Women’s Tanci Fiction in Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China

Front matter

Women's Tanci Fiction in Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China

PURDUE UNIVERSITY PRESS

Women's Tanci Fiction in Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China

Contents

Editor's Preface ix Acknowledgments xi Introduction 1 Chapter One

(Destiny of Rebirth) 33 Chapter Two

(Blossom from the Brush) 60 Chapter Three

Introduction

This book-length study of women's written tanci in the late imperial to early modern period aims to contribute to the study of Chinese folk narratives. Tanci (S#i#]), which means "plucking rhymes," is called so because "the verse sections of such long narratives are sung to the plucked accompaniment of the lute" (Hu, Siao-chen, "Qiu Xinru" 539). The concept of tanci includes two categories. One is the orally performed, seven-character liberatto that has been popular in the southern Yangzi River area for centuries. The second is tanci fiction, a prosimetrical narrative genre written in rhymed lines, composed chiefly for reading. In this book I focus on the second category, tanci fiction. My point of departure for this study is voice, a theme which I explore not merely as an affect of speaking established through women's textual maneuvers or constructed through patterns of oral narratives, but also as an act of acquiring social agency, of reinforcing one's subjectivity through speaking, of evoking the spirit of the past and embracing the present, and of finding empowerment and spiritual survival through one's own words. I address the value of reinstating tanci to its place in the heritage of Chinese women's narratives, as well as exploring tanci as an energizing and meaningful resource that exercises an intercultural and even global significance for a global audience.

Current scholarship on tanci encompasses research on orally performed tanci as a form of folk narrative and studies of late imperial women's written tanci novels which were composed for reading. Among researchers who approach tanci as an oral narrative form, Mark Bender, Vibeke Bordahl, and Stephanie J. Webster Cheng have investigated the genre of tanci in relation to folk ballads as well as the composition, revision, and performance of modern and contemporary tanci songs. Among the critics who focus on women's tanci fiction and its gendered readership, Hu Siao-chen considers late imperial women's tanci fiction as a form of écriture feminine which demonstrates resistance to patriarchal values. Ellen Widmer, in a comparative analysis of tanci and vernacular fiction, offers an insightful case study of the tanci author and editor Hou Zhi (2) and the circulation and reception of her writings. In mainland China, Bao Zhenpei and Zheng Zhimei both provide historical studies of the tanci tradition as related to Chinese women's literary activities of the Ming and Qing periods. Maram Epstein and Ying Zou explore women's rewriting of Confucian orthodox conceptions of gender roles in tanci novels, and investigate how

Guo, Li. Women’s Tanci Fiction In Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China.

E-book, West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2015, https://doi.org/10.5703/128828431 7630 Downloaded on behalf of University of Michigan, Ann Arbor tanci authors negotiate with their prescribed gender roles and reimagine the domestic sphere as a site of feminine autonomy and self-empowerment.

Building on these critical studies, this book explores late imperial and early twentieth-century women's tanci fiction from the approach of comparative cultural studies. Women's tanci fiction is usually laid out in prosimetrical, seven-character lines and produced at the length of voluminous novels. In the Ming and Qing periods, governing-class women transformed tanci fiction into a unique medium of feminine expressions of loyality, filiality, and heroic aspirations. Such tanci novels, Hu Siao-chen argues, "can be thought of as the feminine counterpart to AN (xiaoshuo, vernacular fiction) in late imperial China" (Hu, Siao-chen, "War, Violence, and the Metaphor of Blood" 250). This study offers a diachronic vision of late imperial and early twentieth-century tanci and locates agency at the center of women's collective empowerment. It illustrates the intricate connection between literary tanci, its imaginary representation of gender roles, and the social environments that have contributed to such multilayered textual representations. I understand women's tanci fiction as a repertoire of tales that revitalize current discussions about the question of women as collectively reflected in diverse national, historical, and geographical domains. I explore the long-lasting values of tanci in the Chinese women's literary tradition, engaging this analysis of the genre in dialogue with studies on gender, agency, and voice in late imperial women's literature, such as criticisms offered by Ellen Widmer, Grace S. Fong, and Maureen Robertson. A study of tanci fiction opens up a space for the comparative investigation of conjunctions of nation building, gender, and representation, as Benedict Anderson, Joan Judge, and Tani E. Barlow vigorously investigated in the international milieu of women's studies. Tanci tales perform important cultural work around issues of gendered agency and freedom, and presage contemporary feminism's calls for an ongoing empowerment of women in a global context. The meanings of these late imperial and early twentieth-century works are contingent upon specific social and cultural landscapes as well as the historical negotiation by women of their social presence.

This book is a timely endeavor that addresses the increasing interest in Chinese women's late imperial and early modern fiction among a transnational audience. Zanci novels about women military leaders, artists, cross-dressers, and doctors depict women of various social classes with a vivid realism. Late imperial women inherited tales from the preceding dynasties and made them their own as they circulated, chanted, and rewrote what they had received. The expansive timeframe of this study designates women's writing of tanci as a continuous and proliferating process. Drawing on women's studies perspectives, this book increases scholarly access to tanci in the English-speaking world by offering translations and close analyses of important tanci works. Although the importance of many inspiring tanci tales is widely acknowledged by audiences in China, scholarship on these works is sparse. This book, containing my translation of selected passages from Chinese into English, offers English readers a comprehensive overview of tanci narratives and of their most significant textual scenarios.

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Thanks to its combination of advanced scholarship with extensive translation, this study addresses scholars of Asian studies, Chinese folk literature, and women's and gender studies. It also serves as an introduction to tanci fiction and some of its representative texts for nonspecialists and scholars of East Asian literature and culture, folklore traditions, women's literature, and comparative literature. Close attention to the specific circumstances of the tanci authors' lives and times guards against a generalized positioning of feminine subjectivity. Thorough discussions of the emergence, evolution, and impact of women's tanci and the historical forces acting on the formation of the genre serve as the background for an investigation of cross-dressing, self-portraiture, and authorial self-representation, all of which are embedded in this literary tradition. Readers of this book may find the images of heroic women to be sources of intercultural sharing and appreciation, and perhaps will form a new generation of tanci readers who will preserve this genre for the benefit of the multilingual global community.

My research of tanci novels contributes to current scholarship by exploring key themes that gain symphonic depth over five novel-length late imperial and early modern tanci novels: HE (Zaishengyuan, Destiny of Rebirth; eighteenth century); FE (Bishenghua, Blossom from the Brush; nineteenth century), 25224 (Mengyingyuan, Dream, Image, Destiny; preface dated 1843); Pea HEB: E (Xianii qunying shi, A History of Women Warriors; 1905); and EJEA (Fengliu zuiren, The Valiant and the Culprit; 1926). The authors of written tanci passed on an endurmn ing historical legacy by telling potentially emancipatory stories of cross-dressing, female chastity, self-portraits, and female citizenship. Women's tanci novels depict heroines who serve as repositories of feminine consciousness about moral propriety and imagine women's unconventional lives in and beyond inner chambers as cross-dressed scholars, female warriors, Daoist immortals, or even eminent ministers.

The historical audiences of women's written tanci consist of both male and female readers. However, the imagined audiences of these texts are identified by the authors as female readers in the inner chambers, with whom the stories are to be shared collectively or even chanted from person to person. A gender-specific audience, in this context, refers to a community of readers who share the same values, attitudes, interests, and preferences of this particular gender (Barwell 100). Ismay Barwell holds that a feminist aesthetic must be present in the structural features of the work (Barwell 64). As a narrative genre, tanci has been interpreted as a gendered genre with a female-oriented perspective. This alliance of tanci with feminine writing, however, needs more critical contemplation. In the study of feminine narrative features, "the desire for a unified aesthetic was misplaced because of the way in which it used universals to guide its search and to justify its hopes. From the existence of the social universals, it moved to the postulation of experiential universals and from there to the claim that women's art would reflect this common experience" (Barwell 64). That is to say, a universal aesthetic about women's narratives needs to take into consideration women's heterogeneous and specific experiences, as well as the social conditions that created these experiences.

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This study of women's tanci fiction approaches anew the concept of a "female-oriented perspective" in several ways. A female-oriented viewpoint appropriates the narrative formulas of men's dominant literary genres and recycles these formulas in stories written by and for women. A female-oriented perspective writes for a female hypothetical audience and makes women's experiences of suffering, grievance, and aspirations sharable among an imagined community of women readers. A female-oriented perspective conceptualizes a narrative framework in which the heroines are endowed with mobility to exercise their talent and power as social beings outside the inner chambers as men's equals. The narrative point of view in such works creates and sustains an empathetic relationship between the women characters in the story, the authorial narrative self-identified as a female, and the targeted women readers. The authorial voice in a female-oriented narrative prioritizes a woman's freedom to speak on her own behalf. Narrative portraiture of women in such works maintain an affective and sympathetic relationship with the fictional heroines portrayed by the authors' brushes. A female-oriented perspective actively redefines normalized gender roles with an eye to exposing women's potentialities to transform historical and social customs in order to engender a world with better prospects for women.

This introduction explores how the genre of tanci endowed women authors and their audiences with narrative, bodily, and moral agency. These forms of personal agency, which came from women's experiences of writing and reading tanci fiction, speak to and reflect a broader cultural phenomenon of late imperial women's literary endeavors and achievements. For this purpose, the current study of tanci focuses not so much on making a gender-specific claim for tanci, but rather to reclaim the universal values and features of women's writing that this genre bears in common with late imperial women's literary works in general, and even with women's literature in a global context. The question at stake, therefore, is not so much whether women's written tanci belongs to a poetic genre or a fictional form, but rather how this traditional yet highly elastic genre brings new energy and perspective into women's literature today, how tanci finds new sustainability and survival in the modern period, and whether this highly adaptable narrative form can function as a medium for new ways of speaking for the socially disadvantaged.

A contextualized reading of late imperial women's tanci works invites a historical understanding of Chinese women's social status, which has been profoundly impacted by the Confucian system. The Confucian ethical and philosophical system, which has had tremendous influence on the culture and society of China, can be traced throughout many ancient and imperial literary and historical texts. Among these texts, the earliest is fig (Lunyu, The Analects), a compilation of statements attributed to Confucius by his students. During the Western Han Dynasty (206 BCE to 220 CE), the transformation of the Confucian philosophical system into state ideology took place. Modern critics have shown interest in how Confucian philosophy offered techniques for remaking and reproducing state and society using the model of a Confucian golden age (see Elman, Duncan, and Oom, Rethinking). The Confucian social system concerning gendered women's roles gives special attention to the

Guo, Li. Women’s Tanci Fiction In Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China. E-book, West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2015, https://doi.org/10.5703/128828431 7630 Downloaded on behalf of University of Michigan, Ann Arbor principle of =% U4 (sancong side), or Three Submissions and Four Virtues. The

Three Submissions define women's subordinate relationship with their male family members. The Four Virtues refer to kafa (fude, womanly moral behavior), ‘i A (fuvan, womanly speech), IFA (furong, womanly bearing), and 4. (fugong, womanly work). Found in nearly all conduct books for Chinese women, these principles emphasized a woman's innate inferiority to a man as well as her domestic duty to serve her husband, his siblings, and his parents.

The renowned book of conduct “ik (Niijie, Admonitions for Women) by Ban Zhao (HEHE, 45-116 CE) opens with the chapter "#55" ("Beiruo," "Being Lowly and Weak"), which stresses women's submission to men. The author was one of China's earliest historians. She assisted her father Ban Biao (HE), 3-54 CE) and brother Ban Gu (YE), 32-92 CE) in collecting historical data, and played a crucial role in the completion of the great history work = (Hanshu, History of the Han Dynasty). In her work, she defines the primary womanly qualification as "virtue,"

which means to "guard carefully her chastity; to control circumspectly her behavior; in every motion to exhibit modesty; and to model each act on the best usage; this is womanly virtue" (Tetsuzo 671). Womenly speech means to "choose her words with care; to avoid vulgar language; to speak at appropriate times; and not to weary others with conversation. These qualities may be called the characteristics of womanly speech" (Tetsuz6 671). These moral parameters constituted the ritual education of all women before marriage.

Such constraint of women's activities to the domestic sphere was reiterated in classical texts and didactic books. f% (Shijing, The Book of Odes) says, "Women do not engage in public affairs, for if they did they would stop their weaving" (Deng

Xiang 62). The exclusion of women from public affairs was a key principle that maintained the distinction between men and women in Confucian society. The ancient philosopher Guan Zhong (ff) commented, "If women have a voice in people's affairs, rewards and punishment will not be reliable. If there is no distinction between men and women, the people will have neither integrity nor shame" (Guan 96). In the early ritual texts, plentiful evidence indicates women's subordination to men in domestic, social, and political life. Confucian ideology and didactic texts on women's virtue generated extensive discussion of the seemingly paradoxical relationship between women's virtue and their talent. A common phrase, "for women's lack of literary talent is a virtue," implied that in Confucian society, women were more likely to become notable for their virtue, whereas men were more likely to be acclaimed for their literary talent. The Confucian cult of women's virtue conceives a wife's relationship to her husband and his family as analogous to a man's loyalty to the emperor. Women's subordination to men reflects the so-called F7; (wuchang), or the Five Constant Relationships that served as moral principles for the regulation of relationships in society. These five cardinal relationships include those between a father and son, an emperor and his subordinates, a husband and wife, older and younger siblings, and friends. Except for the relationship between friends, these relationships are hierarchical and reflect the power relationship between men and women. Guo, Li. Women’s Tanci Fiction In Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China.

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Under the impact of these ideological concepts, later literary, historical, and philosophical texts offered differing definitions of women's virtue. Chastity, humility, modesty, and reserve in speech and devotion to housework constitute the main characteristics of feminine virtue in pre-twentieth-century China. Kifani (Nülunyu, Women's Analects, eighth century CE) holds that "the foremost duty of women is to establish themselves to fulfill their proper roles," and "make themselves pure and chaste" (Tetsuzo 679). The book contains nine chapters on women's domestic duties on running the household and serving the husband's family, with not a single chapter describing women's intellectual life. Likewise, in Will (Neixun, Domestic Lessons, early fifteenth century), Empress Renxiao offers twenty chapters of moral lessons for women. In the first chapter she defines women's virtue as "chaste and quiet, proper and constant" (Tetsuzo 769). After the seventeenth century, as more women engaged in writing and pursued "talent," debates about the propriety of such activities surfaced. A crucial example is a seventeenth-century text, KH FE (Niifan jielu, Sketch of a Model for Women), written by a woman who repudiated the popular saying, "A woman without talent is virtuous." The author was the widowed mother of the Ming scholar Wang Xiang (79). She states,

With regard to the royal wives, humble concubines, and wives of common people in ancient times, none of them was unfamiliar with The Book of Odes. Does this imply that they were not virtuous? . . . Women should pursue knowledge in words and literature, and learn well the classics and histories, so that their fame will spread wide in their lifetime and so that their exceptional talent can be applauded by later generations. This is certainly the way it should be! (Tetsuzo 769)

Here Wang Xiang advocates the need for women's literacy, which serves as "a source of empowerment where women through the power of literacy become selfaffirmative in their historical consciousness" (Rosenlee 8). The controversy between women's talent and virtue, however, persisted in later generations. In the eighteenth century, Zhang Xuecheng (FF) composed an essay to criticize his contemporary, Yuan Mei (%¢#0), a poet who mentored women pupils and supported the publication of their poems. Zhang denounced Yuan for corrupting women's learning with entertainment and triviality instead of guiding them with the principles embedded in the ancient rites (Zhang Xuecheng 1: 128). Yuan Mei responded to Zhang, saying that women had been authors since the ancient times, adding that many famous song lyrics in The Book of Odes were composed by women (Yuan Mei, Suiyuan shihua 590). This debate laid bare the important question of whether or not women's speech should be considered a category of gender propriety as strictly defined by the Confucian cult of feminine virtue in the specific social context of the late Ming and early Qing.

The constraint Confucian society placed on women's speech was a dominant ideological principle that regulated women's literary activities. Women were cautioned to guard their talents of speaking and writing and to refrain from competing against others. The socio-ideological constraint on women's literary talent had been constant since ancient times, despite the fact that there had been several socially

Guo, Li. Women’s Tanci Fiction In Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China.

E-book, West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2015, https://doi.org/10.5703/128828431 7630 Downloaded on behalf of University of Michigan, Ann Arbor acknowledged women writers in individual historical periods. In the eighth century, courtesan poets Yu Xuanji (4 X4), Li Ye (4874), and Xue Tao (FF) actively participated in literary exchanges with male poets (see Ping Yao 26-53). Their achievements were such that even Zhang Xuecheng praised them, saying, "Their [literary] achievements could not be dismissed because of personal deficiencies" (Zhang Xuecheng 126). In a largely masculine literary tradition, these courtesan poets asserted their voices and visibility. Nevertheless, their marginal social status as authors made them vulnerable to criticism and attacks by conservative male scholars. Chen Zhensun (ite, around 1183-1162), for example, commented that the courtesan poet Yu Xuanji was a most notorious woman who "disrupted the rites and corrupted social customs" (vols. 19, 29).

The contradiction between women's newly vigorous writing activities and the Confucian indoctrination of feminine virtues became all the more prominent in the seventeenth century. Supporters of women's literary endeavors, such as Ye Shaoyuan (#244 #2, 1589-1648), asserted women's right to express their literary talents. Shaoyuan proposed the talent-virtue-beauty ideal for womanhood, which held that talent, together with virtue and beauty, are desirable components of women's achievements (Ye Shaoyuan, Preface, Complete Works). Parallel to this advocacy of women's talent were opposing voices from scholars who adhered to Confucian teachings for women. Lü Kun (HH, 1536-1618) suggested that proper education in the inner quarters should focus on classical texts, and that women should not compete against each other in poetic talent, nor should they take up singing or any other performing that could reduce their position to that of the lower-class entertainers.

These examples illustrate the universal belief that women should have family education in order to prepare for their domestic duties after marriage. Even if they were literate, running their households occupied most women's daily lives, leaving them little time to write. While the daughters of poor families depended on women's work for survival, upper-class women were also expected to perform these duties and set examples for their servants (Mann, "Women in the Life" 166). Late imperial writings by women include many personal laments about heavy domestic labor and the scarcity of opportunities for literary endeavors. Such obstacles to women's writing demonstrate both the suppression of women's writing by the patriarchal culture and the fact that women's self-expression in writing was a largely marginalized social practice in dynastic China.

Women's writing had long existed in China's literary history and had confronted many impediments. Among the many women writers in ancient and medieval periods, a handful of women poets was well known, such as Cai Wenji ($X Alii, second century CE), Xue Tao (S5, eighth century CE), and Li Qingzhao (4 JHE, 1084-1155). The seventeenth century witnessed the expansion of women's education and the increasing visibility of active woman writers. The development of women's literary activity was especially marked in the Jiangnan regions, which encompasses several provinces around the lower reaches of the Yangzi River. In this period, the textile industry heavily contributed to the economic development of the

Guo, Li. Women’s Tanci Fiction In Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China. E-book, West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2015, https://doi.org/10.5703/128828431 7630 Downloaded on behalf of University of Michigan, Ann Arbor area. Cities such as Yangzhou, Hangzhou, and Suzhou were marked by concentrations of rich merchants who boosted the local economy and expanded the need for entertainment. The social circumstances of these cities were characterized by their

"n

"nonconformity," "refinement of taste," and high levels of culture (Johnson 86). Poetry readings and gatherings of scholars became an indispensable part of social life, and subsequently a social trend of admiring women writers was cultivated.

These women authors of the time were recognized as È| 35 (guixiu) writers, or talented writers of the inner chambers. The so-called Hj (gui) refers to the inner quarters where women resided in the domestic compound. Many variations on the term "gui" appear in women's writings, such as Hj (guiwei), or "inner room," and [2] f] (guikun), or "women's bedroom." The word gui captures the Confucian ideological division between masculine and feminine, interior and exterior. It also indicates the patriarchal regulation of women's speech, which was not to be heard outside the inner quarters. A popular subgenre in traditional Chinese literati-verse is the Hj (guiyuanshi) or lament poetry of the inner chambers, which is comprised of expressions of distress by neglected, offended, or simply unhappy women (Chang, Kang-I Sun, and Haun Saussy, Women Writers 14). In the late imperial period, educated gentry women transformed the inner chamber into a unique space that valorized women's voices. In this space, the dominant male literary discourse did not have absolute control. In the context of women's flourishing literary activities, the acutely interior quarters harbored multiple possibilities of a new feminine existence.

This division between the inner chambers and the exterior social sphere was destabilized in the late sixteenth century. Some women challenged the Confucian restrictions on women's speech and engaged in exchanges with other writers. Two prominent examples were Wang Duanshu (Em, 1621-1706) and Huang Yuanjie (EWS, seventeenth century). Wang was born into a high official family and was well-known for her expertise in poetry and calligraphy. Her poetry contains abundant evidence of her poetic exchanges with other women and scholars, showing her active participation in the literary scene of her time. Also known as a PJ 246i (guishu shi), or teacher in the inner chambers, Wang became a professional itinerant teacher who provided literary instruction to women in the inner quarters. Another poet, Huang Yuanjie, traveled extensively, working as a teacher of women, and she had opportunities to make the acquaintance of famous literati poets who dedicated poems to her. These male poets included elite intellectuals such as Qian Qianyi (SE mi, 1582-1664), Xiong Wenju (fE3C HE, 1595-1668), and Mao Qiling (EF #$, 1623-1716). Another crucial aspect of the guixiu culture was the development mi of women's literary groups, such as the seventeenth-century H11 (Jiaoyuan shishe, Banana Garden Poetry Club), the eighteenth-century FE F (Suivuan midizi, women pupils of the Sui Garden), and the &'P TF (Wuzhong shizi, Ten Women Poets of Wu).

The seventeenth century witnessed the recovery and publication of works by talented women. Other than governing-class women poets, during the late Ming and early Qing periods "there were at least twenty-three women playwrights who came

Guo, Li. Women’s Tanci Fiction In Late Imperial and Early Twentieth-Century China. E-book, West Lafayette, IN: Purdue University Press, 2015, https://doi.org/10.5703/128828431 7630 Downloaded on behalf of University of Michigan, Ann Arbor from different social class and created a total number of over fifty-five plays in the form of FB! (zajii, variety drama) or (917 (chuangi, romance play). Eighteen plays in its entirety and two in parts are extant" (Hua, Wei, "The Lament" 28). The surging print culture and the publishing industry in the Jiangnan region contributed greatly to the growth of women authors’ readership (see Brokaw and Chow). Women's energetic participation in literary activities during this period imply that the inner chambers were not completely isolated from the social sphere and were open to the external world. Dorothy Ko suggests that the inner/outer dichotomy is "a relational category that describes a series of nested hierarchies whose boundary changes with context" (Ko, Teachers 273). The lives of late imperial women exhibit a degree of social mobility of women across established gender boundaries. For some women, this mobility relatively transformed the inner chambers into a space of gradual self-empowerment. Under this progressive social condition, tanci authors depicted cross-dressed heroines, who freed themselves from the family compound and entered the social and political realms that had formerly been men's privileged spaces.

The performed tanci songs took their origins in the oral traditions, and the name—tanci, or "plucking rhymes"—tefers to a form of singing accompanied by instrumental music. The tradition of tanci performances can be traced to medieval China, where it manifested itself in various forms of storytelling. Although medieval oral traditions could have been sources of inspiration for Ming and Qing tanci writers, it might be fallacious to claim that tanci took its origin directly from these earlier oral traditions. The tanci form still awaits the rigorous examination of its origins that the jij 28 (huaben, vernacular story), for instance, has received. (For the origin of huaben, see Hanan, Chinese Vernacular Story 28; Masuda 22-33; Wang, Qinghua 46). One of the theories considers the origin of orally performed tanci as predominantly a phenomenon of women's storytelling performance (Bender, Plum and Bamboo 153). Historical records from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries document professional tanci performances conducted by blind women singers who performed this kind of storytelling as a vocation in public teahouses and professional studios. Early tanci performance was called S2450 5H) (mangnii tanci, blind women's tanci). Although both men and women performed tanci in public, women tanci performers suffered severe criticism for defying the Confucian restrictions on women in public activities. In 1860, male tanci performer Ma Rufei (1851-1908) denounced women's tanci performance as "amoral and appalling" (Zhou, Liang 75), comparing male mentors of women tanci singers to Yuan Mei, who was accused of corrupting women's morals in the inner chambers by teaching them to write lyric poetry. Despite controversies of this kind, professional women's tanci performances continued to develop in southern cities.

Another hypothesis holds that tanci originates from medieval chantefables, which evolved into tanci during the Yuan and Ming periods (Tan, Pingtan tongkao 35). This theory is supported by scholar Chen Wulou (BF), who has studied the origin of tanci in Yangzhou storytelling, focusing on the "narrative communicatory situation" in the oral tradition (see Chen Wulou; see also Chen Ruheng). Mark

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Bender offers an insightful analysis of the complex dialectics between narrative and dramatic registers. He stresses the "here-and-now" effect of the grammatical tense of verbs in tanci narratives, suggesting that the narrative passages and the dialogue are in a continuing "present" or neutral time (Bender, "Shifting and Performance" 181- 97). Unlike written tanci targeted for reading, performed tanci must be explicit and immediately understandable for the audience (Lu Dan'An). Victor H. Mair and Mark Bender observe that orally performed tanci in Suzhou, or Suzhou chantefables, "has been especially influenced by the Kungu traditions in terms of character roles, voice registers, and handmovements" (Mair and Bender 311). Professional tanci performances remain popular in modern South China. Today, at the Suzhou Pingtan School of Performance, special training is offered to cultivate the skills of professional tanci singers. In the southern cities of Shanghai, Suzhou, Yangzhou, and Hangzhou, tanci performances are regularly staged at tea houses and theaters. Men and women tanci singers' performances are also recorded, broadcast on radio, and staged in television series. With the development of media industries, the popularity of tanci as part of China's cultural heritage has expanded among ordinary audiences. Bender and Mair comment that such popular practices of using technology to "memorize" professional singers' performances propose new questions for scholars to reconsider the issue of orality in China (Bender and Mair 8).