, first unearthed twenty years earlier, was finally published and I was invited by Owen Lock of Ballantine Books to publish a translation of it. Again, I was flattered and happy to be paid for a task that I would surely have turned my attention to in any event. In the years immediately after publishing that translation,? three more manuscripts that had been

1 EdwardLouis Shaughnessy, "The Composition of the Zhouyi" (Ph.D. diss.: Stanford University, 1983), vii-ix, changing “Zhouyi” to “Zhou Changes" in line with usage of the present book.

2 The result of this research was published in due course, with the University of California Press: Sources of Western Zhou History: Inscribed Bronze Vessels (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).

3 This book too was published in due course: I Ching, The Classic of Changes: The First English

X PREFACE unearthed in the intervening time were also made available in China, and I published preliminary reports on each of them in scholarly journals.^ In 2007- 2008, the beneficiary of another sabbatical leave, I thought that maybe I would finally return to the dissertation. However, for reasons no longer clear to me (I seem to recall that it had something to do with becoming chair of my department at Chicago), I decided instead to gather these preliminary articles and to pair them with translations of all three of those newly published manuscripts, which could then be published as a single book.5

I was beginning to think that my dissertation would remain just that: my dissertation. However, as luck would have it, as I was writing my book on the unearthed manuscripts of and related to the Zhou Changes, the Chinese government launched a major initiative called the “2011 Project,” one important item of which was designed to reconsider the Chinese traditional literary heritage in the light of recent archaeological discoveries. This project brought together scholars from eleven different universities and research institutes under the joint leadership of Li Xueqin ZE£2 8 (1933-2019) of Tsinghua University in Beijing and Qiu Xigui 2297 of Fudan University in Shanghai, then the two greatest authorities on China's ancient cultural history. In 2014, Professor Qiu invited me to write the Project's book on the Yijing. Imagine my shock at this, that a major research project funded by the Chinese government and intended to reconsider China's literary heritage would invite a foreign scholar to write the book on the Yijing, arguably the most important single book in that tradition. Needless to say, I was once again flattered and could not possibly say no to Professor Qiu.

However, while I could not say no, I accepted with three conditions. First, I would write the book that I wanted to write, which was finally to finish my dissertation. Second, I would not be able to begin work immediately. I was just then in the process of writing a very different kind of book: a comprehensive overview of the contributions that Western Sinology has made to the study of Chinese unearthed texts. This book too was started at the instigation of friends

Translation of the Newly Discovered Second-Century BCE Mawangdui Texts (New York: Ballantine Press, 1996).

4 “The Wangjiatai Gui Cang: An Alternative to Yijing Divination,” in A. Cadonna, and E. Bianchi, eds., Facets of Tibetan Religious Tradition and Contacts with Neighbouring Cultural Areas, Orientalia Venetiana 12 (Firenze: L.S. Olschki, 2002), 95-126; "The Fuyang Zhou Yi and the Making of a Divination Manual,” Asia Major, 3rd ser., 14.1 (2001 [actually 2003]): 7-18; “A First Reading of the Shanghai Museum Bamboo-Strip Manuscript of the Zhou Yi,” Early China 30 (2005): 1-24.

5 Edward L. Shaughnessy, Unearthing the Changes: Recently Discovered Manuscripts of and Relating to the Yi Jing (New York: Columbia University Press, 2014).

PREFACE XI in China, and was absorbing much of my time and energy. I wanted to finish that book before turning my attention back to the Zhou Changes.® Professor Qiu agreed to both of these conditions without hesitation. The third condition was more problematic. I insisted on writing the book in English. I have spent much of my scholarly career writing in Chinese, which is doubtless why Professor Qiu invited me to write the book in the first place. However, two factors caused me to be reluctant to write this book in Chinese. First, the book I was then writing was in Chinese, and I became quite aware of just how limited my ability to express myself in Chinese is over the course of a lengthy book (that book was eventually published at 650 pages). Second, and much more important, in the years immediately preceding Professor Qiu’s invitation I had come to know a brilliant young scholar from Fudan University: Dr. Jiang Wen j& x. Then a post-doctoral fellow at Chicago (she is now an instructor at Fudan), she had translated a couple of short pieces that I had written about other topics, and had demonstrated both a perfect grasp of what I was saying and also an ability to put it into straight-forward but elegant Chinese. I asked Professor Qiu to make Dr. Jiang available to undertake the translation when I would finally finish the English draft, and he—and she—readily agreed."

In publishing this study, I am well aware of three possible dangers—for me and for my readers. First, I have been studying and writing about the Zhou Changes and the Yijing for over forty years now, and although I have learned a thing or two since first writing my doctoral dissertation, I know very well the danger of repeating myself, at least in many details if not in the grand organization. I will just have to trust that readers who have read much of my already published scholarship will be forgiving, and that I will have something to offer to newer readers. Second, as noted above, this book was originally intended for Chinese readers, even though I subsequently determined that it should appear in both Chinese and English. These different groups of readers approach the topic with very different backgrounds and very different sets of expectations. Even in terms of general presentation, Chinese readers tend to expect extensive surveys of the relevant data, while Western readers value analyses of paradigmatic cases. In trying to satisfy both of these demands, I suspect thatto a greater

6 Ifinished writing this book in the summer of 2017, and saw it through to publication in the

spring of 2018: Xia Hanyi Ef S&K, Xiguan Han ji: Xifang Hanxue chutu wenxian yanjiu gaiyao

Jui ds — vg 75 SER E EE (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji chubanshe, 2018). For a translation into English, see Edward L. Shaughnessy, Chinese Annals in the Western Observatory: An Overview of Western Sinologists’ Studies of Chinese Excavated Documents, Jao Tsung-i Academy of Sinology Monograph (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2019).

7 XiaHanyi ZAR, Zhou Yi de qiyuan yu qi zaoqi yanbian. (FAA) ARR ELEC FENA, Jiang Wen HX tr. (Shanghai: Shanghai Guji chubanshe, 2022).

XII PREFACE or lesser extent I will dissatisfy both sets of readers. Third, I am all too aware of the danger of trying to produce a general theory of the Zhou Changes. Having begun my doctoral dissertation—and this book—with an architectural rendering of an ancient Chinese temple, I very much take to heart a warning by Li Xueqin, who himself published some of the most outstanding research on the Zhou Changes:

I often feel that studying the Zhou Changes is very “dangerous.” The text of the Zhou Changes is arcane and simple, but subtle and abstruse; you can explain it this way, but it is also not hard to explain it that way. It’s bad enough if you borrow the terminology of the Changes to express your own thoughts, but if you want to find the original meaning of the Changes, it is really too difficult. One very common result is that one constructs upon the foundation of one’s own imagination a seven-storeyed pagoda, the soaring eaves and complex structure of which give the architect the sense that it is entirely natural.®

Ihave no illusion that the present book constitutes any sort of “seven-storeyed pagoda,” but I am well aware that many of my conclusions are constructed upon the foundation of my own imagination. My only defense in this regard is the book itself. To the extent that some readers may find it helpful in explaining some aspects of the Zhou Changes, my forty years of study of the text will not have been in vain. And I know full well that other readers will feel that I have misinterpreted or simply left unexplained many other aspects of the text. I hope those readers will be inspired by my mistakes to undertake their own explanations. I very much look forward to spending the next forty years reading their work.

8 LiXueqin £), "Xu" FF, in Xing Wen HEX, Boshu Zhou Yi yanjiu As DIHA (Beijing: Renmin chubanshe, 1997), 2.

Acknowledgments

It probably goes without saying that over the course of these forty or more years of studying the Zhou Changes 1 have been helped by hundreds of people, acknowledging all of whom would amount to an intellectual autobiography. While I don't propose to subject the reader to that exercise, I should certainly mention my first teacher of the Changes, Aisingioro Yuyun $% yr i

Si (1906-2011), and the two major advisers of my doctoral dissertation: David

S. Nivison (19223-2014) and David N. Keightley (1932-2017); what I learned from these three teachers went well beyond the Zhou Changes, and are lessons that have remained with me every day in my life as a scholar. Turning to individuals who have had a direct hand in the writing of the present book, I should begin with Li Xueqin 42:8) (1933-2019) and Qiu Xigui $5 Æ, two other teachers whose invitation to write the book I recounted above; to Professors Li and Qiu too, my intellectual debts far exceed anything that I could repay with just this one book. Next, I must thank Dr. Jiang Wen i£ x, who I also mentioned above as the translator of the Chinese version of this book. She has done far more than just produce a splendid translation; she has checked all of my citations, and corrected numerous mistakes in my initial draft; while she refers to me as her teacher, in truth I regard her as my newest teacher.

I thank too Rich Smith and Adam Schwartz, two friends who have contributed much to my understanding of the Zhou Changes and who read the entire manuscript of this book in draft and offered many corrections. This is the second book for which Rich has done me this favor, and my debt to him is especially deep. I should also mention the anonymous Brill referee, who also favored me with several pages of very helpful corrections. Of course, it goes without saying that the remaining mistakes are all my own responsibility.

Other friends who have helped by providing materials and help with the production of the book include Professor Jia Lianxiang £787] and my student Wu Fang 5277. Others who have given permission to use their materials are credited in the notes and captions to illustrations.

Finally, I should like to express my debt to four institutions: first and foremost, the University of Chicago, which has been my intellectual home throughout my entire career. Among many other reasons for me to grateful to them, I appreciate that my colleagues did not require me to publish the dissertation before I was ready to do so. Second, I should also like to thank the Siemens Foundation of Munich, Germany, and especially its director Heinrich Meier, who sponsored me during academic year 2017-2018, during which time I was able to focus exclusively on the writing of the book; without their timely

KIV ACKNOWLEDGMENTS support, the book would doubtless still be just the dissertation. Third and fourth, I should like to thank the IKGF (Internationales Kolleg fiir Geisteswissenschaftliche Forschung) at the University Erlangen-Nuremberg, and especially its director Professor Michael Lackner, for accepting this book in their long-term project “Fate, Freedom and Prognostication,' and the Chutu wenxian yu guwenzi yanjiu zhongxin H E XRT X381 2t UD (Center for the Study of Unearthed Documents and Paleography) at Fudan University f£ HA £& and especially its director Professor Liu Zhao 2I/£1|, for supporting the work of Dr. Jiang Wen and the publication of her Chinese translation of the book.

Figures and Tables

4.10

10.1

Figures

Plan of Western Zhou structure at Shaochen Zi — VII

Pottery paddle cux $£2:1 excavated at Xiren Village Vg[ |j, Shaanxi 31

Pottery paddle cux $2: 2 excavated at Xiren Village v&[ f, Shaanxi,

2001 32

Photograph of Ding 5! hexagram dagger-axe 34

Photograph of inscription on Ding i! hexagram dagger-axe 35

Rubbing of Ding 4 hexagram dagger-axe inscription, inverted so as better to display the two halves of the inscription 36

Zhouyuan JJF oracle bone Hua 99 Line drawing of Qijia Village oracle bone 100 Cracks on a Shang-dynasty oracle bone 127

Photographic reproduction of the *Shifa 45; ; manuscript 145

Schematic drawing of the *Shifa 45;:; manuscript layout 146

Tsinghua manuscript “Shifa “The Earthly Branches and Lines” 149 Tsinghua manuscript “Diagram of the Trigram Position and Diagram of the Human Body” 152

Tsinghua manuscript *Shifa “Diagram of Trigram Position" 155

Schematic drawings of the sixteen trigrams of the Peking University Jing Jue manuscript 162

Line drawing of Zhouyuan JJ oracle-bone inscription Hu:85 — 175

Infrared photographs of Peking University Jing Jue manuscript trigrams Ji C. and Wu JX 198

Tsinghua University manuscript *Shifa “Hexagrams” 199

Tsinghua University manuscript *Shifa "Hexagrams" with numbers 4, 5, 8, and 9 200

Theeighttrigrams | 291

Tsinghua manuscript "Diagram of the Trigram Position and Diagram of the Human Body" 296

The sixty-four hexagrams 299

A bronze ding-caldron from the Western Zhou period, c. B00BCE 300 Shang oracle-bone inscription Heji #27456 illustrating use of word xiang

Shang oracle-bone inscriptions Heji #27138 and #27321 illustrating use of word xiang $ 331

Lines of Ding 5i! Æ "Caldron" (#50) hexagram juxtaposed with acaldron 399

KVI

10.2

10.3

10.4

10.5

11.1

11.2

4.1 4.2

4-3

4-4

4-5

4.6

5.1 5.2

7-1 7-2

11.1

11.2

11.3

11.4

FIGURES AND TABLES

Lines of Xian j& Z "Feeling" (#31) and Gen E. F “Stilling” (#52) hexagrams juxtaposed with a jade figurine of the human body 402

Comparison of Shang oracle-bone forms of the character for long ÑE “dragon” and the composition of the seven lunar lodges that compose the “Dragon” constellation 414

The fourteen stars in Corona Australis, referred to in China as Bi %&

“Turtle” 420

== tte Se

The invertible pair Zhun ti, #2 “Sprouting” (#3) and Meng 5 E “Shrouded”

(#4) hexagrams conceived as sharing one hexagram picture 424 Sun Peiyang’s initial reconstruction of Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript 449

Sun Peiyang’s revised reconstruction of Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi manuscript 450

Tables

Tsinghua Manuscript *Shifa Associations of Trigrams with Seasons 156 Tsinghua Manuscript *Shifa Associations of Trigrams with Heavenly Stems and Earthly Branches 157

Numbers Seen in Divination Results from Tianxingguan X & €, Baoshan LL, and Geling Zi 201

Numbers Seen in Divination Results from Tsinghua University Manuscript *Shifa 201

Distribution of Numbers Seen in all Unearthed Warring States Divination

Results 202

Distribution of Numbers According to the Sortilege Method of Jia Lianxiang =

AX and in Unearthed Warring States Divination Results 204

Gao Heng's Deduction of Hexagram Line to Use in Prognostication 252 Gao Heng's Zuo Zhuan Examples of Milfoil Divination with Zhou

Changes 253

Associations of the Eight Trigrams 291

Hexagram Names in the Zhou Changes and Its Five Manuscripts and Gui Cang Compared 310

Sequence of Hexagrams in the Za Gua 3f] Mixed Hexagrams Commentary 433

Sequence of Hexagrams in the Mawangdui Manuscript 436

Distribution of Red and/or Black Symbols in the Shanghai Museum Manuscript 440

The Shanghai Museum Hexagram Sequence according to Pu Maozuo 443

FIGURES AND TABLES KVII

11.5 Physical Circumstances of the Shanghai Museum Zhou Yi Manuscript Bamboo Strips 446

12.1 Attributes of the Eight Trigrams Contained in the Shuo gua zhuan sz; EM Commentary Discussing the Trigrams 462

Conventions

Although the two titles Zhou Yi j £j Zhou Changes and Yijing 228 Classic of Changes are used more or less interchangeably in China, and although the text is far better known in the West by the latter of these two titles (usually in the Romanization J Ching), I will use both titles but will strictly differentiate between them. In this book, Zhou Yi f&j Zj Zhou Changes will refer solely to the hexagram and line statements of the text—especially as understood within the context of the Zhou dynasty (1045-249 BCE). Yijing 34% Classic of Changes, on the other hand, will be used for the entirety of the received text inclusive of the canonical commentaries, the so-called “Ten Wings” (Shi yi -+-32)— especially as understood as a “classic” ( jing &&).

Except for very occasional references to others’ translations of the Yijing, all translations in this book, whether of the Zhou Yi, the Yijing, or other texts, are by me. Fora comment on my philosophy of translating the Zhou Yi in particular, see pp. 9-12.

Since the Yijing is widely available in standard editions, most of which follow a similar sequence of contents, I will not provide bibliographic citations to that text. For other works, both traditional and modern, full bibliographic citations will be provided at the first mention, and will be repeated in the Bibliography. However, to avoid redundancy to the extent possible, thereafter works will be cited only by author's last name (for Chinese authors, the full name will be given in Romanization), by an abbreviation of the title, and by relevant page numbers. Except in very rare cases, I will cite traditional Chinese works in the following editions: the "thirteen classics" will be cited in page number in Ruan Yuan Pit ed., Shisan jing zhushu + — €x: fi (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2009); the dynastic histories will be cited by page number in the various Zhonghua shuju editions; other works will be cited by juan # and folio number in the

Sibu beiyao Uf, 8 edition or in other standard scholarly editions.

Introduction

We are fortunate today in that there are probably more sources—and more varied sources—available to study the origin and early development of the Zhou Changes than at any time since the end of the Han dynasty (A.D. 220), and perhaps even since the end of the Zhou dynasty (249 BCE). Some of these sources, including some of the most important, have long been available, but many others have been unearthed only in the last several decades. Some of these new sources have made it possible to ask entirely new questions about the text and especially its early context. Of course, there is no way to know how many and what kind of other sources have been lost over the centuries. We can only guess at what kinds of sources there may have been during the crucial first centuries of the text's history. Thus, even though we can now say some things about the origin and early development of the Zhou Changes with more assurance than has ever before been possible, it is important to admit at the outset that much that is said about these topics—including much that will be said in the present book—is guesswork that may well be overturned with the next discovery to come out of the soil of China. This state of uncertainty may be disconcerting for some readers, but I for one find the prospect of learning new things about the text—and even being proven wrong—to be quite thrilling.

However, the prospect that more evidence will almost certainly be forthcoming in future years ought not induce a sort of intellectual paralysis keeping us from taking account of what we can know today and also formulating hypotheses that can be tested against that future evidence. Even aside from the personal imperative for me finally to finish my doctoral dissertation work while I still can, now would be an opportune time to undertake a comprehensive review of this topic. By the time this book is published and in the hands of readers, it will have been almost fifty years since the discovery of the early

Han-dynasty silk manuscripts in Tomb 3 at Mawangdui /5 3f, Hunan, that revolutionized the study of ancient Chinese intellectual and textual history.! The manuscripts in that tomb included a nearly complete text of the Zhou Changes, even if very differently arranged, as well as various commentaries,

1 Scholarship on the Mawangdui manuscripts is vast. For the now definitive editions of the texts, see Hunan sheng bowuguan, and Fudan daxue Chutu wenxian yu guwenzi yanjiu zhongxin eds., Qiu Xigui $Z Æ, ed.-in-chief, Changsha Mawangdui Han mu jianbo jicheng

RYE TE He S fg En f pc, 7 volumes (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2014). For an overview

of Western scholarship on the manuscripts, see Shaughnessy, Chinese Annals in the Western

Observatory, 289-311.

© EDWARD L. SHAUGHNESSY, 2022 | D01:10.1163/9789004513945 002 This is an open access chapter distributed under the terms of the CC BY-NC-ND 4.0 license.

some previously known and others seen for the first time in over two thousand years. Although for various reasons this discovery was very slow in being published, the complete text only becoming available to the scholarly public some twenty years later, and even at that only in an unofficial format, just the knowledge that such a manuscript existed stimulated new interest in the early history of the text.2 While waiting for the Mawangdui manuscript to be published, scholars interested in the early history of the Zhou Changes and especially the context of divination in ancient China could turn their attention to several other important discoveries made throughout the 1970s and 1980s. These discoveries were of various types: in 1975, Qin-period (217BCE) divinatory texts called “Daybooks” (rishu H $) excavated from tomb Mn at Shuihudi [fe gz ith, Hubei suggested just how pervasive the practice of divination had become by the time of these texts, and showed also that much of their language was simiul lar to the divination formulas of the Zhou Changes? in 1977, early Zhou-dynasty oracle-bone inscriptions (uth c. BCE) found in the Zhou ancestral homeland of Qishan lk] county, Shaanxi demonstrated that the practice of turtle-shell divination by no means ended with the end of the Shang dynasty and, more

2 The portion of the manuscript containing the hexagram and line statements of the Zhou Yi was first published, in simplified Chinese characters, in 1984: Mawangdui Han mu boshu zhengli xiaozu, “Mawangdui boshu Liushisi gua shiwen" EE E J£ Ep S$ 7x t VU Eh EL, Wenwu SY) 3 (1984): 1-8. The various commentaries were then published ten years later, in an even more informal manner: Chen Songchang USES, “Boshu Xi ci shiwen" BE (HE BE) TEL Daojia wenhua yanjiu 35 A X {LE 3 (1993): 416-423; Chen Songchang [Sii FAR, "Mawangdui bo shu Mu He Zhao Li shiwe” E Eti zi CERTI) (HBT) X, Daojia wenhua yanjiu 352 MALIH 6 (1995): 367-380; Chen Songchang BETA fe and Liao Mingchun BÆ, "Boshu Ersanzi wen Yi zhi yi Yao shiwe” HE (—— Fr) (73) (E) FES, Daojia wenhua yanjiu HAC LHF 3 (1993): 424-435. Another almost fifteen years later brought the original editor's final edition of the manuscript: Zhang Zhenglang 5E IBUR, Mawangdui boshu Zhou Yi jing zhuan jiaodu BEHS (FAA) RAR (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2008), and then a few years later still the definitive edition: Hunan

Km sheng bowuguan and Fudan daxue Chutu wenxian yu guwenzi yanjiu zhongxin, eds., Changsha Mawangdui Han mu jianbo jicheng, vol. 3, 3-162. For a posthumous collection of essays by Zhang Zhenglang, the original editor of the Mawangdui Zhou Yi manuscript, see Zhang Zhenglang 5 BLE, Li Ling £, ed., Zhang Zhenglang lun Yi conggao IRER aS (4) 8% f (Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 2011). For Western-language translations and studies of the manuscript, see Dominique Hertzer, Das Mawangdui-Yijing: Text und Deutung, Diederichs Gelbe Reihe 122 (Munich: Diederichs, 1996); Shaughnessy, I Ching: The Classic of Changes.