A Translation of Lao-tzu’s Tao Te Ching and Wang Pi’s Commentary

Front matter

KENNETH G. LIEBERTHAL AND RICHARD H.

ROGEL CENTER FOR CHINESE STUDIES

MICHIGAN PAPERS IN CHINESE STUDIES NO, 30

Book Two Chapters 38-81 Appendix I: The Collective Biography of Lao Tzu _ by Ssu-ma Ch'ien

Appendix II: The Biography of Wang Pi by Ho Shao

Appendix I: The Major Differences between Wang Pi's Edition and the Ma-Wang-Tui Editions A and B

Selected Bibliography vii

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This translation was begun in 1968 as research in an area of great personal interest. As a Chinese with an undergraduate major in Western literature and a graduate concentration in English and Philosophy, I was particularly interested in bringing these two cultural worlds together in a philosophical setting. As professor of Non-Western Philosophy and Chinese Philosophy at Southern University, I found a tremendous source of input from my students. Many of them expressed a keen interest in studying the works of Lao Tzu, although warned beforehand that such an endeavor required a rigorous examination of ideas foreign to the Westerner in thought and structure. One who drank deeply of the sweet and the bitter in her intense study of Lao Tzu was the late Ms. Lois A. Miller.

In December 1974, in the course of sending season's greetings to many of my friends and former professors, I attached questionnaires focusing on certain problem areas of the text of the Tao Te Ching, of Wang Pi's commentary and of Ho Shao's biography of Wang Pi. Not only were the responses enthusiastic, but if one friend had doubts about answering a question, he in turn sent let~ ters to his friends and professors asking for their opinions. These _ respondents covered a wide geographic area and included both Chinese and non-Chinese, and their answers could easily become the basis of another entire book. Their responses not only show the universality of scholarship and interest in this ancient metaphysical philosophy, but also have inspired me to dig deeper and think harder to reconcile differences in interpretation. Having troubled so many friends and friends of friends and made demands on their valuable time and energy, I wish I could acknowledge each of them here.

But since they are too numerous to be mentioned in this limited space, I will simply say that without their contribution, the value

of this work would have been greatly reduced. I would like to thank, however, the following people who guided me in their particular areas of expertise: Professors K. H. Chan, Constant C, C. Chang, Ch'en Tsu-wen, Chow Ts'e-tsung; Charles C. L. Fan, Charles Wei-hsun Fu, Ho Chiew-ts'ung, Hsiao Ch'un-po, Hsu Chia-pi, Louis S. War, Jao Tsung-i, Kao Yueh-t'ien, Li Tche-houa, Lin Wen-chouh, Liu Shu-hsien, Wang Chao-nan Ho, Wang Fan-yu, Wang Teh-chao, Wong Yuk, Wu Yi, Yang Chialo, Yang Lien-sheng, and Yen Ling-feng. My appreciation also goes to the administration of Southern vii

University for providing much-needed facilities and clerical help and to Dr. Huel D. Perkins, Dean of the College of Arts and Humanities, for his encouragement,

Any work of this scope must involve one's immediate family, and mine was especially helpful throughout the manuscript's preparation. My wife, Ch'en San-su, who majored in Chinese language and literature at Peking University and in English at Teachers College, Columbia University, went over the entire manuscript and offered many helpful suggestions. My daughter Betty, who has studied the Chinese language, assisted in some of the translation. And my daughter Jeannie, an English major and editorial assistant, edited the manuscript from beginning to end. Her sensitivity to language usage and to the poetic element of the original work were crucial in bringing this translation to its final shape and format,

Finally, the high point of writing any book comes with its publication. I am indebted to the staff of the Center for Chinese Studies at the University of Michigan--in particular, Albert Feuerwerker, Rhoads Murphey, Don Munro, Rosalind Daly, JoAnne Browder, Mary Kelly, and Dorothy Perng--for their aid in publishing this work in the Michigan Papers in Chinese Studies series.

Any manuscript, regardless of the amount of care put into it, will contain errors. It is my hope, however, that any reader who finds such errors will write to enlighten me so that revision can be made in the future. And though, as I have emphasized, this book is the result of vast team effort, I alone take full responsibility for any mistakes or transgressions.

Paul J. Lin viii

Introduction

During the Spring-Autumn period (722-480 B.C.) and the time of the Warring States (480-222 B.C.), China was in great turmoil. Intellectuals and social reformers sifted through their wisdom and the experiences of China's already lengthy past, attempting to find a solution to their situation. Because the passing of time has obscured their meanings, our attempts to understand the works they produced often lead to questions, many of which can be answered only through careful speculation.

More than any other work, Lao Tzu's Tao Te Ching raises numerous questions concerning authorship, organization, chapter divisions, possible incorporation of the commentaries into the original text, etc. The difficulty is further complicated by the obscuring of philosophical meanings due to the nature of the Chinese language and the technological facilities available for recording the contents, making the exact content and order of the original impossible to verify. Also from a historical perspective, this work has been subject to possible alteration from two major sources, different schools of thought which claimed the book as their own and often made additions favoring their positions, and various commentators and annotators who attempted to influence the thinking of scholars studying their works. We will therefore begin by examining the limitations of language and technology, the additions of varying schools of thought, and the influence of different commentators.

Concerning technological limitations, paper and the art of printing had not yet been invented when the original text was recorded. Most sinologists agree that ancient books like the Tao Te Ching were handcopied. Moreover, it is probable that before they were written down, they were passed on verbally. The Tao Te Ching, for example, was written in verse, and it is speculated that the use of rhyme made the text easier for people to remember and recite. Due to this possible oral origin, most scholars are uncertain of the authorship and date of the Tao Te Ching, and are not even sure that it was created by a single author. 1

Most of the classics were first recorded on bamboo or wood strips which varied in length (20 to 40 cms), width (1 to 3 cms), and thickness (.15 to .25 ems); the size was determined by the ix material used and the individual craftsman. Furthermore, the number of strips per literary unit and the number of words per strip were not consistent; generally each strip had one line of writing and each line had between 10 and 20 words, written in ink or varnish. The strips needed to comprise a unit, a group of units, a book, or even several books, were bound together with hemp and stored in bamboo chests. The hemp and the bamboo chests would rot over a period of time, making it difficult to determine the order of the original. Furthermore, the only way to duplicate a book was through handcopying, in the process of which different calligraphers might inadvertently substitute incorrect characters that were close to the original in appearance. Characters could also

be omitted or added, and even the arrangement of chapters might be mixed up. These factors increase our difficulty in determining the original text.

The earliest copies of the book of Lao Tzu were: probably not divided into parts or chapters and had no subtitles. In later versions, the work was divided into books and chapters in various ways. Modern versions are usually divided into either two or four sections, two parts representing the male (yang) and the female (yin) or heaven (t'ien) and earth (ti), and four sections representing the four seasons--spring, summer, autumn, and winter. The number of chapters is either 72, which is the product of 8 times 9, the highest even and odd numbers below 10, or 81, which is the product of 9 times 9, the symbol of the sun.

Sinologists believe that before the Ch'in dynasty (221-207 B.C.), there were already three versions of Lao Tzu's Tao Te Ching. The first was the original written by Lao Tzu, containing over 5,000 words and divided roughly into 81 parts. The other two versions were divided into two major sections--the Tao Ching and the Te Ching--and reflected changes made by different schools of thought. The versions which placed the Tao Ching first reflected a metaphysical orientation, while the one that placed the Te Ching first reflected a Legalist slant. The accepted arrangement today is to place the Tao Ching before the Te Ching.

We must also realize that different schools of thought have made additions on their own behalf. The most recent example of this phenomenon was discovered in the People's Republic of China in November 1973-—January 1974, In the Han Tombs on Ma-Wang- Tui [Horse king heights], Changsha, Hunan, two ancient and prex viously lost editions of the Tao Te Ching were unearthed.2 Both were written with brush and ink on silk.

The first of these silk books was found on a piece of wood about 24 cms high, which included four ancient lost books without titles. There were a total of 463 lines and over 13,000 words. The book has been dated between 206 and 195 B.C., based on the type of characters used (the small-seal style) and the fact that the name of Liu Pang (247-195 B.C.) was not avoided.8 The second book was found in a varnished box about 48 cms high and included the four books of Fa Ching [The classic of law], The Ten Great Ching, The Title, and The Sources of Tao. There were a total of 32 pieces of silk, 252 lines, and more than 16,000 words. Because the second book was written in clerical style characters and avoided the use of Liu Pang's name [but not the names of Liu Ying (207-188 B.C.) and Liu Hung (202-157 B.C.)], it has been dated between 194 and 180 B.C. Neither book had chapters or chapter headings. Both put the Te Ching before the Tao Ching, reflecting a Legalist slant. The second book had a total of 5,466 words, close to the number of words in modern versions of the

Tao Te Ching,

During the time the silk books were written, the political system was based on Legalist thought, but the conception of how government was controlled (e.g., the only task of the monarch is to appoint able officials) corresponded to the metaphysical thinking of Huang Ti and Lao Tzu. During Wang Pits time, emphasis was placed on metaphysics and philosophical interpretations, and human affairs, economics, and social relations were linked to Tao. The major differences between the Ma-Wang-Tui editions and Wang Pi's editions of the Tao Te Ching are detailed in Appendix IT.

The Tao Te Ching may be regarded as a metaphysical book, that is, a source of the highest political thought. Some readers have found in it high principles on human affairs and claimed that it is possible to write different books by focusing on different topics. This is precisely what past annotators and commentators have done. Moreover, those who disagreed with the accepted arrangement of the book have tried to rearrange it according to language style and ideas, grouping sentences on the basis of subject matter and then dividing them into chapters.4 This of course creates inherent problems in trying to interpret the Tao Te Ching, such as determining exactly if and where commentaries have been xi incorporated into the original text. It is generally accepted, for example, on the basis of a careful examination of meanings and language used, that Wang Pi's commentary has been integrated into Chapters 31 and 66, and that in Chapter 32 his commentary has been partially combined with the text. ,

Why are annotations and commentaries necessary for an understanding of the Tao Te Ching? One reason is that it deals with profound and mystical principles which intrigue annotators and commentators and inspire them to trace the book's sources, analyze its meaning, and search for possible application to their own ideas. These secondary sources sometimes founded schools of thought and became objects of commentary themselves. In addition to its profound meanings and ideas, Lao Tzu's book also uses language which is highly condensed, paradoxical, and metaphorical. Lao Tzu wrote in a cryptic -manner, hinting at his meaning without ever revealing it fully. He emphasized one element to show the importance of the opposite; thus he said in Chapter 78, line 13, "True words seem paradoxical." His statements, each stressing one aspect of life while ignoring the others, often seem disconnected. An expression may deny what other expressions affirm while affirming what other expressions deny. Meaning seems to lurk beneath the surface of his expressions and the terse paradoxical language allows many interpretations for a single word, Chapter 21, line 10, word 4 provides a good example of this:

a A Fk À i yuieh chung fu

In order to inspect myriad beginning things beauty, etc.

Ho-shang-kung, Wang Pi, By this the beginning of all things Wang Huai, etc. is known. (fu is interpreted as beginning)

Ku Huan, Li Jung, Fan fu is interpreted as the origin Ying-yitian, ete.

Lin Hsi-i, Chiao Hung, fu is interpreted as beauty

Hsiao Ch'un-po, etc.

Hu Ju-chang and Li Kung- fu is interpreted as process of ch'in change xii

Li Chih, Wei Yuan, Chung fu is interpreted as all being,

Ying-mei, etc. entity, or existence

Chiang Hsi-ch! ang fu is interpreted as human beings, mankind

Ma Hsii-lun, Chang Mo-sheng, fu is interpreted as father

Ho Chien-ts' ung, etc.

Chu Ch! ien-chih fu is interpreted as great

Wu Ching-yii fu is interpreted as the Sage

Consequently an annotator or commentator has ample room to develop his own interpretation, resulting in greater difficulty in getting at the "true meaning” of the original work.

Aside from the cryptic style of the writing, the nature of the Chinese language itself creates difficulty in interpreting the Tao Te Ching. The Chinese language is ideographic and pictographic, each word forming a picture, but lacking inflectional elements to denote grammatical classifications. Sentence structure relies exclusively on word order and context. The subject-predicate syntactic structure so basic in English and other Indo-European languages is nonexistent in ancient Chinese; furthermore there are no punctuation marks in ancient Chinese manuscripts. Thus a subject or verb may be missing or the end of a sentence unclearly marked. To identify the subject, predicate, and grammatical relationships, one must study the syntax and word order. To identify the speaker and his audience, one must know syntactic, logical, and even metaphorical relationships. It is no wonder the Chinese commentators often share the same difficulties experienced by non-Chinese scholars and translators in interpreting the Tao Te Ching.

The following example illustrates the difficulties created by a lack of punctuation (Chapter 1, lines 5-6).

se E 4 go u M Hwy

Ku ch'ang w yi i kuan ch'i miao Therefore constantly no desire to observe its subtlety (A A o a W £ R Ch'ang ya yi i kum œi chiao Constantly have desire to observe its potentiality boundary, ete.

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Wang Pi and Ho-shang-kung Therefore constantly without desire, There is the recognition of subtlety; But constantly with desire, Only the realization of potentiality.

Wang An-shih and Kao Heng Therefore constantly based on non-being, one will have insight into its subtlety;

Constantly based on being, one will have insight into its potentiality.

The former makes a break after desire (yü) in both lines, using it as a noun; it is the traditional explanation based on human experience or pragmatism, belonging to the realm of epistemology emphasizing desire. The latter makes a break before desire (yü), using it as a verb; it is based on ontological practice, belonging to the realm of ontology emphasizing insight.

An example of the difficulty inherent in Chinese syntax comes from the last two lines of Chapter 49.

44 AE 3 4 g g

=

A

Pai hsing chieh chu h'i erh mu Hundred people all concentrate their ears eyes WP Re 3% 2 Wise man all (to treat as) infants them

The first line has at least two interpretations: (1) the people themselves take care of their own ears and eyes (i.e., are concerned with their own selfish desires); and (2) the people look at and hear the Sage (i.e., pay attention to the Sage). This ambiguity is made possible by the possessive pronoun ch'i, which can refer to the people or the Sage. The second line clearly indicates that the Sage regards all people as infants. The following sample gives an idea of the differing ways in which these two lines have been handled:

Orde Poynton Wise Men shut themselves away because the world confuses their minds: Wise Men are all children.

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Archie J. Bahm

Feng Gia-fu and Jane English

C. Spurgeon Medhurst

Arthur Waley

John C. H. Wu

James Legge

Lin Yutang

Chan Wing-tsit

Ch' u Ta-kao

This translation

AIl people admire the intelligent man, Because he regards them all as a mother regards her children.

Men look to him and listen He behaves like a little child.

Most men plan for themselves.

The Holy Man treats every one as a child.

The Hundred Families all the time strain their eyes and ears,

The Sage all the time sees and hears no more than an infant sees and hears.

All the people strain their ears and eyes:

The Sage only smiles like an amused infant.

The people all keep their eyes and ears directed to him, and he deals with them all as his children.

The people of the world are brought into a community of heart,

And the Sage regards them all as his own children.

They [the people] all lend their eyes and ears, and he treats them all as infants.

Yet what all the people turn their ears and eyes to,

The Sage looks after as a mother does her children.

The people all strain their ears and eyes.

And the Sage regards them all as infants.

Most Chinese scholars, such as Wu, Chan, and Ch'u, translate the first line based on the various meanings of the words, and the translation of the second line on ideas from other sections of the

XV book as well as from the interpretation of the first line. Chapter 3, lines 7-8, for example, reads: "Therefore in governing, the Sage empties the people's hearts and fills their stomachs"; and Chapter 12, lines 6-7, reads: "Therefore the Sage provides for the belly and not for the eyes." Wang Pi's interpretation of these two lines is: although the Sage does not provide for the eyes of the people, he still does not have anything for himself (he does not have his own heart since his heart is the people's heart) and regards the people as infants. Consequently, as stated in Chapter 17, lines 8-9, "When he [the Sage] accomplishes his task and the things get done,/ The people all say: 'We have done it by ourselves.'"

Problems in interpretation may also arise when a character has different pronunciations and therefore different meanings depending on its usage. While Chinese scholars may draw on their cultural background to resolve this problem, non-Chinese scholars may find this feature of Chinese language puzzling. For example, in Chapter 80, lines 4-5 read:

4 Á E4 ies Shih min chung szu Let people weigh (take seriously) death

I ix ie

~ erh pu yüan hsi and not far move away

The third word, chung, has at least two pronunciations and meanings. It may be pronounced chùng, meaning heavy, mighty, important, or serious, Or it may be pronounced ch'ung, meaning repetition or again. Below are different translations which result from these different meanings (emphasis added):

Orde Poynton So that though there may be a heavy death rate yet the people do not fly to distant places:

Arthur Waley He could bring it about that the people would be ready to lay down their lives and lay them down again! in defence of their homes, rather than emigrate.

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C. Spurgeon Medhurst

R. B. Blakney

Lin Yutang

Ch' u Ta-kao

Chan Wing-tsit

John C. H. Wu

This translation

They should be made to comprehend the gravity of death and the futility of emigration.

Where people die and die again but never emigrate;

Let the people value their lives® and not migrate far.

I will make the people regard death as a grave matter and not go far away.

Let the people value their lives9 highly and not migrate far.

Let them [the people] mind death and refrain from migrating to distant places.

Let the people weigh death heavily and have no desires to move far away.

As has been illustrated, commentators and annotators naturally had different interpretations of the same lines, Readers of the Tao Te Ching have found that a careful examination of the commentaries is necessary in tracking down its essential meanings. Their job is not easy, however, since according to statistics, known Chinese commentaries on the Tao Te Ching presently total more than 600. On the average, for every seven words of the text,

someone has written a book of explanation. 1°

In discussing the contribution of commentaries to an understanding of the. Lao Tzu, we should. consider the remark of Su Tung-po (1036- 1101) in praise of his younger brother's commentary:

If, during the Warring States period, we had had this book, then there would have been no Shang Yang or Han Fei [that is, no need for a Legalist school]. If it had existed during the early Han dynasty, then Confucianism and Taoism would be one. If it had existed during the Chin and Sung xvii dynasties, then Buddhism and Taoism would not have separated. 11

The passage asserts not only the importance of a commentary, but also the deep influence which Lao Tzu's book was considered to have over Chinese politics, religion, and cultural developments. In fact, the importance of the commentaries in helping the reader to understand Lao Tzu's writing can hardly be exaggerated, especially for translators who are trying to render those meanings in another language.

Wang Pi's contribution to Chinese philosophy in general and Taoism in particular will now be examined. Wang Pi's remarkable scholarship has been noted by Chinese historians and philosophers throughout history. His thoughts will be discussed here in terms of three basic topics--the basic metaphysical problem of being and non-being, the relationship of substance and function according to his interpretation of the Great Expansion, 12 and the Sage and his emotions--which are actually aspects of a single problem, the interpretation of being vs. non~being.

According to Ho Shao (see Appendix II), Wang Pi, when asked about the problem of being and non-being, skillfully followed the philosophical school then in vogue (Confucianism) and answered: "The Sage [Confucius (557-479 B.C.)] embodies non-being, but non-being cannot be taught. Hence he does not discuss it. While Lao Tzu is for being, he constantly discusses its insufficiency." Taken at surface value, these words seem to emphasize the Sage and to favor Confucian thought, thus referring to "sageliness within and kingliness without.'13 In actuality, here "sageliness within" alludes to the thinking of Lao Tzu, while "kingliness without" refers to Confucian concepts on how to govern a nation and put the world in order. Wang Pi tried to reconcile these two schools of thought and of course was attacked from both sides. Some were dissatisfied that he used Taoist concepts to interpret the I Ching, thus drawing on Lao Tzu to interpret Confucius. Others attacked him for emphasizing the importance of the Sage (Confucius), thereby interpreting Taoism by Confucian concepts. The strength of attacks from both sides merely indicates the extent of his provocative and substantial contributions to the field.

On first reading, Lao Tzu's Tao Te Ching seems full of contradictions and inconsistencies, almost a disorderly collection of xviii aphorisms with no structure or organization. Furthermore, the two sections of the book, the Tao Ching and the Te Ching, seem to be unrelated to each other. However, a careful reading of Wang Pi's commentary can help the scholar to understand what relationships do exist. For example, in Chapter 1, lines 3-4 read: "The Nameless is the origin of heaven and earth;/The Namable is the mother l of all things." The same idea is expressed in Chapter 2: `

Therefore, being and non-being beget each other, hard and easy complement each other, long and short shape each other, high and low rely on each other, sound and voice harmonize with each other, front and back follow each other.

The meaning becomes clear only when this passage is examined in totality. The determination of low must rely on high. Being and non-being, easy and hard, and so on--each contributes to the meaning of its opposite. If one is omitted, the other becomes meaningless. How can we have hard if we do not have the easy? This differentiation is part of a natural process in which substance and function are one.

Tao (substance) and Te (function) must be considered as one. Tao is where everything comes from, and Te is what everything obtains. Tao is the origin; Te is the end. While origin and end can be separated in principle, they should be considered as two in one. If there is no substance, how can there be function? H there is no oulcome, how can one know its origin? Front and behind, for example, are determined by contrast. When we say that this is in front of that, we are actually considering the back; so in order to recognize the front, we must be aware of the back. When we say something is long, we are mindful of the concept of shortness; only because it is not short do we know that it is long. If we compare it with something longer, it becomes short. The statement in Chapter 2, line 1, 'When all in the world recognize beauty as beauty, it is ugliness," is extraordinary. [If applied to its extreme, we would be unable to distinguish between good and bad or beauty and ugliness, because they are all, in a sense, two sides of the same thing. If substance and function are considered as one, then everything produced from them cannot be differentiated.

The following example from Chapter 11, lines 1-3, discusses the oneness of substance and function in both text and commentary.

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Thirty spokes converge in a nave; just because of its nothingness [void] the usefulness of the cart exists. (1)

(1). A nave can unite the thirty spokes because of its void. From its void, it is able to receive all things. Therefore it can unite them.

And from Chapter 1, lines 5-8 and commentary,

Therefore constantly without desire,

There is the recognition of subtlety;(3) But constantly with desire,

Only the realization of potentiality. (4)

(3). Subtlety is infinitely small. All things originate from ultimate smallness and later achieve comple-. tion, begin from nothingness and then grow. Therefore constantly void of desire and empty, one may discern the mystery of the origin of things.

(4). Potentiality returns to the ultimate. All benefits of being must be based on the usefulness of non-being. Desire must be rooted in Tao in order to prevail. Therefore one constantly has desires in order to see the potential of ultimate things.

Finally from Chapter 11, lines 10-11,

Therefore, profit from that which exists and utilize that which is absent.

Metaphysically, the principles of substance and function are separate but also one. Practically, substance or non-being should be the principle in the use of all things. Being is the function of substance; applied to all things, it will benefit everything that exists. That is to say, "The Tao of heaven is to benefit others without hurting them" (Chapter 81, lines 12-13).

Thus substance and function are one. The Great Expansion consists of 50 numbers. Of these, the One is not used. According to Wang Pi, it is not used so that all useful things may draw their usefulness from it. Although not a number like other numbers, all numbers are completed by it. In the Great Expansion, only 49 numbers are used. According to Wang Pi, non-being (the

XX

One) cannot express itself, but must rely on being (the 49). Hence one knows the fundamental relation between the One and the many, or the substance and the function. 14

What does Wang Pi say of the Sage and his emotions? From Chapter 2, lines 11-16, we find:

Therefore, the Sage administers without action (2) and instructs without words.

He lets all things rise without dominating them, produces without attempting to possess, acts without asserting, (3) achieves without taking credit. (4)

(2). To be natural is quite enough; to exert means to defeat.

(3). Wisdom and knowledge are innate; to strive for them is false [to nature].

(4). Abiding by their natural functions, all things will achieve their own fulfillment; hence one cannot take any credit.

And from Chapter 49, lines 1-2,

The Sage has no constant heart [mind].

He takes the people's heart as his heart. (1)

(1). To move constantly is to follow.

We see from these passages Wang Pits emphasis on the importance of "following" in the role of the Sage.

Chapter 29, note 2, states, "The virtue of all things is based on nature." The Sage reaches the ultimate in nature, flowing through the passions of all things. Here we realize that according to Wang Pi, the Sage must have emotions. Without them, he cannot reach the ultimate in nature. The nature of the Sage is further developed in Chapter 81, where Lao Tzu's and Wang Pi's ideas are merged and crystallized.

The Sage does not store things for himself. (4)

The more one does for others, The more he has for himself. (3)

xxi

The more one gives to others, The more he keeps for himself. (6)