In search of a path; An analysis of the foreign policy of Suriname from 1975 to 1991

Front matter

Biker. i Ee Le en en en B

~

For my parents Marianne and Johannes

Contents

Acknowledgements List of abbreviations Introduction

1 Colonial rule The arrival of the Dutch Emerging socio-economic structures The winding path towards political independence

II Independent in name only Creation of the Surinamese Ministry of Foreign Affairs Regional integration; A failed opportunity The migration issue Under the thumb of international capital The ‘golden handshake’ or ‘golden handcuffs’

Introduction

We are undoubtedly faced with a major crisis of the territorial sovereign state in its traditional form. No state is any longer self-sufficient or safe within its boundaries, not even the superpowers, let alone the new mini-states; all are facing a diminution of their sovereignty. (Frankel 1988:229.)

The foreign policy of small states is often neglected as a topic among scholars. The reason for this disregard lies in the perception that the sovereign status of these states has been caught in an escalating process of erosion in the wake of the tendency towards increased international interdependence. Instead, writers in the field of global politics tend to concentrate on the more influential actors. It is thus not surprising that up until the present no comprehensive analysis of Suriname’s foreign policy has been published. Commonly, Suriname is perceived as a small, exotic country somewhere in the remote region of the Caribbean and Latin America. However, an extensive account of the country’s various political and socio-economic interactions with other global actors is of substantial value in bringing to light some of the difficulties experienced by small states while conducting their own foreign affairs. Consequently, my objective is to provide the first comprehensive analysis of Suriname’s foreign policy from the transfer of sovereignty in November 1975 up until mid-1991, when a Dutch proposal was circulated, suggesting the creation of a Commonwealth between the Netherlands and its former colony.

For a good understanding of the Surinamese government’s willingness to discuss the possibility of its foreign interests once again being represented by The Hague it is necessary to consider the brief history of the Republic’s participation in the international system. Even though in November 1975 Suriname gained de jure independence, not only did its political and socio-economic structures remain predominantly under Dutch influence, its external relations also continued to be largely directed from across the Atlantic. This heavy dependence on the Netherlands was primarily expressed in the generous aid package granted to Paramaribo accompanying the relinquishment of Dutch responsibility for administering this distant Caribbean territory.

xvi Introduction

With Suriname making only modest progress in terms of establishing diplomatic relations with neighbouring states or in participating in regional organizations, its sovereign status may best be described as having little more than nominal value. In this context Evert Azimullah (1980:2), political scientist and foreign policy advisor to the Chin A Sen regime (1980-1982), argued that the Republic’s external relations in the immediate post-independence period generally came down to symbolically and only occasionally ‘flying the flag’ on the American continent without undertaking any major initiatives that may have ended the country’s dependence on the Netherlands. This inactive foreign policy, however, came to an abrupt end on 25 February 1980, when the military under the leadership of Desi Bouterse overthrew the elected government.

Many Surinamese placed their hopes in the subsequent military-led governments to break the impasse the Republic was facing both in its internal and external affairs. Disappointingly, the officers and politicians now in charge were largely inexperienced in the field of political and socio-economic planning. Gradually, their self-proclaimed ‘Revolution’ led to growing instability in the country’s internal affairs, particularly following The Hague’s decision to suspend Dutch financial aid after the ‘December murders’ in 1982. With this Suriname’s traditional foreign policy stance began a fundamental shift — a development that became especially obvious with the diminishing Dutch role following the coup and the intensification of discord between The Hague and Paramaribo, particularly after the December Murders.

This ‘expensive success’ in terms of transatlantic links was only short-lived since Suriname’s foreign policy met with dramatic disappointment in a bid to source alternative political partners and financial donors — notably in its interactions with Cuba, the United States, Brazil, Libya and France. Caught in the slipstream of North-South tensions and trapped in the East-West conflict, the Republic’s goal of procuring new financial resources, economic markets and political advisors resulted in an unpredictable — and ultimately unproductive — foreign policy. Suriname’s external relations did not stabilize until civilian rule was re-established, with the armed forces withdrawing to their barracks in November 1987.

The newly elected government under Jules Wijdenbosch was faced with the difficult task of re-establishing international confidence in, and Dutch acceptance of, the durability of Suriname’s democratic institutions. Although considerable resources were devoted to this primary foreign policy objective, with the goal of attracting investors and aid, Paramaribo experienced enormous problems in achieving this as military interventions would persist — culminating in the 1990 Christmas Coup, when army officers once again assumed leadership. This latest coup d’état resulted in the aforementioned proposal by Dutch Prime Minister Ruud Lubbers for Suriname’s participation in a Commonwealth with the Netherlands.

Introduction xvii

These dramatic events have been largely ignored by scholars of international affairs. Whereas the history of other nations in the region with similar experiences of internal and external turmoil — including Grenada, Nicaragua and Haiti — is comparatively well-documented, only fleeting attention has been paid to Suriname’s problems. Particularly in the English-speaking world, serious voids in the literature are apparent, occasionally resulting in misconceptions and misunderstandings of Suriname’s foreign policy by writers who, rather than taking into account the country’s internal dynamics, tend to view its political affairs primarily in the context of the Cold War. Notably Bruce MeColm’s essay ‘The Cuban and Soviet dimension’ (1984) is a sad example of the anti-communist rhetoric used to denounce Suriname’s regional position as an outpost of the ‘Soviet empire’. Although Robert Leiken’s ‘Soviet and Cuban policy in the Caribbean Basin’ (1984) is more analytical, this author also examined the Republic’s international plight purely in terms of East-West tensions.

The failure of some authors to understand Suriname’s domestic setting and hence the foundations of its regional and global position is comprehensible since little documentation on the country’s brief post-colonial history is available. Although a relatively large collection of articles, reports, theses, books and discussion papers has been published on the developments in the Republic, these sources deal either with individual aspects of Suriname’s foreign policy or tend to focus on specific socio-economic and political developments. Moreover, the bulk of these publications is printed in Dutch and as such are not easily accessible to scholars specialized in Caribbean and Latin American studies. Finally, Dutch sources such as newspaper articles and debates in the Tweede Kamer der Staten-Generaal (The Dutch House of Representatives) have reflected an anti-Surinamese sentiment — especially during the early and mid-1980s — that it comes as no surprise that a section of the Dutch public has a negative attitude towards the former colony.

Scholars are immediately confronted with this difficult problem since they generally rely on Dutch documentation. I was no exception since articles published in the newspapers NRC Handelsblad, Het Parool, de Volkskrant, Haagsche Courant and Trouw along with the parliamentary debates, have been largely used as primary sources. However, it must be noted that despite the lack of impartiality in these sources — particularly towards Suriname’s military strongman Desi Bouterse — the ease of accessing these newspaper archives, plus their constant and critical reporting on the Republic’s affairs, make the Dutch press and political discussions in the Dutch parliament indispensable sources of information.

This blinkered view is exacerbated due to the Surinamese media often having to contend with censorship and some even with closure, following the military coup of February 1980. Freedom of speech was severely conxviii Introduction strained after the Bouterse regime issued a decree in May 1983, banning the distribution or reproduction of information threatening ‘national security’. Although in response to international pressure government censorship of the Surinamese media eased as of May 1984, newspapers and radio stations were bound to follow a code that clearly prevented them from criticizing the successive regimes. Furthermore, both the National Information Service and Surinamese News Agency (SNA) were placed under the direct supervision of the officers during the various military-led governments. Still, I have also made wide use of articles published in De Ware Tijd and De West, Suriname’s two principal daily papers, to counter the danger of relying too heavily on the Dutch interpretation of events. Moreover, reports and comments printed in the Weekkrant Suriname and De Ware Tijd Nederland, two weekly newspapers aimed at Surinamese migrants in the Netherlands, have been examined so as to strengthen a Surinamese perspective on developments in the Republic. In a similar vein, I have made extensive use of various publications by Surinamese politicians and officials who have been involved in the country’s foreign policy decision-making process. These include Herinneringen aan de toekomst van Suriname; Ervaringen en beschouwingen (1996) and De revolutie uitgegleden; Politieke herinneringen (1987) by André Haakmat and Suriname cocaïneverhaal in de Nederlandse pers; Een grote leugen (1988) by Henk Herrenberg.

Both authors were Ministers of Foreign Affairs under Bouterse and, in Herrenberg’s case, also Ambassador to the Netherlands, thus providing first-hand accounts of the formulation and implementation of Suriname’s foreign policy. In addition, two books which include interviews with Bouterse have been carefully analysed. The first, titled Willem Oltmans in gesprek met Desi Bouterse (1984), was written by the Dutch journalist Willem Oltmans, who strongly defended the regime; the second, Dekolonisatie en nationaal leiderschap; Een terugblik op 15 jaar onafhankelijkheid (1990) was edited by Ludwich van Mulier, sympathizer of the military and spokesperson for various pro-Bouterse organizations in the Netherlands. In both publications Bouterse made use of the opportunity to express his views — having little other possibility in the Dutch media to express the military’s view on the Republic’s affairs. Another excellent source of information was the Foreign service training programme for junior diplomats from Suriname, published in 1981 by the University of Suriname and the Surinamese Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This training programme, presenting the Republic’s foreign policy targets includes a series of chapters by commentators on economics, law and politics such as Soerindre Rambocus (later to be executed due to his participation in a countercoup), Sandew Hira and Kenneth Middellijn. Suriname; Het steentje in de Nederlandse schoen (1994) by Marten Schalkwijk falls into the same category. This author worked as a senior administrator in the Surinamese Foreign Affairs Department from 1981 until 1989. The importance of this book lies in its

Introduction xix supplementary function to the training programme as it explains how foreign policy goals, specifically with regard to the Netherlands, were implemented.

Unfortunately — but understandably — almost all Surinamese sources relating to the Republic’s foreign policy focus on Dutch relations. The memoirs of Osvaldo Cardenas form the single exception. In De revolutie van sergeanten (1988) the former Cuban Ambassador to Suriname gives not only a valuable interpretation of progress in the relations between the two ‘revolutionary’ Caribbean countries, but also an insight into the political decision-making process in Paramaribo during the early 1980s.

To date, however, few scholars have tackled the difficult task of examining these various sources in order to investigate Suriname’s current affairs. One of the few valuable publications in this field is Baijah Mhango’s Aid and dependence; The case of Suriname (1984). The author, who served as Head of the Faculty of Economics at the University of Suriname, provides a comprehensive account of the Republic’s dependence on Dutch development aid as a result of the conclusion of the ‘Treaty on Development Cooperation between the Netherlands and Suriname’ in June 1975. Other valuable publications include those by the Surinamese professor in Latin American studies Betty Sedoc- Dahlberg, whose article ‘Suriname: 1975-1989; Domestic and foreign policy under military and civilian rule’ (1990b) gives a good introduction to the country’s political affairs since independence. Likewise Surinam; Politics, economics and society (1987) by Henk Chin and Hans Buddingh’ provides extensive coverage of this period. Finally, the work of Edward Dew has to be acknowledged, particularly his book The difficult flowering of Surinam; Ethnicity and politics in a plural society (1978), which contains an excellent account of the problematic decolonization process.

With regard to Dutch scholarly interest in Surinamese affairs it must be noted that most studies concentrate on the colonial past. In this field, Pieter Emmer’s ‘The importation of British Indians into Surinam (Dutch Guiana) 1873-1916’ (1984) and ‘Nederlandse handelaren, kolonisten en planters in de Nieuwe Wereld’ (1992) provide an insight into the foundations of modern Suriname. Most important, however, are the extensive studies by Gert Oostindie, including articles and books such as ‘De teloorgang van een bijzondere relatie’ (2004), Decolonising the Caribbean; Dutch policies in a comparative perspective (2003) and Knellende Koninkrijksbanden; Het Nederlandse dekolonisatiebeleid in Caraïben, 1940-2000 (2001) (the last two publications were co-authored with Inge Klinkers). Furthermore, Peter Meel’s essay ‘Money talks, morals vex; The Netherlands and the decolonization of Suriname, 1975-1990’ (1990) as well as his book Tussen autonomie en onafhankelijkheid; Nederlands-Surinaamse betrekkingen 1954-1961 (1999) are both studies of merit. Where the first focuses on the transatlantic relationship between 1975 and 1990, the second work examines the decolonization process in detail.

XX Introduction

Another book worth mentioning is De toekomst van de relatie Nederland- Suriname (2004a), edited by Pitou van Dijck, in which well-known Dutch and Surinamese scholars, including Dirk Kruijt, Hans Lim A Po and Frits van Beek, analyse the aid relationship between the two states from 1975 up until the present day.

Outside the Surinamese and Dutch context only very few authors have attempted to examine the socio-economic and political developments of this small Caribbean state. However, the work of two scholars cannot be ignored. Anthropology professor Gary Brana-Shute, who published numerous articles on the Republic, presents in his article ‘Back to the barracks? Five years “revo” in Suriname’ (1986) some particularly useful background information regarding the internal and external pressures on the officers to redemocratize the country. The second is Tony Thorndike, an academic in the field of international relations, whose work includes the study ‘Suriname and the military’ (1990), outlining the various phases of Bouterse's regime intelligently and clearly.

Before utilizing these various sources to analyse Suriname’s foreign policy, a number of points should be noted with respect to international relations theory. To begin with, I have classified Suriname as a small state. Although it seems impossible to adequately define the term ‘small state’ — all ideas put forward by scholars in an attempt to interpret ‘small’ on the basis of territorial size, political influence, military strength or economic power have ultimately been inconclusive — it generally refers to the rather arbitrary population figure of a country with fewer than one million inhabitants. Furthermore, it can be argued that many of these small states, most of them islands, often experience similar problems; thus, scholars tend to group them together for the purpose of studying their external relations.

Secondly, while analysing Suriname’s external relations, itis necessary to be aware of the term ‘international system’. According to Kalevi Holsti (1992:10, 15) this concept refers to the interaction between various powerful entities in world politics. In addition to the numerous independent states, these also consist of a wide variety of other actors such as international organizations (both governmental and non-governmental), multinational corporations (MNCs), as well as terrorist groups and liberation movements. This implies that Paramaribo is one of many players on the stage of world politics. However, it is a player that has experienced severe limitations in implementing its foreign policy objectives due to its size. In this context it is necessary to acknowledge that the Republic represents just one specific case of a small, developing country that has encountered difficulties in implementing its foreign policy. Therefore the Surinamese example in the broader international framework can hardly give an exhaustive analysis of all problems other smaller nations

For an excellent discussion on this topic, see Hein 1989.

Introduction xxi may face. Still, as a case study it will highlight the complex position of small developing states within the international system.

Finally, the concept of ‘sovereignty’ needs to be considered, defined by Sir Francis Hinsley (1966:1, 28) as ‘the idea that there is a final and absolute authority in the political community’ and that ‘no final and absolute authority exists elsewhere’. Although the various cabinets in Paramaribo have ultimately been the final and absolute authority in the country’s political and socio-economic developments, the brief history of the Republic’s interaction with other international players has demonstrated that Suriname has frequently been forced to alter its course in order to accommodate global events and trends, as well as adjusting to the pressure exerted and actions taken by other actors. The concomitant lack of success experienced by small states participating in world politics, as stated in the opening quote, could lead scholars to conclude that the weakest members of the global community be urged to withdraw from the international system and, in a rather neocolonial fashion, leave it up to the more powerful actors to represent their foreign interests. This is certainly not my proposed argument. On the contrary, I acknowledge the significance given to foreign policy by smaller countries as they rely on the communication with other actors to ensure the advancement of their often isolated and diminutive societies. However, in allowing these states the benefits associated with participating in global politics, it is essential to keep in mind the constraints impeding the development of smaller nations.

Hence, it must be stressed that, despite all practical restrictions experienced by small states relating to the full control of their own affairs as imbued in the concept of ‘sovereignty’, they are still internationally recognized as independent and as such possess the legal right to pursue their national interests, to insist on non-interference from other countries and to be respected as equals. Bouterse, for instance, at the height of Dutch-Surinamese tensions, argued that ‘they [the Netherlands] should say: after 1975 that piece of land, that we called our Suriname, a territory of 164,000 square kilometres, has become a sovereign state for us. And thus they must also treat us as such’.?

The purpose of this book then, is to bridge the gap between the existing studies, which were mainly published in Suriname and in the Netherlands and focused on the Republic’s political and socio-economic developments, and the scarce and scattered literature regarding the country’s foreign affairs. Furthermore I approach the subject by taking into account aspects of international relations theory, looking at issues of dependence and sovereignty as the framework for an analysis of Suriname’s foreign policy. Finally, I intend to counter some of the historiography’s Cold War rhetoric and the repeatedly one-sided negative press exposure of Suriname’s foreign policy. Instead, p Elseviers Weekblad 1984:33. Dutch citations have been translated in English by the author.

xxii Introduction emphasis will be placed on the importance of Suriname’s internal dynamics in shaping the country’s particular course in foreign policy. In other words, while studying the correlations between Suriname’s internal situation and its responses to specific international events within a historical context, it is possible to understand why it conducted its external affairs in the manner in which it eventually did.

CHAPTER I Colonial rule

In Surinam Holland is Europe; Holland is the centre of the world [...] Surinam feels only like a tropical, tulip-less extension of Holland; some Surinamers call it Holland’s twelfth province (Naipaul 1962:164).

This first chapter presents a historical analysis of the political and socio-economic foundations of present-day Suriname. The most noticeable characteristic in the development of the former Dutch Guyana is the significant influence the colonial power wielded over the territory during more than three hundred years. Initially claimed by Spain and for a short period administered by Britain, Suriname came under Dutch control in 1667. The various trading companies, colonial associations and governmental departments that subsequently became responsible for the supervision of the territory stressed its agricultural importance, initially providing the European market mainly with sugar and coffee. To supply this emerging plantation-based economy with the necessary workforce, West African slaves and later contract labourers from British India and the Dutch East Indies were introduced. Despite these measures aimed at establishing a profitable cash-crop colony, the territory remained of little economic value to its European master.

However, demand during the Second World War stimulated the growth of the bauxite industry, thus giving the colony a modest degree of prosperity as multinational corporations began to invest substantially in the mining of this raw material. Primarily as a consequence of this new economic stability, The Hague allowed the local political elite some degree of autonomy in domestic affairs. Nevertheless, the Netherlands continued to assert enormous influence in terms of the colony’s development, in particular by determining the level of budgetary support. It was not until the financial burden began to weigh heavily on Dutch society — largely due to expenses incurred by the steady flow of Surinamese migrants to the metropole as well as substantial socio-economic aid made available to the colony — that The Hague became willing to enter into dialogue with the local elite to discuss Suriname’s decolonization. Without a public referendum and hastily driven on by the Dutch, the country gained independence on 25 November 1975.

The arrival of the Dutch

Suriname’s particular location has considerably influenced the historical evolution of its political and socio-economic features. This necessitates a degree of familiarization of the country’s geographical make-up. The Republiek van Suriname (Republic of Suriname), is situated on the north-east coast of South America and forms part of the wider Guyana region, an area located between the Amazon and Rio Negro rivers in Brazil and the Orinoco in Venezuela. The 163,265 square kilometre area is bordered by the Atlantic in the north, French Guiana in the east, Brazil in the south and Guyana in the west.

Even though it is considered a small state, Suriname occupies a relatively large area; the interior consists mainly of a mountainous landscape covered by dense rainforest. The country’s specific climatic conditions — which can be defined as tropical with fairly heavy rainfall throughout the year and an average temperature ranging between 23 and 30 degrees Celsius with high humidity — have contributed to rather unpleasant living conditions for many immigrants. Not surprisingly, in this relatively untouched virgin hinterland, the main communication and transport network to the small Amerindian and Maroon settlements consists of various rivers running from the Brazilian border to the Atlantic coast. The interior is in fact so impenetrable that even today some of the country’s borders are disputed, as can be seen in Map 1. Interestingly, the regions between the Coeroeni and Boven-Corantijn (or New River) in the west, and between the Litani and Marowijne in the east, are actually administered by Guyana and French Guiana respectively.

In contrast to this underdeveloped hinterland, the coastal region is a fertile savannah extending inland 50 to 150 kilometres from the coast. The large majority of inhabitants live in this area, either in the capital Paramaribo or in smaller towns scattered along the coast or beside rivers such as Nieuw Nickerie, Moengo and Albina. In this low-lying region socio-economic activities have often only been possible due to the implementation of a series of polder systems for drainage of the many swamps. The gradual transition from land to sea has posed great challenges not only to agriculture (due to frequent flooding) but also to the maritime sector, as the many sandbanks block access for large ships along a substantial part of Suriname’s coast. Moreover, the coastline’s configuration effectively shatters any illusions visitors might have about beautiful Caribbean beaches — and consequently holds little attraction for international sun-seeking tourists.

The fact that Suriname is essentially classified as a Caribbean country, despite its location on the South American mainland, is another distinct aspect derived from the country’s history. Originally inhabited by small Arawak and Carib communities, the ‘modern’ history of Suriname, it may be argued, began with the ‘discovery’ of the Wild Coast by the Spanish explorer

Alonso de Ojeda in 1499. Gradually, Madrid's ensuing claim to Latin America and its trade monopoly with the New World began to weaken, as other European powers increasingly participated in the race to exploit the riches of the Western Hemisphere. Spain’s commercial hegemony eventually took a decisive blow with the expansion of English, French and Dutch maritime enterprises in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century. The United Provinces, in revolt against the Spanish Crown, were involved in a process of economic diversification assisted by important technological advances in shipbuilding, allowing the Netherlands to attack overseas territories held by the Spanish-Portuguese Union (Barbosa 1987:351-2). In order to consolidate their expansion in the Western Hemisphere, in 1621 influential Dutch commercial and political circles established the West Indische Compagnie (WIC, Dutch West India Company) which, according to Charles Boxer (1990:27)

was modelled in many ways on that of the VOC [Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie, Dutch East India Company] although the offensive role of the Western Company in the war against the Iberian Atlantic empire was emphasized from the start. The WIC, which was given a monopoly of all Dutch trade and navigation with America and West Africa, was likewise authorized to make war and peace with the indigenous powers, to maintain naval and military forces, and to exercise judicial and administrative functions in those regions.

Armed with this authority, as of 1624 the WIC began to raid and occupy the north-east of Brazil. However, this endeavour proved unsuccessful. By 1654 the WIC had lost all authority over these sugar-producing areas (Burns 1980:59-62). Instead, the Company withdrew to a few Caribbean islands and trading posts on the American coast. Only in 1667, with the signing of the Treaty of Breda following the Second Anglo-Dutch War, did the WIC regain a colony in South America, exchanging Nieuw Amsterdam — present-day New York — for British settlements along the Suriname River. Once again the WIC developed a sugar-based industry with the help of wealthy Jewish planters fleeing Roman Catholic dominated Brazil to take advantage of Dutch Guyana’s more tolerant religious laws (Barbosa 1987:358-9).

In contrast to the East Indies, which had quickly gained an important economic status in the Netherlands, Suriname’s commercial beginnings seemed to stumble right from the start. Confronted with the colony’s deficient political and socio-economic infrastructure, the WIC sought to reduce its losses in the Caribbean trade by accepting the city of Amsterdam and the merchant family Van Aerssen van Sommelsdijk as partners in the so-called Geoctrooieerde Sociéteit van Suriname (Charter Company of Suriname), founded in 1683 with the objective of administering the colony under a charter similar to the one previously granted to the WIC (Hoefte 2001:13-4).

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Map 1. The Republic of Suriname (Bakker et al. 1993:6)

In the political realm anew government structure was established in which the Governor (appointed by the Charter Company), together with the members of the Hof van Politie en Criminele Justitie (Court of Police and Criminal Justice) and the Hof van Civiele Justitie (Court of Civil Justice) — both elected by white settlers — decided over the colony’s domestic affairs. This system remained in place until the Charter Company’s liquidation in 1795, after which the Comité tot de Zaken van de Kolonién en Bezettingen op de Kust van Guiana en in Amerika (Administrative Committee for the Colonies and Possessions on the Coast of Guinea and in America)' assumed responsibility for Suriname (Chin and Buddingh’ 1987.4).

1 Later renamed Administrative Council for the West Indian Possessions and Colonies in America and on the Coast of Guinea.

In the socio-economic realm Suriname was developed as a plantation colony. The settlers made great efforts to drain and develop new land for the cultivation of sugar and coffee. In 1667 there were less than 180 sugar plantations, by 1795 this figure had risen to 591 estates, with agricultural output reflecting these increased activities as sugar production rose from 2,700,000 pounds in 1683 to almost 12,600,000 in 1775; the newly introduced coffee crop resulted in an annual export figure of around 20,000,000 pounds by the late eighteenth century (Emmer 1992:42).

To allow this cash-crop economy to function effectively, the plantations required cheap labour. A steady stream of slaves, procured by the WIC, populated the country. Through its own commercial posts in Africa, the WIC delivered approximately 300,000 slaves in exchange for various commodities bound for Europe (Wooding 1981:5-9). Despite this steady supply of slaves, in economic terms Suriname would remain an insignificant overseas dependency.

In his study on Dutch colonization in the New World, Emmer (1992:12-3) lists three main arguments why the colony continued to be largely ignored by both governmental and commercial circles in the metropole. Not only did Surinamese planters have a severe disadvantage compared with their British and French counterparts — products from the Dutch Caribbean did not enjoy protection or subsidies on the metropolitan market — but also, given the politically stable and socially tolerant climate in the Netherlands and due to the large number of sailors and soldiers required by the WIC and VOC, only relatively few migrants could be attracted to settle in the Dutch Caribbean. Furthermore, since the authorities in The Hague ‘were not prepared to see the Dutch colonies as anything but subjected to metropolitan wealth’ (Oostindie 1995:148), thus refusing to carry the financial burden for their overseas possessions, the local administration experienced difficulties in allocating sufficient funds to advance the colony’s development.