The Origins of War in Mozambique

Front matter

A History of Unity and Division

Sayaka Funada-Classen Translated by Masako Osada

A History of Unity and Division

Chapter 5. Maúa Circumscription during the Liberation Struggle

Conclusion From the Liberation Struggle to Post-independence Armed Conflict

Acknowledgements About the Author About the Translator

Index of Organisations and Institutions Index of People and Ethnic Groups Index of Place Names

416 418 418

419 425 430

“The peace has arrived, but we still don't know where this war came from.”

“We haven't been told why this war came to us. If both sides were all Mozambicans, we need to tell the young people the truth in order not to continue."

“The truth is painful, but it's necessary.” y:

“We want to forget, but we need to make sure our children understand that there was a war in our country and many people died.”

(Extracts from interviews with Makhuwa women in Cabo Delgado Province, Mozambique, in August 2011)

Preface

In 1994 I was about to leave Mozambique after having completed my work for the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ), when I was suddenly struck by serious doubts. How could I leave this place like this? How dare I speak as a UN functionary about peace and democratisation to local people when I knew so little about their country? I was ashamed of my ignorance and arrogance. While looking down at the red earth from the window of the aeroplane, I remembered the silence and sharp gaze of those who I met there. True, I had always wanted to work for “peace” since my childhood — I was born on the 6th of August (the day the atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima). Yet, was the decision to continue working for the UN correct, ignoring, as it would, the uniqueness of local communities and the individualities of people? Would that be the right way to achieve peace and democracy?

The next time I was offered a job working for a UN mission, my mind was clear. It was time to leave the blue UN cap behind. I shouldn't become a *mission bird". I was resolved that I would seek out the vast experience hidden behind people's silences and their unspoken fear and would let the world know about it, however many years it might take.

Eighteen years have passed since then. Finally, I am able to fulfil the promise I made to myself. 'This book attempts to reveal the origins of war in Mozambique, paying attention to the structural process of various relations at international, regional, domestic, local and personal levels. In the course of the research which was conducted over a fifteenyear-period since 1996, I have used all available primary sources of information, sourced archival research in five countries and interviewed more than 350 people.

I finished writing the Japanese edition in 2005. It was not easy to decide how much of the discussion and overview of the situation from that time to include in the English edition published seven years later. New books and articles have been published in the meantime. Politics changes constantly. However, I had to draw a line. This book might attract severe criticism for not reflecting the most recent information, but if that happens, I thought, I would write another book, a better one, taking the criticism and new findings into account.

The book focuses on an area called Maúa, not because I believe Maúa represents the whole of Mozambique as such, but because highlighting a specific area and people helps to understand the Mozambican history more deeply and comprehensively. In any case, it would be impossible to study the experience of all Mozambicans. I am not attempting to write a history textbook of Mozambique, or a glorious history of the liberation struggle, but rather trying to fill a gap in the descriptions of contemporary Mozambican history by delving into matters that have not been written about before.

Although my intention was always to write this book in both English and Portuguese, I published it in Japanese first since there were virtually no Japanese academic books on contemporary African history, let alone any on Portuguese-speaking Africa. This delayed vi The Origins of the War in Mozambique the book's publication in the languages with which many scholars and stakeholders are more familiar.

Translation itself turned out to be a colossal task. My translators and editors had a tremendous job, due mainly to the sheer volume of the book (669 pages in Japanese). Moreover, in my Japanese book, I quoted passages, originally written in English, Portuguese or French but which had already been translated into Japanese. For this book, I had to find the original texts. Some were unobtainable in Japan and had to be translated into English from Japanese.

Spelling was another headache. Some place and people's names were spelled differently, depending on references, interpreters and scholars. For instance, a Makhuwa chief “Mwalia” is also spelled as “Mualia” and “Mwaliya”; and “sipaio” (an African policeman) as “cipaio” and “sipaí”. In most cases, I have adopted the spelling used locally. The names of provinces, districts and cities are spelled according to the maps made in Mozambique (e.g., Maúa and Moçambique District). Widely accepted English spelling, if any, is prioritised (e.g., Makonde and Nyanja instead of Maconde and Nianja). Some words are not translated because I fear the nuance may be lost in translation (e.g. assimilado). Plurals of Portuguese and Makhuwa words are indicated by non-italic "s" added to the end (e.g. capatazs and mwenes). Furthermore, common English spelling is used (“Swahili” and “Makhuwa”) rather than linguistic spelling (^Kiswahili" and “Emakhuwa”) for African languages.

Many readers might ask themselves what a Japanese academic could have to say about Mozambique, especially about such a big topic. Of course, the history of Mozambique belongs to the people of Mozambique. Yet, I believe that it is because Iam not a Mozambican that it was possible to tackle the controversial history. I hope that this book will prompt other scholars to look at the history of Mozambique as part of a larger picture of world history and study it through the lens of the local communities and people living there.

The tide of the Japanese edition was History of Armed Liberation Struggle in Mozambique, the same as that of my Ph.D. dissertation. For the English edition, I have changed the title to The Origins of the War in Mozambique in order to attract the attention of not only those involved in Mozambican issues but also those interested in conflict and peace.

The publication of the book was made possible by the Grant-in-Aid for Publication of Scientific Research Results of the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science.

Maps

Figure 1 Figure 2 Figure 3 Figure 4 Figure 5

Figure 6 Figure 7 Figure 8

Figure 9 Figure 10 Figure 11

Figure 12 Figure 13 Figure 14

Figure 15

Figure 16 Figure 17 Figure 18 Figure 19

Figure 20 Figure 21 Figure 22

Figure 23 Figure 24

Figure 25 Figure 26

List of Illustrations

Southern Africa

Mozambique (by Region and Province)

Northern Mozambique and the locations of Maúa and Erati RENAMO-controlled areas (as of 1992)

Districts where FRELIMO and RENAMO obtained more than twice as many as the opponents votes (1994)

Simplified ethnographic map of Mozambique (20th century) Progress of the Liberation War by FRELIMO (1966-1974)

Area of Maúa Circumscription during the late colonial era shown on the current province of Niassa map

1994 National Assembly election result (Niassa Province — by District)

Maúa District during the post-independence armed conflict Movement of the villagers of Maúa District after the 1992 Peace Accord (until 2000)

Portuguese “mapa cor-de-rosa” in Africa in the late 19th century Areas of operation of Mozambique concession companies

Trade route in the Indian Ocean from the late 18th century to

the mid-19th century

Process of the military occupation of the Portuguese Colonial Army in northern Mozambique

Military situation of northern Mozambique during WWI (1916-1918)

Hierarchy of colonial administration under RAU

"Scramble for Mozambique" by cotton companies (1942) Transition of the habitations of each ethnic group in northern Mozambique (mid-18th century)

Yao's diaspora, 1840-1880

Migration track (niphito) of the Ntepo Group

Migration track (niphito) of Makhuwa-Xirima and Metto

(20th century)

Flow of information sharing in the Portuguese government during the "Colonial Wars"

Islamic route in northern Mozambique

FRELIMOS sanctuaries in southern Africa and infiltration routes Evolution of infiltration and attacks of FRELIMO in Niassa District (Sep. 1964 — Oct. 1966)

viii The Origins of the War in Mozambique

Figure 27 Deployment of the Portuguese Armed Forces in northern

Mozambique (focusing on Maúa) (May 1964 — Jan. 1967) 306 Figure 28 Deployment of the Portuguese Armed Forces in northern

Mozambique (focusing on Maúa) (May 1967 — Jul.1973) 307 Figure 29 Evolution of infiltration and attacks of FRELIMO in Niassa District

(Oct. 1966 — Aug. 1968) 315 Figure 30 Map of psychological vulnerability drawn by the Portuguese Armed

Forces (Mar. 1969) 329 Figure 31 War situation in Майа (30 Sept. 1968 — 30 Mar. 1970) 331 Figure 32 Family connection between Mwene Mwapula and Mwene Muela 332 Figure 33 War situation in Майа (5 Apr. 1974 — 2 Jul.1974) 355 Graphs and tables Graph 1 — Metropole' cotton imports from the colonies and non-Portuguese

territories (1926-1961) 77 Graph2 Cotton shipping volume in Mozambique (by region) 84 Graph 3 Cotton production in northern Mozambique 84 Graph 4 Cotton production in Amaramba and Marrupa Circumscription 119 Graph 5 Number of cotton producers in Amaramba and Marrupa

Circumscription 119 Graph 6 Mozambican mine workers in South Africa (1901-1973) 158 Graph 7 Workers in Southern Rhodesia (1930-1952) 163 Graph 8 Origins of mine workers in Southern Rhodesia cities (1945) 163 Graph9 Migrant workers from Mozambique in Tanganyika (1951-1963) 171 Table 1-1 Mozambique national election result (Assembly of the Republic) 14 Table 1-2 Mozambique national election result (Assembly of the Republic

election — seats won by the province) 15 Table2 Portuguese Armed Forced personnel who received training with

the support of the US government (1963-1971) 187 Photographs

All photographs in this publication, including those on the cover, by Sayaka Funada-Classen unless otherwise specified.

AAG AHM AHMilitar AHU AIM ANC BSAC CEA

CIO CONCP

COREMO

DGS DOI

FLN FPLM

FPLN

FRELIMO GE

GEP GUMO

ILO ISANI JDDA

JEAC KANU MANC MANU MANU MCP MFA MNC

List of Acronyms and Abbreviations

Associação das Artes Gráficas (Printers Association - Mozambique) Arquivo Histórico de Mocambique (Historical Archive of Mozambique) Arquivo Histórico Militar (Military Historical Archive — Portugal) Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Overseas Historical Archive — Portugal) Agência de Informação de Moçambique (Mozambique Information Agency) African National Congress (South Africa)

British South African Company

Centro de Estudos Africanos (Centre for African Studies)

Central Information Office (Southern Rhodesia)

Conferência das Organizações Nacionalistas das Colónias Portuguesas (Conference of Nationalist Organisations of Portuguese Colonies)

Comité Revolucionário de Moçambique (Mozambique Revolutionary Committee)

Delegacia Geral de Segurança (General Security Directorate) Departamento de Organização do Interior (Department of Interior Organisation)

Front de Libération Nationale (National Liberation Front- Algeria)

Forças Populares de Libertação de Moçambique (People's Forces for the Liberation of Mozambique/FRELIMO army)

Frente Patriótica de Libertação Nacional (National Liberation Patriotic Front/Patriotic National Liberation Front)

Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (Mozambique Liberation Front) Grupo Especial (Special Group)

Grupo Especial Paraquedista (Special Group of Parachutists)

Grupo Unido de Moçambique (Mozambique United Group/United Group of Mozambique)

International Labour Organisation

Inspecção Superior Adminitrativa sobre Negócios Indígenas

Junta de Defesa dos Dereitos d' Africa (Council for Defence of the African Rights)

Junta de Exportacáo de Algodáo Colonial (Colonial Cotton Export Board) Kenya African National Union

Mozambique African National Congress

Makonde African National Union

Mozambique African National Union

Malawi Congress Party

Movimento das Forças Armadas (Armed Forces Movement — Portugal) Mouvement National Congolais (Congolese National Movement)

MNR MPLA

MUD NATO NDP NESAM

OAU OMM

ONUMOZ

PAIGC

PIDE

RENAMO

SAAVM

SADF SAN SCCI

SCCIM

SRANC TANU

TT UDENAMO

UEM UNAMI

UNHCR UPA WNLA ZANLA

Mozambique National Resistance

Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola)

Movimento União Democrático (United Democratic Movement)

North Atlantic Treaty Organization

National Democratic Party (Southern Rhodesia)

Núcleo dos Estudantes Africanos Secundários de Moçambique (Nucleus of African Secondary Students of Mozambique)

Organisation for African Unity

Organização das Mulheres Moçambicana (Mozambique Women's Organisation/Organisation of Mozambican Women)

Operação das Nações Unidas em Moçambique (United Nations Operations in Mozambique)

Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde)

Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado (International and State Defence Police)

Reforma Administrativa Ultramarina (Overseas Administration Reform) Resistência Nacional de Moçambique (Mozambique National Resistance: MNR)

Rhodesian Front

Sociedade Algodoeira Africana Voluntária de Moçambique (Voluntary African Cotton Society of Mozambique)

South African Defence Force

Sociedade Algodoeira do Niassa (Niassa Cotton Society)

Serviço de Centralização e Coordenação de Informações (Information Centralisation and Coordination Service)

Serviço de Centralização e Coordenação de Informações de Moçambique (Information Centralisation and Coordination Service of Mozambique) Southern Rhodesia African National Congress

Tanganyika African National Union

Instituto dos Arquivos Nacionais: Torre do Tombo (Portugal)

União Democrática Nacional de Moçambique (National Democratic Union of Mozambique)

Universidade de Eduardo Mondlane (Eduardo Mondlane University) União Nacional Africana de Moçambique Independente (African National Union for Mozambican Independence/National African Union of Independent Mozambique)

United Nations High Commission for Refugees

União das Populações de Angola (Union of the Peoples of Angola) Witwatersrand Native Labour Association

Zimbabwean National Liberation Army

Figure 1 Southern Africa i

Ciment, 1997:vii.

GONGO Wi KENYA Brazzaville Kinsh D.R. CONGO inshasa D TANZANIA 4 (ANGOLA) LA ih — -Dar e E РР ais Lagi G pe L Malawi UNS Beira BOTSWANA MOZAMBIQUE

Gaborone (3

26 <9 Maputo Pretoria и (Ө SWAZILAND \ "Mbabané Johannesburge X —

South RSEN Atlantic ES SOUTH Fa !

Осеап SATRICA a Maseru: ` i LESOTHO /Durban B / Indian p Ocean Pd Cape Jown „2 —--— Railroads А o National capital

(Some names corrected by the author xi xii

The Origins of the War in Mozambique

Figure2 Mozambique (by Regions and Provinces)

locimboa da Praia

ZIMBABWE soe Main railways

International boundaries Provincial boundaries 0 100 200miles 0 100 200km

SWAZILAND Ponta do Ouro xiii

Figure 3 Northern Mozambique and the locations of Maúa and Frati

Cabo © Meloco Quissanga Delgado

O Montepuez

Pemba (Porro Amélia)

© Alto Molócuê

Zambézia

O Maganja

(Drawn by the author)

To the people of Майа, Hans-Juergen and Kai

INTRODUCTION Seeking the Origins of Unity and Division

On the Western shore of the Indian Ocean

A revolutionary ship slips in and we bid farewell to dear brothers Dear brothers, farewell

Until the day we meet again

Dont despair of your rescue but be brave

Dear brothers, until the time we meet again

Dont be frightened by the orders you receive but face them cheerfully For so small am I but fought bravely and got my life back.

(“The Last Good-bye”, a poem by a FRELIMO soldier, 1966)"

We have gone through three wars. We know war is still on ... Conflicts haven't disappeared yet. We women are not allowed to get a word in ... Before we go to sleep at night, we decide on which direction our feet should face, so that we can escape at any time ... Peace and prosperity in the name of independence hasn't arrived yet.

(From an interview with a woman in Maüa, 1999)?

Mozambique in contemporary world history Mozambique from the 1960s to the mid-1970s

Globally, the concept of colonial rule became increasingly questioned and was losing its hold on the world. Sometimes this was as a result of protest from the colonised, and in other cases, due to a change in stance, and subsequent withdrawal, by the coloniser. As was the world norm, many countries in Africa gained independence in the early 1960s. However, the situation was much harder in southern Africa. Added to the “normal” complexities of power change and independence, countries in this part of Africa were faced with the reality that South Africa and Southern Rhodesia, where white settlers held political power, had close economic ties with the Western nations and were considered to be the citadels of the worldwide anti-communist strategies pursued by the West.

In Mozambique and Angola, for example, political demands by people under colonial rule were severely suppressed by Portugal, whose dictator António Salazar insisted on the country's colonies being considered as “overseas provinces”, and who was determined to defend and hold onto them to the last. Despite his anachronistic colonial policies and fascist character attracting international criticism, Salazar succeeded in forming a military alliance with the Western nations as early as 1949. This was thanks to his neutrality in the Second World War, his anti-communist stance and the geopolitical importance of the countrys colonies. In other words, despite having confirmed the principle of self-determination during the Second World War, Western nations such as the United States of America and the United Kingdom prioritised anti-communism over the liberation and democratisation of colonies. This not only made it possible for white governments in southern Africa to continue to exist, but also made it doubly difficult for Africans? in the region to gain liberation.

Mozambicans faced yet another problem. They had to contend with the historically and culturally meaningless borders that were artificially created during the "scramble for Africa" at the end of the nineteenth century. They, therefore, had to fight for liberation simultaneously with endeavouring to form and unify a nation. Due to the vastness of the territory, diverse ethnic and religious groups and oppression by the colonial authority, this was no mean feat.

Yet, inspired by the independence of other African nations, people in Angola, Guinea- Bissau and Mozambique organised themselves and began armed struggle against Portugal’s colonial rule. It was the first large-scale armed liberation movement in Africa since the Algerian War of Independence in the late 1950s to early 1960s.* It was also the first serious armed defiance of colonial authority in southern Africa. Resistance by Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO), in particular, attracted public attention not only in Africa but also in the world. This was because: (1) it confronted Portuguese colonial rule, the “weakest link" among white powers in southern Africa; (2) it received full support from Tanganyika (later Tanzania), where the headquarters of the Liberation Committee of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) was situated and (3) the liberation of Mozambique made the armed struggle against white rule in neighbouring Southern Rhodesia and South Africa geopolitically easier.

Hence, the liberation struggle in Mozambique interested not only Africans who longed for total liberation from colonial rule. It also interested white rulers in southern Africa, who were afraid that their power might be taken away; the Soviet Union and China, which hoped to gain more allies; Western nations, who were afraid of communist expansion in the world; people in the Third World, who had experienced liberation struggles in Asia, the Middle East and Latin America and some citizens in Western societies, especially socialists. As a result, numerous bodies representing various stances intervened in or assisted the liberation struggle in Mozambique in a multitude of ways. Certainly, there were definitely times when what took place in Mozambique was watched with keen interest internationally, and played a role in contemporary world history. Mozambique' independence in 1975 was a direct consequence of a bloodless coup in its metropole, Portugal. It was also indirectly achieved through the "solidarity"? instilled by various movements that aimed at liberation from Portuguese colonial rule.” The terms that represent the main thesis of this book — "solidarity", “unity” and “division” — do not fully reflect the reality although they have played an important role both domestically and externally. They are written in inverted commas to indicate the authors intention to disclose what actually happened on the ground beyond the world of words or images. "Unity" and “division” are translations of the Portuguese words “unidade/união” and “divisão”, both of which are often used in politics in and studies on Mozambique. This book uses “unity” and, in some cases, “solidarity” for the translation of “unidade/união”. Certainly, the liberation and independence of Mozambique was given a place in “the third wave of revolutions" and formed part of a new trend in world history which emerged in the late 1970s.

Mozambique from the end of the 1970s to the early 1990s

As Mozambique gained its independence after an armed struggle through mass mobilisation, many intellectuals saw this achievement as a successful example of "national unity". In their interpretation, it was the power of "solidarity" and “unity” — the advancement of nationalism — that defeated colonialism, whose governing principle was "divide and rule". Initially, even the more cautious observers thought highly of FRELIMOS ability to lead the “national front" and its efforts to establish “national unity" over an 18-month period.*

High expectations were set when the Mozambican liberation movement evolved into a "revolutionary war"? eventually establishing a socialist nation after independence — similar to China, Vietnam and Cuba." FRELIMO manifested its intention to pursue socialism by adopting the Peoples Republic of Mozambique as the name of the country on its independence on 25 June 1975.!! On 24 July, the first president of the country, Samora Machel, declared the nationalisation of land, asserting: “We fought to free Mozambicans through liberation struggle. It is meaningless that land remains in the hands of specific groups of people. People cultivate land. Land belongs to people.”

The experiment of first colonialism, next nationalism and then socialism in a small African country called Mozambique captured peoples imagination around the world, and they demonstrated their solidarity in various ways. Many “cooperantes” (co-operators) rushed to the country, not only from the socialist camp but also from the West. At the time of independence, Mozambique's sole university had produced only one African graduate — the rest being whites and mestiços (people of mixed parentage). The cooperantes compensated for this shortage of human resources and played a major role in promoting public health and school education. FRELIMO had emphasised the importance of this since the days of the liberation struggle and continued to put a great deal of effort into education as part of its national strategy. As a result, the number of primary school students, which was a mere 70,000 in 1974, increased nearly twenty-fold by 1981 to 1,376,000 (half of which were girls). ^ The budget for public health in 1979 was three times as much as that at independence and comprised 11 per cent of the national budget.? The new Mozambique seemed to be full of energy and the climate of the day suggested that anything was possible — nothing was insurmountable.'^

Sadly, only a few years later it was a very different Mozambique that again took centre stage in international news. Instead of celebratory and optimistic Mozambicans, during 1983 and 1984 the world repeatedly saw images of Mozambican women and children as skeletons and refugees. Those who had celebrated the country's independence in 1975 were shocked at these sad figures, and the plight of many nameless Mozambicans who had stood up against such an enormous colonial power, and who had, as a people, appeared to be so full of hope. How could the situation turn into such misery and so quickly?

The people who had been the leaders of transformation just a decade or so before were now victims or mere aid recipients. During the liberation struggle, there was "solidarity" and "unity" between guerrillas and elders. Within a few years after independence, however, this was replaced by “division” or "confrontation", and ruthless “civil war" in which many people were slaughtered by their fellow countrymen.

The objective of this book

Armed conflict between the FRELIMO government and the anti-government guerrilla movement, the Mozambique National Resistance (MNR)," began in 1977, two years after independence, and lasted for 16 years.'* The conflict resulted in one million deaths, 1.5 million cross-border refugees and 4.5 million domestic refugees.? Even now, it is remembered as one of the most tragic conflicts of the 19805.

How should we make sense of these developments in contemporary Mozambican politics, of the shift from "solidarity" and "unity" to "division? Was the "unity", supposedly fostered through many years of liberation struggle, destroyed due to external intervention? Or, did "unity" never really take root among Mozambicans, who could not overcome "tribalism"? In other words, should we interpret it as the result of the failure of nation building? Or, should we put all the blame on the socialist policies adopted by the FRELIMO government? Or, alternatively, should the cause of conflict be sought in the "radicalism" of the FRELIMO government, as is widely presumed?

The objective of this book is to investigate and demonstrate the realities and origins of "unity" and “division”, the two contradictory characteristics of contemporary Mozambican politics. This book offers the view that "unity" during the liberation struggle and “division” during the post-independence armed conflict represent not a contradiction but rather a continuity. However, this then begs a number of critical questions. What, for instance, happened at national and regional levels, and how did people react during the liberation struggle period? How did international relations influence the situation? How was this related to the post-independence armed conflict? In order to address these questions there needs to be a particular focus on local communities, where the liberation war? and post-independence armed conflict took place. Rural communities in northern

Mozambique are used as а case study in this book and are examined in relation to various actors.

It is an indisputable fact that Mozambique has become a unified country despite its history of prolonged armed conflict and its vast territory, which extends 2,515 kilometres from north to south, and it is clearly the fruit of the liberation struggle. Moreover, to discuss "division" alone risks falling into a common argument used since the scramble for Africa on the "division" in African politics, which is to underestimate the efforts that African people have made since then in order to overcome this “division”. It is noteworthy that FRELIMO’s first congress, held on 23 September 1962, was based on the following realisation:

The first Congress defined solidarity as the fundamental weapon of struggle against colonialism and proved that division among Mozambicans was the biggest cause of failure of the historical resistance of our ancestors against colonialism.”

This book comprehensively examines not only the origins of “division”, but also the efforts of Mozambicans to achieve "unity" and "solidarity". Despite its conjoint interest in "unity" and "solidarity", it is clear that "division" has posed one of the major challenges at any level, at any time, in contemporary Mozambican politics. Importantly, however, this should not be attributed only to the failure of organised liberation movements or their leadership, or to the diversity of ethnic groups or the so-called “backwardness” of African societies. This book examines the issue in the context of a larger historic process of change from the late nineteenth century to the late twentieth century. It deals with various levels of actors, such as individuals, local communities, national politics, the southern African region and international politics. In particular, it hypothesises, and then demonstrates, that the liberation struggle from 1962 to 1975 was an important period that fostered "unity" and "division" concurrently and fomented post-independence armed conflict.

It is hoped that this book will provide a fresh perspective on understanding the origins of the armed conflict in post-independence Mozambique and the challenge and potential of contemporary Mozambican politics.

Discussions on post-independence armed conflict

This section will draw on previous academic literature and proffered theories in order to providea context for the hypothesis that: (1) post-independence armed conflict, the symbol of Mozambique's division, has its roots in the liberation struggle and (2) to investigate why the liberation struggle, which aimed to unify the country, divided it instead.

Theories focusing on external factors — the onset of the armed conflict in the mid-1970s to the mid-1980s

From the beginning of the armed conflict in 1977 to the end of the 1980s, most scholars sought the cause of post-independence armed conflict in Mozambique in external factors.

Works by Isaacman and Isaacman (1983), Hanlon (1984), Fauvet (1984) and Saul (1987) seem to demonstrate the following: (1) Southern Rhodesia and South Africa were deeply involved in the creation and operation of MNR; (2) the main actors of MNR were ex- Portuguese secret police and the army in Southern Rhodesia as well as white settlers and (3) the objective of the actors and supporters was to overthrow the FRELIMO government. Ken Flower, head of the Central Information Office (CIO) in Southern Rhodesia, who played an important role in the formation of MNR, openly admitted the involvement of his government in MNR in his autobiography and during an interview.”

However, MNR's actual soldiers on the ground were Africans from Mozambique. Why did Africans willingly fight for a cause that was not altogether their own or, as it turned out, not necessarily in their best interests? Paul Fauvet, a British news editor at Agência de Informagáo de Mogambique (AIM: Mozambique Information Agency), suggests that explanations lie in: (1) the “collaboration with the Portuguese", that is, covert manoeuvres by the Portuguese who created the anti-FRELIMO “elite units" of Africans during the liberation war and (2) “neo-colonial manipulation at independence", that is, intervention by some Portuguese citizens in the political leadership struggle among Mozambican elites. In other words, he points out that the Portuguese took advantage of a rift among Mozambicans brought about by the liberation war at the end of colonial rule.”

According to Margaret Hall, a researcher on African affairs at the British Foreign Office, and Tom Young, a political scientist at the School of Oriental and African Studies, MNR guerrillas co-opted by the founders of MNR were former members of the special forces and commandos who were originally from central Mozambique, close to the Rhodesian border, and fled the country just before independence." The guerrillas were first led by a Portuguese settler, Orlando Cristina, a former agent of the Portuguese secret political police (Polícia Internacional e de Defesa do Estado [PIDE: International and State Defence Police]/Delegacia Geral de Seguranga [DGS: General Security Directorate]), who played a major role in fighting against FRELIMO during the liberation war. However, due to his origin and background, Cristina was clearly not suited for the job.? Subsequently, André Matsagaissa, a former commander of the Forças Populares de Libertação de Moçambique (FPLM) or FRELIMO army and an African from central Mozambique, was appointed as leader.