Matatu

Front matter

A History of Popular Transportation in Nairobi

A History of Popular Transportation in Nairobi

KENDA MUTONGI

PART SIX Generation Matatu, Politics, and Popular Culture, 1990-2014 Music, Politics, and Profit 197 “Pimp” My Ride 215

CONTENTS PART SEVEN Self-Regulation, 2003-14

12 The Michuki Rules 233 Conclusion: Making It in Nairobi 257

Acknowledgments 263 Abbreviations 265 Notes 267 Bibliography 319 Index 345 vi

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PART ONE Background

Without its matatus, the city of Nairobi comes to a near standstill.! It happens some ten to fifteen times a year when matatu workers go on strike. Whenever they suspend their scramble through the streets, everything in the city slows down—the town center grows quiet, offices sit empty, stores close their doors, and the last lingering pedestrians are able to walk the sidewalks with ease. There are no commuter trains or trams, the traffic and poor road conditions make cycling impossible, and the government, regrettably, provides only a few irregular and ineffective buses. Since so few people can afford private cars, a majority of people have come to rely upon matatus, the privately owned minibuses that have engulfed the city over the past half a century. Unfortunately, the citizens of Nairobi have become used to the matatu strikes, used to waiting on dusty side roads and crowded street corners until, angry and out of patience, they abandon hope and either trudge home or hike into town. Whenever the city’s moving mosaic of matatus comes to a stop, the forsaken commuters are once again reminded of just how much their lives depend on these flamboyant minibuses and the army of workers who operate them. Inevitably, the offices, cafés, and dukas begin to echo with resentment, and the muttered complaints of the stranded rise like bitter clouds of exhaust—“tumeshindwa kabisa!”

In other words, without the matatus Nairobi’s commuters feel “completely defeated.” The familiar phrase expresses more than simple frustration at the lack of transportation. It also reveals a sense of thwarted prospects,

FIGURE 1 Matatu workers’ strike, May 9, 2012. Courtesy of the NMG, Nairobi even a sense of national failure, at least to the extent to which the whole of the city and its economy have come to depend on these vehicles. To the uninitiated outsider, this sense of gloom can be baffling. Those unfamiliar with the city’s culture tend to see matatus as little more than a noisy, garish way for residents to get about the city; at worst, they look at the encroaching chaos of matatus as if it were nothing better than a gang of venal marauders—strident, greedy, relentless— intent upon vanquishing the city with their custom-built coaches. But despite the ambivalence with which the matatus are viewed, the citizens of Nairobi have come to acknowledge, reluctantly, that they are instrumental to the city’s success. It is unlikely that Nairobi’s economy could survive without the overwhelming achievements of the matatu industry. Since the early 1960s, the matatu has provided transportation to at least 60 percent of the city’s population, and the matatu industry has become the largest employer in the so-called popular economy by providing livelihoods to mechanics, touts, fee collectors, drivers, artists, and other associated businesses.” Even more significant is the fact that the matatu industry is the only major business in Kenya that has continued to be almost entirely locally owned and controlled; in other words, it has, from its beginnings, remained free from the influence of foreign aid or foreign aid workers.? The matatu industry is homegrown. The owners and workers are making it on their own, without foreign aid or government support, and despite subsidized competition, government interference, and systemic corruption. For several decades now, the matatu industry has provided a rare example of a highly profitable business that has turned out to be vital to the development of Nairobi and its identity—as the acclaimed Kenyan writer and activist Binyavanga Wainaina has remarked, “Matatus are Nairobi and Nairobi is matatus.”4

In fact, matatus are so much a part of life in the city that it is no exaggeration to say that modern Nairobi could not have taken shape without the invention of these colorful contraptions. The two cannot be separated. They are too mutually dependent, too tightly intertwined. Not only is the motley stampede of transports inescapable to anyone on the street, but they have also, since independence, existed at the heart of the city’s economy and its culture, politics, and street life. They have, over the past half century, provided the city with its circulatory system; they are its lifeblood. So, to understand the history of Nairobi and its rapid growth, we need to understand the history of the matatu; similarly, if we want to understand the triumph of the matatu, we need to understand the particular social, economic, cultural, and political history of postcolonial Nairobi.

This uneasy alliance of Nairobi and its matatus is the subject of this book. It is the story of the matatu industry as it unfolds within the larger historical contexts of the community and the nation, from its beginnings in the early 1960s through the authoritarian years of Daniel Arap Moi’s presidency, and into the twenty-first century. Given the industry’s humble origins, as well as its ad hoc, opportunistic nature, the book is necessarily an ethnographic history, written from the perspective of the streets. The story of the matatu cannot be found anywhere else, anywhere but on the peripheries of society, on the rough streets and in dirty garages, and among the grease-stained entrepreneurs who tend to thrive outside the purview of bureaucrats and politicians—and all too often outside the law. And though the story may start around the margins of Nairobi, it does not end there. Eventually the history of the matatu will take everyone involved—the workers, the passengers, the police, the gangs, and the government—on a rough ride straight into the center of the city.

Matatu-like transportation is not unique to Kenya. The use of vehicles similar to matatus is an important phenomenon in most of the Global South. Called pesero in Mexico, jeepney in the Philippines, tuk-tuk in

Indonesia, songthaew in Thailand and Laos, otobus in Egypt, combi in South Africa, dala dala in Tanzania, danfo in Nigeria, taxis-brousses in Francophone Africa, they can be found throughout areas with uneven development, popular economies, and a large-scale need for public transportation. In Nairobi it became relatively commonplace to see a matatu on the roads right after Kenya achieved its independence from Britain. They could not have existed earlier. During colonial rule, Nairobi was meant to be a white-only city, and the idea of an Africanowned vehicle bringing Africans into the city was not encouraged. Not only were major African business ventures generally discouraged, the movements of Africans were also vigilantly restricted.° Typically, the only Africans allowed to remain in the city center for more than brief visits were laborers performing menial work for Europeans, and most of these workers walked to their places of work. They had no choice. This changed significantly once racial restrictions were lifted after independence in 1963 and Africans could work and move about the city more freely. The effects of freedom were immediate, throughout the country. Straightaway Africans began migrating from the rural areas to the city in search of economic opportunity and excitement, and the majority of these new residents needed a way to get around the city and to get into the city from the rapidly growing suburbs. And so the matatu was invented.

The early matatus were ramshackle affairs (the name “matatu” derives from the Kikuyu word for “three,” the three big ten-cent coins used to pay for a ride to the city). They were cobbled together “bit by bit, piece by piece,” recalled one Nairobi resident who witnessed the birth of matatus in the early 1960s: “Matatu entrepreneurs scrounged old motor parts and carried them to garages on River Road. After weeks of hammering and tying pieces of wire, an earsplitting roar, accompanied by machine-gun-type backfiring, was heard, [then] huge mechanical monsters emerged from behind. After a long time, the engine fired and broke into a tremendous roar, and the turn-boys removed the stones that kept the wheels in place.”” For the most part these enterprising businessmen were ambitious tinkerers who would recover and repair vehicles—cars, trucks, or buses; anything that could accommodate a few passengers and maintain fairly regular routes to and from the city. In the eyes of the authorities, however, these individual ventures were illegal. Since they had not been licensed by the new government they were deemed to be operating outside the law. But that did not matter to the passengers; they desperately needed transportation to and from the city center. In time the government grudgingly came to tolerate matatus as a necessary evil.

The private businesses lurched along unchecked, despite the government’s grumbling, until 1973, when President Jomo Kenyatta abruptly declared matatus legal. The ruling was a surprise. Even more surprising was the fact that Kenyatta had declined to prescribe any restrictions, or require any form of licensing, on the matatus. It may have been a simple oversight. But by foregoing the chance to regulate the industry he gave the matatu owners de facto permission to explore the limits of laissez-faire capitalism.’ Suddenly everybody wanted in on the action. Unfit vehicles in all states of disrepair began roaming the streets; even more dangerous was the recklessness with which drivers began to operate their rickety rattletraps—bouncing through potholed streets, reeling around corners, the drivers raced through the streets as fast as they could to get first crack at passengers who they then packed in so tightly that arms, legs, and backsides were left hanging out of doors and windows.’

The indifference to safety, along with the government’s regulatory neglect, led to a predictable increase in accidents. In fact, they became so common that newspaper headlines routinely announced the tragedies with a weary shrug. Reporting became jaded: “Another horror matatu crash”; “twenty people perish in another matatu accident”; or, “matatus are a Black Hole of Calcutta.” Not to be outdone by the newspapers’ scoffing unconcern, the owners began emblazoning the sides of the minibuses with slogans that reveled in the matatu’s perils: such slogans as “Coming for to Carry Me Home” or “See You in Heaven” announced the matatu’s dangers with daring cockiness. Owners seemed to have no qualms at all about suggesting to passengers that their next destination might well be the next world. And the passengers, with places to go and no other way to get there, overlooked the odds of an accident. If you hopped on a matatu and did not get where you were going, at the very least you would arrive in heaven. Either way, everyone would win.

While this kind of gallows humor no doubt invited a certain cavalier camaraderie, it did nothing to mitigate the risks of actually riding in a matatu. The increasing number of injuries and fatalities made it clear that something needed to be done to make the industry safer. In response to the crisis, President Moi passed a law in 1984 requiring that matatus be inspected and licensed. The new regulations had both good and bad consequences; while the new law clearly helped provide some oversight, it unfortunately ended up curtailing the business by shutting out many of the poorer matatu owners who lacked the means to meet the new safety requirements. The law also ended up helping the wealthier owners, who quickly began to consolidate their power by forming associations; on the other hand, this power grab had the beneficial effect of allowing matatu owners to organize itineraries and thus limit the chaotic overlapping of routes and reduce traffic congestion."!

By the early 1990s, then, the consolidation of operators, along with the corresponding decrease in competition and increased organization of routes, noticeably reduced reckless driving and improved safety. Unfortunately, the associations formed by the well-off owners began selfishly controlling the routes and exacting exorbitant parking fees and “goodwill payments,” thus making it difficult for new owners to enter the business.!* These exclusionary tactics meant that the entry of new owners into the business was no longer a matter of free market choices. Suddenly matatu startups encountered a barricade of byzantine negotiations with key stakeholders over a wide range of social, political, and economic variables—and passing through the barricade typically involved some kind of payoff. If you wanted to be on the streets, you had to be ready to offer a bribe.

As fewer and fewer owners managed to enter and survive the industry’s consolidation, those who did quickly began to monopolize it. But as bad as this may seem, some of the consequences were beneficial. It was not long before the wealthier owners purchased safer and more comfortable vehicles.’ By the late 1990s, instead of the old, overburdened jalopies, the streets soon entertained new Nissan, Toyota, and Isuzu minivans with ornate paint jobs, air conditioning, and lavish interiors with such luxuries as tinted windows, state-of-the-art sound systems, and eventually flat-screen TVs. Much better than splintery benches bolted to the bed of an old pickup. Still, despite the exclusionary tactics, despite the streamlined routes and all the added comforts, there remained the mad scramble for passengers. So, to lure passengers, matatu operators started to “trick out” their vehicles with blaring hip-hop and flamboyantly painted exteriors—from somber black to a Rubik’s-Cube assortment of colors, or with airbrushed creations normally reserved for movie posters or street murals. Each matatu had to be unique. Particularly popular were the names and portraits of American hip-hop artists like Kanye West, Eminem, Ludacris, Jay-Z, or Snoop Dogg; sometimes they promoted political figures—there were predictable portraits of Barack Obama, that most honored child of Kenya (in one such image he is kissing his wife, Michelle), but you might also en-

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FIGURE 2 September 2002. Courtesy of the Standard Group, Nairobi counter such political absurdities as George Bush sitting beside Osama bin Laden. Regardless, the transformation of the matatu was profound. Just a few generations earlier matatu owners had been repurposing used parts to assemble simple vehicles that could carry a few passengers; now, a few decades after independence, they were adorning large, topof-the-line vans with personalized artwork and high-tech accessories.

Passengers also changed. They began to expect more creature comforts, and as the comfort improved, so did their behavior. Passengers began to cultivate a certain degree of matatu etiquette at the stops and in the parking lots. Now, more often than not, commuters lined up to board the fancy vehicles rather than jostling and shoving each other as they had done before, nor was there so much tiresome bickering over fares. But as the operators improved and regulated the matatu business, they also made it more enticing to the less disciplined elements of society. To put it another way, the success of the matatu began to attract parasites. By the mid-1990s criminal gangs, such as Mungiki, began to infiltrate the business and extort protection money from the operators, and their efforts were so successful that they eventually ended up becoming the self-appointed rulers of the matatu parking lots.'> The government did little to curtail their power, and so the owners were left more or less helpless against the gangs’ predations. In fact, as the gangs began to accumulate wealth and influence, prominent politicians began to hire them as political mercenaries to harass their opponents during elections.’ It was becoming clear that if you could control the matatus, you could control Kenyan politics. The matatu had become a political weapon.

But not just for powerful politicians. During the 1990s and early 2000s, a new generation of young men (and occasionally women) began to enter the industry as drivers and conductors, and they managed to change the social and political landscape. This generation—I sometimes refer to them as “Generation Matatu”—came of age during a period of democratic reform and neoliberal economic policy. Educated but unemployed, many of these young workers had no other options than the matatu industry, and even if other employment had been available—as office clerks, for example—most of them could earn more money in matatus than in the jobs they had been trained for. Since the traditional path toward government employment had been largely closed off, many in this new generation came to believe that working in the popular economy was the only way forward—or at least the most lucrative. For Generation Matatu, success no longer meant landing a nine-to-five job in an office as it had in the 1960s; it meant becoming a self-reliant man or woman, fending for oneself in the popular economy by any means possible—much as the early matatu workers had done.

The benefits of matatu work were not just monetary. These new conductors and drivers—young and trendy, sporting the latest hip-hop fashions—became increasingly desirable boyfriends for young women in Nairobi, which naturally made matatus one of the most favored locations for secret rendezvous. Even young women from the upper middle classes, who might previously have preferred riding comfortably in their parents’ cars, now began to ride in matatus with the poor and working classes. In a sense, then, matatu mobility made for mobility among the classes, and, as is typically the case, the proximity led to change. Before long, interactions on these vibrant, modernized matatus began to alter the forms of class and respectability in Nairobi, and perhaps even more significantly, these interactions began to increase political awareness—so much so that many members of Generation Matatu started to join Kenya’s nascent democratic movement. Eventually, the young reformers took to the streets—often in the same matatus in which they rode or worked—to challenge the government and call for multiparty elections and economic change. Inspired and enabled by the independent and provocative matatu culture, this new generation of citizens turned the matatu into a highly charged, politicized space. In other words, the matatu became a weapon of the people, not just the politicians.”

All told, the matatu’s “creative, ambiguous, and malevolent” history offers important insights into the history of postcolonial Kenya.'* Yet there are no historical studies of matatus. The two recent monographs on matatus, by Mbiigua wa Mingai and by Meleckidzedeck Khayesi, Frederick Muyia Nafukho, and Joyce Kemuma, are, respectively, marvelous studies of literary aspects of the matatu, and of the general economic organization strategies of the industry, but they are not historical.’ A detailed study of the matatu industry shows that despite the appreciable social, economic, and even political advances associated with the industry, its history has been one of exploitation, crime, violence, and corruption.”° This sordid side of the industry cannot be ignored. Some of the problems were self-imposed, some were the fault of government neglect or dishonesty, and sometimes even the customers were complicit in the industry’s illegal practices. At almost every turn, plans for improvements met with insurmountable obstacles. All this is to say that a thorough history of the matatu industry in Nairobi must also unravel the many social, economic, political, and personal trade-offs forced upon the city’s residents who depended on the matatus. Sadly, and perhaps predictably, many of these trade-offs fell hardest upon the average commuters, the anxious matatu workers, or the struggling owners.

Yet what also emerges is the seldom-heard story of African economic creativity, resilience, and self-sufficiency, all of which figured into the matatu’s success. Everyone involved—the oil-stained repairmen in the garages, the conductors squeezing bodies on board, the barking touts, the artists embellishing the vehicles with outlandish images, the bank managers offering loans, the women selling chapati in kiosks at the stations, even the policemen taking bribes from the drivers and the Mungiki extorting protection money—all of them hustled in and around the matatu industry to make a living in the exciting confusion of postcolonial Nairobi. To succeed in the matatu industry, it helped to be quick-witted, and to adopt a high-handed, customer-be-damned attitude; often this meant doing business with a compulsory cunning, and often it meant being a little less than scrupulous, or a little too keen to cut corners, or having a tendency to shade the truth to snatch that extra shilling or two.” The matatu industry was nothing if not resourceful. And at best, amid the compromises and chaos, the business of the matatu created a model of capitalistic enterprise that demonstrated to Kenyans that they could make it on their own and in their own country.

And it is not just Kenyans who are making it. Africans in other countries have succeeded just as well in businesses of their own, though there are few historical studies of indigenous businesses or industries in postcolonial Africa.?? Unfortunately, the models of local large capital ventures have largely been ignored, and, as a result, our picture of African enterprise is incomplete.” Instead, historians have concentrated on studying “development” in Africa, typically with a focus on the role of foreign aid, NGOs, or foreign investors.”* Regrettably, the familiar “development” model is often inadequate since it tends to constrain our thinking. All too often it traps us in an easy narrative of success and failure, or hope and despair, which always seems to be determined by some outside agent.”> The real story is neither so simple nor so confining. We need to recognize and appreciate what the Africans themselves are doing with their economies as they take risks, create businesses, and accumulate capital.*° On a very basic level, this book is about how informal businesses succeed and evolve, and how they are, over time, incorporated into regulated marketplaces. When we actually look at Africans’ own businesses and their evolution, the narrative becomes more complicated, more interesting, and even more hopeful—despite the absence of beneficent benefactors from the NGOs, or the deus ex machina of foreign aid grants.” It is of course the case that indigenous businesses may initially involve disruptive, extralegal activity—activity that is often enabled by organized crime and political corruption.” But it is also the case that the consumer interests generally prevail, and that eventually the businesses do tend to become socially sanctioned and successfully regulated. Of course the road is never straight or without obstacles—certainly not for the owner of a matatu. What I hope to do in Matatu is to show how ordinary Kenyans have managed to make their self-made matatus into a thriving and sustaining industry.

While it may be surprising that so little attention has been given to the history of the matatu, it is even more surprising that scholars have largely ignored the history of postcolonial Nairobi—despite the fact that as a city with a population of more than four million people, Nairobi is representative of other major megacities of the Global South.” In fact, Luise White’s The Comforts of Home, published twenty-five years ago, is the only book available on the history of Nairobi, and it focuses on the colonial period.*° White uses prostitution as a lens through which to view the broader history of colonial Nairobi. In a similar way, I examine matatus as a means to analyze more fully the history of postcolonial Nairobi. By telling the story of the matatu from the vantage point of the streets and parking garages, I can show a great deal about how the matatu helped coalesce the city and the nation.*! This broader scope is possible because there is simply no corner of the city, or of the city’s recent history, that the matatu industry has not reached, and no corner of its culture, economy, and politics that it has not affected.*” For better or for worse, the matatu is what moves Nairobi’s people, politics, and economy. No matter who you are or how you travel, whether on foot or by bus or motorcade, you will encounter matatus. In this regard, matatus provide useful lessons in how to live in postcolonial Nairobi. But the lessons are sometimes the unwelcome kind. Riding in a matatu requires alertness. Pickpocketing, muggings, and sexual harassment are particularly common in and around matatus, so attentiveness to one’s surroundings is necessary.*? Indeed, to be a seasoned citizen of Nairobi requires such caution and vigilance.

But life is not always a hassle in this “city in the sun.” Nairobi is a city that teaches its residents ways to survive against the odds, a city where the lines between good and bad often seem to blur, where ingenuity and resourcefulness are crucial—but so is a certain level of consideration for one’s neighbors. Just when Nairobians seem on the point of despair, something shining seems always to relieve them, if not rescue them: the clean Iko toilets by the parking lots, the well-tended bougainvillea gardens lining the streets, the conductor who abandons his route to rush a pregnant woman to the nearest hospital, the spirited beat of hip-hop music. And if you look inside any matatu as it staggers down a Nairobi street, you are likely to see the poor or working class jostled alongside the middle class, or the Luo and the Luyia, the Kikuyu and the Kamba, all intermingled, all at the mercy of the drivers to whom they have entrusted their lives. The motley mix of passengers will see the same billboards and buildings, watch the same videos, listen to the same music, and witness the same passing crowds of pedestrians who, just like they, are now Nairobians. No doubt each passenger experiences the city in his or her own unique way, but by sharing their fates in boisterous matatus they share the same cosmopolitan experience, and at least for the moment they make Nairobi their city.*4 In this regard, Matatu tells the story of some of the ways in which matatu passengers learn to live together as Nairobians, as cosmopolitan citizens, to adjust, to bend the rules to help those worse off, to kaa square, “squeeze in” and make room for just one more in a crowded matatu.?5

To tell this story of the matatu and postcolonial Nairobi I have relied to a large extent upon newspapers, magazines, and interviews. There is good reason for this: almost all of the material lies outside formal government archives. In most cases the matatus’ rough-and-ready operators were participating in a popular economy that made up its own rules and regulations as it struggled to survive. Whenever matatu operators came into contact with officialdom, problems tended to be resolved under the table or on the street with bribes or brickbats, and hence there are very few official sources to draw on. The history is not to be found in the government archives.

Newspapers, especially, provided a wealth of material. Over the past thirty years there has been an almost daily story or two concerning matatu accidents, gang violence, or bribery. Granted, some of the material is sensational, or driven by the need for drama, and a fair share of it is written in haste to meet a deadline or in response to its audience’s bias. Much of the reporting is therefore contradictory or inconsistent, so I have had to weigh the evidence and assess the different angles and interpretations to arrive at a fittingly complex understanding of the matatu. And of course, the information I have gleaned from newspapers is supplemented by numerous interviews. Over the past ten years I have returned to Kenya for at least four or five weeks a year to conduct research and interview passengers, touts, drivers, owners, officials, former members of the Mungiki, and many others. Overall, I interviewed at least two hundred people in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya.

And finally, I have drawn upon social media for information on contemporary developments and viewpoints, and especially for matatu photographs. Kenya is awash in cell phones, and for the past decade people have been taking photos and posting them on blogs and Facebook with spendthrift abandon. In particular, I have found the “matatu culture” site on Facebook, and Wambururu’s blog, to be useful for their currency and colorful commentary.’ The Internet-based sources are a cultural phenomenon just as surely as any other text that is relevant to historical study, and in a sense the blogs and Facebook pages merely extend the range of sources.*” The fact that matatu culture is so avidly represented on the Internet is in many ways a reflection of the intensely communicative aspect of the matatus, with their extravagant airbrushed art, slogans, raucous music, and the constant social and political banter that echoes in their confines. You could perhaps say that all along the purpose of the matatu has been to provide a social network that connects people to their city.

ONE

“The Only Way to Get There Was on Foot”

Before the matatu entered the scene in the early 1960s, transportation was woefully inadequate and mobility in Nairobi—at least for Africans—was limited. Most commuters journeyed to work on foot—a fact that did not escape the notice of the notorious writer/journalist (and Hemingway epigone) from North Carolina, Robert Ruark, who traveled extensively in Kenya between 1952 and 1958.1 Ruark typically wrote with colorful conformity about the poor conditions of Africans, but he seemed unusually surprised by the amount of foot traffic clogging the city. Looking out the window of his comfortable motorcar as he was conveyed from the Eastleigh Airport to the Norfolk Hotel, he marveled at the “ceaseless, relentless stream of plodding people—people coming in from town or going out of town, crowding the sides of the roads on bicycles and afoot, on sway-backed burros and packed like shrimp in buses and lurching lorries. The women ever bear some burden on their backs—whether food, firewood, or a few pitiful belongings; their necks bow and the carrying strap creases their foreheads.”” For Africans this kind of plodding was the customary means of getting around during most of the colonial period.* Before independence the layout of Nairobi had been primarily organized to meet the needs of the white population, with little thought given to the Africans’ need for reliable transportation. The disregard was deliberate: the economy of the city had been organized so that the white population would reap most