Transformation and Legitimation in Post-apartheid Universities

Front matter

Transformation and Legitimation in Post-apartheid Universities

Reading Discourses from ‘Reitz’

LP.

Introduction To The Series

Series Title: Critical Studies in Higher Education Transformation

Managing Editor: André Keet

It is with great excitement and humility that we introduce this book series under the auspices of AFRICAN SUN MeDIA and the Institute for Reconciliation and Social Justice (IRSJ) at the University of the Free State (UFS).

The timing of this series is linked to the swell in local and global demands over the past few years to quicken the pace of higher education transformation informed by integrated and pluralist conceptions of justice. This juncture, historically produced by social, cultural, political and economic arrangements and dynamics over a sustained period of time, has currently found expression in the anatomies of protests and practices of dissent among students, staff, organised social movements and other players on the global higher education landscape. These acts of resistance against structurally-anchored forms of exclusion within universities in South Africa and elsewhere also suggest, despite our best efforts, that the social structure of the academy with its concomitant organisation and legitimation of knowledges and pedagogical dispositions, has remained more or less intact over the past several decades.

An increasing number of scholarly works on the transformation of higher education have surfaced on the national, regional and global scenes. This series builds on these intellectual contributions through the lenses of the principles of critique and resistance. These principles are aimed at facilitating productive critical praxes. Yet, the critical in this series must also challenge the ‘self-certainty of the critical attitude that confidently assumes that it is really in the know’! The critical is called upon to confront its own codes, dogmas and doctrines. The praxes and transformative actions that emerge from the critical must therefore discard their own self-certainty so as to be self-critical, ‘reflect on [their] own contingent circumstances and contextual limitations, and thus, remain open to moderation and other possibilities.”

Critique and resistance has the renewal of our cultural traditions, institutions, knowledges and practices in mind in a world in which structural arrangements only further serve to systemically and systematically moor inequalities and exclusions. This posture would require demanding and courageous reflective processes of self-clarification within the academy to engage with our forms of life, cultural traditions, academic dispositions and social practices’. Only on this basis can all actors within higher education institutions generate praxes that provide rehabilitated meanings for the higher education transformation principles of equity and redress; democratisation; development; quality; effectiveness and efficiency; academic freedom; institutional autonomy; and public accountability.* In addition, demands for the ‘Africanisation’ and ‘decolonisation of higher education, vibrantly articulated by the ‘new’ student social movements, have now surfaced as powerful nodes of critique and resistance in South Africa and elsewhere, insisting on its own criticality.

The critical in this series is not blind to the considerable complexities of higher education in relation to ‘governance, management and leadership; the student environment — equity, access and success; the staffing environment; the cultural and social environment; research and intellectual cultures; the role of universities in society; institutional equity and transformation;

1 Hoy, D C. (2004). Critical resistance: from poststructuralism to post-critique. Cambridge: MIT Press. p237.

3 See Kompridis, N. (2006). Critique and disclosure: critical theory between past and future. Cambridge: MIT Press. p. 8.

4 Department of Education, White Paper 3 on the Transformation of the Higher Education System, 1997.

vi the funding of higher education; differentiation; and higher education locations within the broader post-school system} Rather, it is precisely tasked with generating sophisticated interpretive schemes for social justice praxes to engage productively with globalising forces, internationalisation and diversification processes; the massification of higher education; and the impact of technologies and digitisation of universities. Significantly, the critical in this series is also petitioned to engage analytically with the United Nations 2030 Sustainable Development Goals‘ and the World Declaration on Higher Education for the Twenty-First Century.

In line with this reasoning, we invite proposals and suggestions for monographs and edited compilations of original scholarship that critically analyse patterns of inclusion and exclusion and configurations of recognitions and misrecognitions within higher education apropos: the social structure of the academy, the power-relations embedded within the organisation of knowledge, its disciplines and disciples; the mechanics of authority and power within knowledge generation processes, research subjects, objects, topics and trends; the politics of knowledge and academic publishing; pedagogical typologies; the construction of professional and student identities; the regulation of student life and voice; student and staff activisms, staff and student access and success; the interplay between pedagogy, research and institutional culture; the political economy of higher education; and the connectionist dynamics between higher education and the state, private sector, interest groups, pressure formations and the broader society.

5 Universities South Africa. (2015) Reflections on Higher Education Transformation: Discussion paper prepared for the second national Higher Education Transformation Summit, Durban, South Africa.

6 These areno poverty; no hunger; good health; quality education; gender equality; clea water and sanitation; renewable energy; good jobs and economic growth; innovatio and infrastructure; reduced inequalities; sustainable cities and communities; responsible consumption; climate actions; life below water; life on land; peace and justice; and partnerships for the goals. See the full document at http://www.un.org/ ga/search/view_doc.asp? symbol=A/RES/70/1&Lang=E. [Accessed 17 June 2016].

Vil

The series focuses on a broad audience by which public intellectual debates can contribute to dynamic praxes in service of the deep change within universities commanded by local and global democratic and social-justice aspirations. Inter-institutional collaborations around this series may emerge with, for instance, the planned Centre for Critical Studies in Higher Education Transformation at the Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU) and other outfits. We will welcome suggestions and approaches in this regard to build a network of critical and engaged scholars across the higher education landscape.

André Keet

Director Institute for Reconciliation and Social Justice University of the Free State

June 2016 vill

Preface

This is a brave book written with deep understanding and modulated moral anger. In critically focusing on a moment in the history of the University of the Free State — the infamous Reitz event — JC van der Merwe and Dionne van Reenen enable us to understand the depth and embedded nature of racism in our higher education institutions.

Despite the rapid and dramatic changes in the demographic makeup of most higher education institutions, the growing participation rates of black students at universities and important policy changes ushered in by the democratic government post 1994, our higher education institutions continue to struggle with the challenges of racism and social justice.

The lessons that emerge both prior to and after the video became public (26 February 2008) are significant — not just to the University of the Free State in efforts to address the challenges of institutional racism, but also to the higher education sector in general. Perhaps the most telling lesson that the experiences of the university has for us lies in the role of moral courage in leading a relentless struggle against racism — both at our institutions of higher learning and our country at large. The very nature of racism is such that it pervades and envelopes every aspect of our lives. In institutions such as universities, where tradition, knowledge, scholarship and culture play such a central role, it is quite seductive to be part of what becomes viewed as an indispensable ‘culture heritage’ of universities. The cultural baggage that surrounds our universities is often rooted in factors such as class, gender and race.

It is both difficult and demanding to possess the moral courage to recognise and give centrality to the nature of the struggle we need to engage in if we want to advance against racism in our institutions of higher education. In addition to moral courage, the struggle against racism requires a relentless momentum that must be maintained on a daily basis. One of the lessons that our struggle against racism has shown us is that racism reaches deep into our society, and as a result it is very easy to slip back and lose any gains we might have made. We need to progress, not only with the bigger issues, but also in our daily practices and across all aspects of university life.

We need to integrate the struggle against racism in our universities into the missions of our universities. The practice of treating this issue as separate from the other work of universities is perhaps one of the reasons why progress and advances have been slow. The pursuit of academic excellence cannot happen in isolation of the wider social challenges that confront us as a nation. This challenge is both complex and demanding as it requires a new and different way of thinking about the role of universities and other institutions of higher education in 21st century South Africa.

There is no better time than the present for clear and visionary leadership in the higher education sector. As part of this critical turning point we need the courage to ask deep and fundamental questions about what we teach, how we teach, how we govern, the lines of accountability, the loci and functioning of power and control, meaningful participation in critical aspects of the life of the university, the role of students beyond formal representation, and the different modes and structures of communication.

While our universities must accept the responsibility for giving meaning to our constitution in the academic terrain, we need to remind ourselves that this challenge cannot occur in isolation from the broader challenges of building and strengthening our democratic society. No better issue serves to illustrate this than the manner in which we deal with racism as a nation. Our approach seems to be characterised by a series of fits and starts, generally prompted by the social media and the newspapers for a few days, followed by a return to a state of complacency until the next happening. If we fail as a nation to deal effectively with the challenges of racism, then our universities will continue to struggle to deal with this.

This is an important and instructive book. In laying bare the soul of the University of the Free State, JC van der Merwe and Dionne van Reenen show how critically important moral courage and clear leadership is when dealing with what appears to be almost intractable social challenges such as racism. It is also a cautionary tale in the sense of not claiming too many victories too early. Racism has a habit of reappearing, and not just fading away because we have new laws or because we nodded our heads in its direction.

The student protests of 2015-16 should have sensitised universities and the higher education sector to possible problems stemming from deep-rooted racism at their institutions. These events and the challenges inherent in building a new democratic society provide the university sector with a unique historical opportunity. Universities have shied away from this opportunity and have largely failed our students in the critical task of preparing them for active citizenship in a complex and challenging world.

There is now, more than ever, an urgent need for clear leadership in the higher education sector.

John Samuel

Interim Director (2010-2011) Institute for Reconciliation and Social Justice University of the Free State

June 2016

XI

ABBREVIATIONS

ANC: ARNHE: CHE: CODESA: DBE: DOE: FF+: HEQC: IRSJ: MCTHE:

MKC: NCHE: NEHAWU:

NP: SAHRC: SAPA: SASCO: SRC:

UFS: UVPERSU:

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African National Congress

The Anti-Racism Network in Higher Education Council on Higher Education

Convention for a Democratic South Africa Department of Basic Education

Department of Education

Freedom Front Plus (Afrikaans: ‘VF+’)

Higher Education Quality Committee

Institute for Reconciliation and Social Justice

Ministerial Committee on Transformation and Social Cohesion and the Elimination of Discrimination in Public Higher Education Institutions

Matthew Kruger Consultants National Commission on Higher Education

National Education Health and Allied Workers’

Union

National Party

South African Human Rights Commission South African Press Association

South African Students Congress

Student Representative Council

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The authors would like to thank the following: The Institute for Reconciliation and Social Justice at the University of the Free State who commissioned the ‘Reitz’ Interviews and Molly Blank for conducting them, which gave important context and background to this work. The authors would like to extend their sincere appreciation to John Samuel, who was the first director of the Institute, for contributing the preface to this monograph and André Keet, current director of the Institute, as series editor. Their guidance and support has been instrumental in the completion of this project. Further thanks must go to Irma du Plessis and Louis Botes for academic advising and language editing, respectively; to the Directorate for Institutional Research and Academic Planning at the University of the Free State for audited statistical information; to Chris Vorster for assistance in describing and formulating the Reitz video material; to Justa Niemand and Liezel Meintjes of SUN MeDIA; and to the peer reviewers for their expertise and suggestions. All have offered invaluable assistance and advice, without which, this monograph could not have been published.

xiii

Contents

MEDEA ENO ssn A A 1 CHAPTER1 wm ‘Reitz’: A placeholder for a bigger story? ssassn 5 lenger 6 Introducing: the Reitz Video. eegene freet RE ENER atin aiden ates 9 Us E 9 IESSE WOrketS ide shia oricaennen ei N anedenedntee 10 CHAPTER 2 m (Mis)understanding transformation at the University of the Free State: Management perspectives and Le 40 South Africa in transition and the implication for higher education, 1980-2008 EE 42 Transformation at the UFS prior to the ‘Reitz’ crisis: 1980-2008 oe 49 The UFS management team’s position on transformation before Re 56 The UFS management team’s understanding of the relationship The UFS and its ‘publics’: Internal and external constituencies and their input on the transformation debate oo... cece 79 Concluding EE 86 CHAPTER3 wm Resisting transformation at the University of the Free State: Student life and residence traditions, 1990-2008 aseisicisessnsiacsnsnvavansintsonataansnan ones snsesnannetannencnanena 89 Lee E 90 Family metaphors and residence life: Intersectionalities of whiteness, patriarchy and subcultural formations .ssssecccccccccccccrenereris 110 Seniority and authority oo. ecececeeeceeeceeteetecteceeeseeeeeeeenseneeeesereeeneeetes 117 Identity and conlormipy oe. ceceeceeeteteetetteeteeesteceeeeeecseersersersetertnteney 120

XIV

Secrecy and loyalty EE

Chapter 1 Reitz’: A Placeholder For A Bigger Story?

‘REITZ’: A PLACEHOLDER FOR A BIGGER STORY?

The University of the Free State is situated in central South Africa in the Free State province. It was declared an official educational institution (Grey University College) in 1910 — the same year that saw the birth of the Union of South Africa following the end of the South African War eight years prior. At inception, the college initially had an English language policy but later changed to a dual language policy (Afrikaans and English) as more Afrikaans speakers joined the institution. The dual language policy persisted for a few decades until Afrikaans became the official language of instruction in the late 1940s against a backdrop of a growing Afrikaner nationalism, which culminated in the formation of the apartheid state in 1948.

In 1950, the University College of the Free State (as it was then known) was declared an independent university, and renamed the University of the Orange Free State (UOFS). Over the next forty years, the UOFS defined its institutional culture as exclusively Afrikaans, Christian and aligned with the National Party (NP) ideology. The student body and lecturing staff were all white and the majority came from an Afrikaner constituency.

After the decline of apartheid, the political negotiations, which began in 1990 with the unbanning of the African National Congress (ANC), led to a rapid increase in student numbers as black students were finally allowed access to the university’s undergraduate programmes. As a result of this, a parallel-medium language policy was adopted in 1993. In 2001 the institution was renamed yet again, this time as the University of the Free State (UFS).?

In the early 2000s, the National Working Group on Higher Education proposed a restructuring of the whole higher education sector in South Africa. As a result of this proposal, the Qwaqwa campus of the then University of the North and the Bloemfontein campus of Vista University were incorporated into the UFS in 2003 and 2004 respectively.” Today, the

1 The UFS is also colloquially referred to as ‘Kovsies’.

2 Uniqwa (now Qwaqwa campus) was established in 1982 as a satellite campus of the University of the North (what would be referred to now as ‘historically black

Bloemfontein campus is still the main campus accommodating almost 24 000 students, while the Qwaqwa and South campuses each have just under 4 000 students.

Two decades of democracy brought with it a radical shift in the composition of the student body - especially on the Bloemfontein campus, which changed from an all-white campus of fewer than 10 000 students in the late 1980s to a campus of 24 000 students, and a total student body that is more than 70 per cent black, by 2015. Despite this significant shift in demographics, an Afrikaans and Christian institutional culture remained intact on the Bloemfontein campus with separation mostly along racial lines into Afrikaans lectures, attended almost entirely by white students, and English lectures, attended mostly by black students.’ Similar lines of racial segregation, but more explicitly in racial terms, were in place at the on-campus university residences, in which the university housed more than 5 000 of its students. Students were accommodated in separate ‘black’ and ‘white’ residences. These student dormitories are also referred to as ‘hostels’ or ‘reses’ and have traditional histories similar to sororities and fraternities. The residences were also gender-segregated with males and females residing separately. For a brief period in the late 1990s, attempts were made to racially integrate the residences. When these attempts at integration failed dismally, residences remained segregated along racial lines (This failed process is discussed in detail in Chapter 2). It was, therefore, only universities’ or ‘historically disadvantaged universities’). The Qwaqwa campus is situated in the eastern part of the Free State province about 300 km away from Bloemfontein. Vista University (now South campus) was established in 1981 by the apartheid government in South Africa to accommodate black urban South Africans in search of tertiary education in the townships rather than at universities in the cities which were almost exclusively reserved for white students (now referred to as ‘historically white universities’ and ‘historically Afrikaans universities’).

3 There might have been a few black Afrikaans-speaking students in some classes but these students would have been a small minority. Most black students would not choose to study in Afrikaans, either due to not electing to study the language at primary or secondary school level prior to attending the university or as a political choice because the language was largely identified by the black population as the official language of the apartheid state. The separate classes remain unchanged at the time of this publication.

‘REITZ’: A PLACEHOLDER FOR A BIGGER STORY?

thirteen years after the formal political transition in South Africa that the University of the Free State Council,* in 2007, adopted a policy that stated, amongst other things, that residences on the Bloemfontein campus were to be racially integrated beginning in January 2008. The ‘Reitz incident’, the subject of this book, took place in the aftermath of this announcement.

At the University of the Free State's Bloemfontein campus, the second half of 2007 was characterised by a fierce opposition to the planned desegregation of residences originating not only from the white Afrikaner student cohort on campus, but also the broader white Afrikaner constituency in the Free State, and arguably, the country. White Afrikaner alumni, opposed to the racial integration (or desegregation) of residences, vehemently responded in the media, and one political party, the Freedom Front Plus (FF+), threatened the university with a court interdict in an attempt to halt the implementation of the policy.

It was during this period (August/September 2007) that student residences on the Bloemfontein campus hosted their annual ‘cultural evenings. These evenings take on different forms in different residences and have been a much-loved tradition for many years. The purpose of these evenings is for all students to participate in some kind of cultural activity — be that dancing, singing, acting or poetry. For most residences, the occasion is a highlight on their yearly calendar.

Hazing’ and other hegemonised traditions formed the backbone of student life, especially in white male residences. These traditions were constructed within a belligerent masculinity — based on racial exclusivity, gendered norms, cultural particularities, and so on. Events such as cultural evenings are usually closed private residence functions and the only non-residents permitted to attend are invited partners of resident students. Customarily, the Student Representative Council (SRC) member allocated to a specific residence also attends, as well as the head of the residence — usually a UFS staff member

4 The university council is the highest governing body of the university.

5 ‘Hazing’ refers to the tormenting or harassment (of new students or recruits) by subjecting them to strenuous, humiliating or dangerous tasks.

who occupies the role of a ‘warder’ in the residence. The programme of the evening usually takes the form of a competition. During the annual cultural evening, all performances are judged and, at the end, an overall winner is announced. In most residences it is compulsory for all students to participate — either individually or as part of a group.

That year, four students in the President Reitz residence chose to make a video. This was within the accepted competition rules which allowed for senior students (students from second year, sophomore onwards) to make a video instead of performing on stage. Below follows an annotated reconstructed script of the video they produced.‘

This is a brief description of the protagonists.

The students

The age of the students ranged between 22 and 24. They were senior students in the Reitz residence.

e JOHNNY ROBERTS: Studied BCom. (Graduated in 2007)

e DANIE GROBLER: Studied marketing. (Graduated in 2007)

e RC (ROELOF) MALHERBE: Studied agriculture. (Did not graduate)

e SCHALK VAN DER MERWE: Studied agriculture. (Did not graduate) As a result of the controversy surrounding the ‘Reitz video’, both RC Malherbe and Schalk van der Merwe terminated their agricultural studies in their final year.

6 The full version of this video is available at https://www.youtube.com/watch? v=F4jq_sucA34. The video was filmed in Afrikaans and Sesotho and has been translated into English by the authors.

‘REITZ’: A PLACEHOLDER FOR A BIGGER STORY?

The staff / workers

The age of the workers ranged between 40 and 52. They have worked at the UFS for between 17 and 25 years.

e REBECCA ADAMS: Custodial staff.

e MITTAH NTLATSENG: Custodial/kitchen staff.

e DAVID MOLETE: Gardening staff.

e EMMA KOKO: Custodial staff.

e NAOMI PHORORO: Custodial staff.

FADE IN:

1. EXTERIOR — REITZ RESIDENCE - DAY (2007)

A silent pan across the Reitz residence; the camera lingers on one of the bungalows (housing units) with the following black lettering on a beige wall: REITZ KAMERWONINGS (Reitz housing/lodging/ accommodation).

The residence was named after Francis William Reitz, Jr. who was the fifth President of the Orange Free State. It became known as President Reitz Kamerwonings.* Most of the older men’s residences were named after prominent Afrikaner politicians such as President Reitz, JBM Hertzog, HF Verwoerd, NJ van der Merwe, Abraham Fischer, and President Steyn. Reitz differed from other residences in terms of layout, in that it was made up of fourteen separate units (or ‘bungalows’), which housed eight students each, and five asbestos units (referred to as hondehokke - translation from Afrikaans: ‘dog kennels’) usually reserved for junior students.

* President Reitz Kamerwonings (Translation from Afrikaans: ‘Bungalows’), a men's residence on the main campus.

DISSOLVE TO:

2. EXTERIOR - REITZ RESIDENCE - DAY (CONTINUED)

A wide shot of a tranquil garden at the centre of the Reitz Residence. A voice over in Afrikaans is heard while the camera pans across the garden with some residents (students) crossing the frame.

VOICE OVER: Once upon a time, the Boers [translation from Afrikaans boere: ‘farmers’ - a word used to describe white Afrikaner men - originally Afrikaner farmers] lived happily on Reitz Island until the day when the less advantaged [a term widely used in post-apartheid South Africa to denote race, blackness in particular — from the epithet ‘historically disadvantaged groups’, i.e., racial groups disadvantaged by apartheid] discovered the word ‘integration’ in the dictionary. Reitz was forced to integrate and came up with their own selection process.

From the introductory remarks in the video, it is clear that the students produced this video to express their protest against the planned racial desegregation of residences on the Bloemfontein campus of the UFS. This was at a time when various stakeholders publicly stated their vehement opposition to integration of UFS residences. The majority of white Afrikaner students staying on campus were against, what they habitually termed, ‘forced integration’. At some point, student leaders in residences had suggested that they themselves would take on the responsibility for identifying and recruiting prospective students for their residences.

‘REITZ’: A PLACEHOLDER FOR A BIGGER STORY?

3. INTERIOR - STUDENT’S ROOM - DAY

JOHNNY ROBERTS sits at his desk with a beer in front of him. To his left, is a handwritten sign which reads: ‘INTERGRATION’ [sic].

JOHNNY: Our first activity is ‘down-downs’; it’s a very important sport here at Reitz. Every Friday night, we drink a few beers in the Seniorbond [translation from Afrikaans: Senior bar] and see who can down the fastest. On top of that, with our newly integrated rugby teams, one of these candidates might be ‘man of the match’ and will also have to down a [little] beer.

The fact that a handwritten sign that reads: INTERGRATION [sic] features promi

in this scene and features again in later scenes (4 and 7) leaves one with little doubt as to the theme of the video: namely, to state students’ opposition to the p

transformation of residences. Many students openly confirmed their fears that implementing a transformation process would destroy residence traditions and a ong-practiced institutional culture (read as: white, Afrikaans, Christian culture). Therefore, it is not surprising that the student producers of the video decided to eature these so-called ‘traditions’ in the extended narrative of the video. The Reitz residence had a long history of such traditions. It is quite significant that the first time viewers see the workers is when four of the workers are seen seated in the Senior Bond and another walks past in the background. Most of the male residences had a bar facility called the ‘Senior Bond’ and only senior students (second year and above) were allowed membership. In most residences, the Bond was a very s n t pecial space for these male students and strict rules applied in terms of dress code, nembership and conduct. There was even an annual competition, sanctioned by he university, in which residences competed for the ‘best Bond of the year’ award.

4.INTERIOR — SENIORBOND — DAY

DANIE:

DANIE:

DANIE GROBLER and RC MALHERBE stand behind the bar counter. While DANIE is talking ... the camera pans over to show four workers. Closest to the camera is REBECCA ADAMS; next to her sits MITTAH NTLATSENG; then DAVID MOLETE and; furthest away from the camera, EMMA KOKO. Each worker has an open beer on the counter in front of them.

Right, we are here at the down-down now. We are going to begin. DU start counting down and on the count of three you start downing, hey? .. two ... three ... DOWN! Down it! Swallow it!

The workers pick up the beers and start downing. The beers foam and spill immediately. The students laugh and shout:

Down it, swallow it, come now, go ‘MITTAH’, go MITTAH! MAL JAN, MAL JAN. You’re not finished yet.

Three of the workers can’t finish their beers but EMMA KOKO persists and finishes her beer. There is general laughter as NAOMI PHORORO joins the ‘fun’ with amazement. REBECCA ADAMS talks to NAOMI PHORORO in Sesotho.

REBECCA: Mittah is second. Emma is third.

MITTAH NTLATSENG also finishes her beer while the other workers cheer and start quarrelling about who was first, second and third. The scene ends with a close-up shot of MITTAH pulling her face in disgust while the camera pans across and settles on EMMA, the ‘winner’ of the down-down competition.

EMMA: You're talking sh_t, | am first! I am first!

On Friday evenings, after rugby matches were played in the afternoon, everybody gathered in the Senior Bond for the prize-giving ceremony which usually rewarded

‘REITZ’: A PLACEHOLDER FOR A BIGGER STORY?

the best player as ‘man of the match’. He would down a beer. After this ceremony, the Senior Bond was open for female students who wished to join the party. In the scene, the workers are competing in a beer drinking competition called ‘down-downs’ which is a reference to this tradition.

5. INTERIOR — STUDENT'S ROOM - DAY

This is exactly the same setting as that of Scene 3. This time, however, it’s SCHALK (SKALLA) VAN DER MERWE presenting the linking dialogue.

SCHALK: As everyone knows, we have been struggling a lot for the past few years in the area of SER. So, therefore, we thought it good, with the aid of the integration being forced upon us, to look at the squeezas [direct translation: female friends, or sister-in-law, or girlfriend - a term students use to refer to black female cleaning staff] who have been working here for many years so we can see whether they could teach us anything we might add to the SER.

u et Lë his competition is s Language and Cultu language and cultur Through the years, | for the promotion a home’ for Afrikaans ponsored by the A was formed in 1930 as an organisati

This scene refers to yet another tradition in residence life at the UFS, namely ‘SER’ ranslation: ‘Serenade’, a residence cabaret competition). This is an annual drama, nging and dancing competition in which all residences participate and is still one of he highlights on the student calendar each year. The winners (one female residence nd one male residence) proceed to the national competition.