Mobile Professional Voluntarism and International Development

Front matter

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MOBILE PROFESSIONAL VOLUNTARISM AND INTERNATIONAL DEVELOPMENT

Killing Me Softly?

Foreword

I believe we are entering a time when traditional approaches to overseas aid are giving way to new forms of development, involving new sources of finance and new partnerships. In this context, the health partnership model is increasingly relevant. It enables countries to work more collaboratively and at scale. It is an approach that is grounded in the powerful transformative concepts of mutual benefit of co-development and co-learning, themes central to this book — and to the Sustainable Development Goals which now shape our work.

The Health Partnership Scheme, funded by Department for International Development (DFID) and managed by Tropical Health and Education Trust (THET), has provided 50,000 training courses or other educational opportunities to developing-country health workers with over 60,000 UK health professional days spent volunteering. And so my interest was suitably piqued by the title of Chapter 3 of this book, ‘Fetishising and commodifying “training?”’. I couldn’t resist and neither should you.

I expect readers, especially those with experience in health partnerships, will find this book challenging and important. Its frankness and willingness to take on big issues and suggest possible solutions is refreshing, and while I wouldn’t agree with all of its arguments or recommendations — and knowing the authors they would be frankly disappointed if I were to do so — this is a book to be engaged with.

We are not convinced, for example, that the authors are right in generalising from their experiences in the Sustainable Volunteering Project (SVP) to draw conclusions about the health partnership model. From our perspective, the SVP is one (albeit, very interesting) project amongst 200 that vii viii FOREWORD were funded by DFID. Some of the challenges encountered in the SVP have been fully addressed by other projects, such as the management of trainees’ expectations of per diem payments. We also have more sympathy, as you might expect, with the need for DFID ministers to communicate clearly with the UK public. This necessitates a simplification of messages, with some implications for evaluation. This is amply balanced in our experience, with an appetite for nuance and learning at DFID.

The case studies in Chapter 5 are to be savoured. Based on the notion that you’ve got to fail in order to learn — an idea, incidentally, highly valued by THET as well — they provide a wonderfully detailed and valuable portrait of the challenges encountered by practitioners on the ground.

This book pulls no punches, and with a style both academic and personal the authors challenge us all to put our collective shoulder to the wheel to develop a more structured approach to professional volunteer deployment within health partnerships based on principles of negotiated conditionality. This is to be not only applauded but also acted upon for, as the book quite rightly argues, this way leads towards evidence-based incremental systems change.

The wide-ranging critique of aid, based on the authors’ years of experience of managing programmes of work in Uganda, covers a great deal of ground examining the nature of development interventions, ethical standards in volunteer deployment as well as the efficacy of donations or the meaningfulness of prevailing evaluation methodologies. It also has a lot to say about the tough issues faced on the ground by health professionals working in development, such as corruption and labour substitution.

The challenges thrown down by this book, based on first-hand experience, are vital in helping us understand better the nature of the solutions. As we join together to co-create a better world I warmly welcome this book’s important contribution.

Tropical Health and Education Trust Ben Simms Chief Executive

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

We would like to acknowledge the support, both financial and personal, that we have received from the Tropical Health and Education Trust, which made the Sustainable Volunteering Project (SVP) possible.’ As volunteer manager, Graeme Chisholm has remained a close colleague always willing to discuss ideas. We are also very grateful to our fellow trustees in the Liverpool-Mulago Partnership, particularly the Chair, Mrs Vanessa Harris, who have extended their commitment, support and trust. Our colleagues in the Ugandan Maternal and Newborn Hub, especially Sarah Hoyle, Robert Bates and Helen Allott, have provided ongoing support and advice and we have learnt a huge amount from them.

We would also like to acknowledge the vision and support of our current employer and colleagues at the University of Salford, UK. Whilst many of us find the title of our School something of a mouthful, the multidisciplinary and multi-professional character of the School of Nursing, Midwifery, Social Work and Social Science has created a fertile and supportive environment for this highly complex and time-consuming action-oriented intervention.

The past 8 years have been challenging and, at times, extremely frustrating, but ultimately very exciting. We have been working at the boundaries and intersections of knowledge. We have gained significantly, both intellectually and personally, from our relationships with the SVP volunteers. The UK and the NHS in particular should feel extremely proud of the professionals it has nurtured and the high levels of professionalism, compassion, innovation and commitment they demonstrate. They have x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS played a key role not only within the frame of their own disciplines but also as critical knowledge brokers, action-researchers and team players.

Finally, and most importantly, we would like to extend our sincere thanks to those Ugandan health workers who have become our colleagues and friends over the years. The context within which they are attempting to exercise professional responsibility and clinical excellence is punishing to say the least, and their ability to imagine a better reality, in which public services can be improved and mothers’ and babies’ lives saved, is challenged on a daily basis. Our conclusion, that development aid through professional voluntarism is largely failing to translate into sustainable systems change, in no way reflects on their capabilities or individual commitment. We would like to be able to name those of you who have played such a critical role in supporting the Sustainable Volunteering Project and ongoing work but we are aware that doing so may have damaging personal repercussions. You know who you are and we thank you. We hope that the honesty and trust that you have shown, and we have presented here, will generate new evidence-based opportunities for international professional relationships focused on systems change in the Ugandan Public Health Sector.

NOTE l. The Sustainable Volunteering Project (SVP) is funded by the Tropical Health and Education Trust (THET) as part of the Health Partnership Scheme, which is supported by the UK Department for International Development (DFID). The views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of THET.

Contents

1 Mobile Professional Voluntarism and International Development ‘Aid’

2 ‘First do no Harm’: Deploying Professional Volunteers as Knowledge Intermediaries

4 Can (imported) Knowledge Change Systems?

CHAPTER 1 Mobile Professional Voluntarism and International Development ‘Aid’

Abstract Chapter 1 sets the research on which this book is based in context. It discusses the relationship that Aid has with concepts of equality and poverty, and distinguishes humanitarian (emergency) relief contexts from those focused on capacity building. It also questions the efficacy of Aid and raises the possibility that Aid itself may have damaging consequences. Moving from Aid to the wider concept of ‘global health’, the chapter discusses the role that forms of highly skilled migration, such as professional voluntarism, can play in capacity building. Finally, it discusses the methodological approach taken in this action-research study.

Keywords AID - International development - Professional voluntarism - Action-research

Introduction

This book reports on our experiences of managing and researching the deployment of professionals employed in the UK, primarily but not exclusively in the National Health Service (NHS), to public health facilities in Uganda.’ The authors have been involved in interventions focused on improving maternal and newborn health in Uganda for the past 7 years through the work of a British charity known as the Liverpool-Mulago- Partnership (LMP’). LMP is one of many health partnerships active in Uganda and linked, in recent years, under the umbrella of the Ugandan

© The Author(s) 2017 l H.L. Ackers, J. Ackers-Johnson, Mobile Professional Voluntarism and International Development, DOI 10.1057/978-1-137-55833-6_1

Maternal and Newborn Hub.” In 2012, LMP received funding from the Tropical Health and Education Trust for the ‘Sustainable Volunteering Project’ (SVP). The ‘SVP’ was funded in the first instance for 3 years, during which time it deployed around 50 long-term and many more short-term volunteers. The whole project has been subject to intense ongoing evaluation focused both on volunteer learning and the returns to the NHS* and on the impact on hosting Ugandan healthcare facilities and health workers. This book focuses on the second dimension capturing the impacts of these kinds of intervention on the receiving/hosting country or the ‘development’ perspective.

Whilst the work is deeply and necessarily contextualised, the results create important opportunities for knowledge transfer and lesson learning in other fields of health and social policy and in other low- and mediumincome countries.

DEVELOPMENT, AID AND INEQUALITY

Countries, such as Uganda, are often described either as ‘developing’ (in contrast to the ‘developed’) or, more recently, as ‘lower- and middle-income countries’ (LMICs) in contrast to high-income or resource-rich economies. This characterisation suggests binaries: the ‘haves’ and ‘have nots’ or at least a continuum from high to low resource. Of course, you may have high-income economies (such as the USA or the emerging economies of India and China) with very high and increasing levels of absolute poverty and inequality. Even ‘low-income’ economies such as Uganda provide a comfortable and lucrative home to many very rich and highly cosmopolitan people with access to high-quality private health facilities both at home and across the world.

The complexity and relative character of inequality and its spatial dynamics are somewhat lost in this characterisation of ‘international development’. The project we are reporting on is focused on the public health system in Uganda and, more specifically, on the delivery of services to those Ugandan people whose only claim to health care is on the basis of their citizenship. Or, put differently, those citizens who lack the income to access a wide range of other options. In Uganda (as in India or in the USA), health status is related directly to ability to pay; the more money you have the higher your opportunities. Only those with no other options will turn to the residualised ‘safety net’, that is, the public health system. Perhaps the only factor distinguishing a country like Uganda from other countries is the fact that this is the case for a majority of its population and countries such as the USA (or China and India) have the resources, if not the political will, to significantly reduce health inequalities.

According to published data, Uganda has one of the highest levels of maternal mortality in the world. The Ugandan Ministry of Health’s Strategic Plan suggests that little, if any, progress has been made in terms of improvements in Maternal Health (Millennium Development Goal 5) and, more specifically, in reducing maternal mortality (MOH 2010: 43). A United Nations report on the MDGs describes Uganda’s progress as ‘stagnant’ (UNDP 2013: iii). Figures on maternal mortality in Uganda vary considerably depending on the source. The World Health Organisation reports maternal mortality ratios (MMRs) of 550 per 100,000 live births (WHO 2010).° However, the benchmarking exercise undertaken as part of the Sustainable Volunteering Project (McKay and Ackers 2013: 23) indicated wide variation between facilities in MMRs reported to the Ministry of Health. Perhaps of greater significance, it reiterated the very poor quality of reporting and records management resulting in significant underreporting. The figures for Hoima Regional Referral Hospital likely reflect improvements in records management following the intervention of a UK Health Partnership (the Hoima-Basingstoke Health Partnership) rather than a greater incidence of mortality. Indeed, more detailed audit of case files by an SVP volunteer indicated levels in Mbale regional referral hospital of over 1000 (more than double reported levels) (Fig. 1.1).°

These figures are shocking indeed. However, it is important not to gain the impression that all women in Uganda face an equal prospect of dying in childbirth. Data collected from the private ward in Mulago National Referral Hospital paint quite a different picture with only one maternal death recorded between January 2011 and October 2012 compared to 183 deaths on the public ward. Interestingly, the caesarean section rate on the private ward is more than double that on the main public ward (51.6% compared to 25.4%) (Ackers 2013: 23). Inter-sectoral inequalities within the country are as alarming as intercountry comparisons. And, in case of Mulago Hospital, the health care staff treating patients on the private ward are exactly the same as those on the public ward.”

The simple but important point we are trying to make at the outset is that the context within which the Sustainable Volunteering Project is deploying volunteers is best described as one of profound social

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One of the problems with the popular use of the word ‘poverty’, or even more so, ‘the poor’, is that they infer the kind of passivity displayed in media fund-raising campaigns with images of human ‘victims’ needing ‘help’ splashed across posters and television screens. And, the corollary of this is, of course, the ‘helpers’ or good-doers who dip into their pockets. This ‘donor-recipient’? model of development AID continues to taint international relationships. It is convenient and valuable to distinguish at this juncture two forms of intervention or perhaps, to avoid caricature, two contexts. Bolton suggests that, ‘broadly speaking, AID can have two aims. It either provides humanitarian relief in response to emergencies, or it tries to stimulate longer-term development’ (2007: 75). Humanitarian or emergency AID then seeks to provide an immediate response to catastrophic events such as famine, earthquakes or wars. In such situations, immediate service intervention is easier to justify and concerns around unintended consequences or collateral damage less pressing. This type of activity could, in theory and out of necessity, be achieved by foreign volunteers in the absence of local staff. The deployment of ‘Mercy Ships,’ for example, is designed to ‘fill the gaps in health care systems’ through service delivery. And emergency AID may be provided in any context without in-depth analysis of a country’s economic status or political decision making.

Bolton calculates that around 95% of AID falls into the alternative category of ‘development aid’ — a form of investment which is both ‘much better value’ (in terms of promoting resilience) and ‘harder to get right’ (2007: 76). This AID comes from a diversity of sources including, as Bolton indicates, charitable donations and philanthropy (of which a sizeable component are linked to religious organisations pursuing their own agendas); National AID provided by governments and International AID provided by organisations such as the World Bank and the United Nations. The boundaries between these forms of AID are fuzzy and the political imperatives (underlying national and international AID and its links with diplomacy and trade) combined with the marketing functions of charitable fund-raisers together result in an opaqueness and lack of honesty about impacts. Bolton argues that the pressure to raise funds results in a tendency to simplify and exaggerate the effectiveness of AID and concludes that, ‘the outcome is probably the most unaccountable multibillion dollar industry in the world’ (p. 79).

To put AID in perspective, the Ugandan Ministry of Health published figures indicating an annual spend of 1281.14 billion shillings (about £156.5 million). Of this, 68 % (£150 million) is provided by the Ugandan government and 32% (£106.5 million) by ‘donors’. The growth in donor share is quite alarming, almost doubling from 13.7% in 2011 (MOH 2015). Department for International Development (DFID) figures for 2015 indicate a spend of over £26 million in 2014/2015 on health in Uganda; the majority of which (63 %) goes on reproductive and maternal and newborn health (DFID 2011). These figures are indicative only and most certainly under-estimate the monetary value of AID, reflecting only the direct inter-governmental funding that travels down through the Ministry.” Health Partnerships are largely funded as local charities, and whilst the amount of money involved may be quite high, this is dwarfed by the real costs of in-kind contributions through volunteer labour.

Moyo’s book, with its stark and ‘incendiary’'® title, Dead Aid (subtitled: Why AID is not working and how there is another way for Africa), had a major impact on the design of the SVP. Moyo argues that the culture of AID derives from ‘the liberal sensibility that the rich should help the poor and that the form of this help should be Aid’ (p. xix). With reference to its impact on ‘systemic poverty’ (as opposed to humanitarian crises), Moyo concludes that AID has been and continues to be ‘an unmitigated political, economic and humanitarian disaster for most parts of the developing world’ (2009: xix). She goes beyond many other writers who express similar concern at the efficacy of AID to contend that AID is not only ineffectual but, of far greater concern, it also generates externality effects that actually cause damage. AID is ‘consumed’ rather than invested:

Were AID simply innocuous — just not doing what it claimed it would do — this book would not have been written. The problem is that AID is not benign — it’s malignant. No longer part of the potential solution, it’s part of the problem — in fact, AID is the problem. (p. 47)

AID has been described as an ‘industry’ by actors in high-income (donor) settings; it is also seen very much as an industry in low-resource settings. Indeed, poverty is a magnet for AID and the more overtly poor and destitute the case, the greater the prospect of attracting investment.

Sadly, in the Ugandan context, this creates a vested interest for local leaders in the deliberate preservation and presentation of impoverishment and chaos in order to suck in cash and create opportunities for embezzlement. In that sense, poverty is both functional and profitable.

From ‘AID’ To GLOBAL HEALTH

These kinds of anxieties, about the effectiveness of AID, fuelled by political correctness about the use of the term ‘development’ have led to new concepts to capture the investment dimension and focus on longer-term systemic change. The Tropical Health and Education Trust is one of a growing number of intermediaries funded by the UK’s DFID and focusing on ‘capacity building’ and ‘sustainability’. Locating itself within the ‘global health’ agenda, THET describes its mission as building long-term resilient health systems to promote improved access to essential health care as a basic human right (THET 2015). At the centre of this strategy is the concept of ‘human resources for health’ or ‘HRB’.

The global health agenda has usefully shifted attention from the haves—have nots and donor-recipient binaries referred to before, talking instead, somewhat hopefully, of partnerships and ‘win-win’ relationships. Lord (Nigel) Crisp has pushed this agenda forward arguing quite forcefully that the UK’s National Health Service has as much to learn from low-resource settings as vice versa. Focusing again on health systems (rather than poor people per se), Crisp suggests that the concept of global health ‘embraces everything that we share in health terms globally’ (2010: 9). Crisp’s approach rest on two ideas. First, that health systems in high-resource settings are facing (growing) challenges in terms of resources and sustainability and, second, that globalisation is itself creating complex mobilities (both human and microbial) and interdependencies that effectively challenge the autonomy and resilience of nation states: we are all increasingly connected, whether we like it or not. The growing mobility of health workers or the spread of Ebola are prime examples. It is interesting also to see how Crisp and THET have started to slip the word ‘innovation’ alongside development, although they shy away from the language of competition in this fluffy consensual world.

In the context of global health, at least the growing emphasis on human resources has usefully shifted the debate from one about providing ‘top-down’ cash injections in the form of national or international financial support to (corrupt) governments to supporting forms of knowledge exchange through grounded partnerships.

THET describes its focus on reducing health inequalities in low- and middle-income countries with a particular emphasis on improving access to essential health care (as a basic human right). Achieving this requires significant improvement in health systems and this in turn places the emphasis on human resources:

The lack of human resources for health is a critical constraint to sustainable development in many lower- and middle-income countries. (THET 2015: 10)

This leads naturally on to what they describe as ‘a unique partnership approach that harnesses the skills, knowledge and technical expertise of health professionals to meet the training and education needs identified in low-resource settings’. And ‘international volunteering’ is one of the key mechanisms it supports to achieve this skills harnessing process.1

The Health Partnership Scheme (HPS) managed by THET was launched in 2011 to ‘build the capacity of healthcare workers and the faculty needed to train them with a focus on ‘lasting improvements to healthcare [...] and service innovation’? (THET 2015: 10). The scheme is funded by DFID at a cost of £30 million over 6 years. It is under this scheme and specifically the ‘Long-Term Volunteering Programme’, that the SVP was funded. THET guidelines set out the following objectives:

HPS Volunteering Grants aim to leverage the knowledge and expertise of UK health professionals by funding efficient, high-quality long-term volunteering programmes linked to development projects. HPS Volunteering Grants should [ ... ] strengthen health systems through building the capacity of human resources for health (THET 2011).

In direct response to these objectives, the SVP set out the following objectives:

e To support evidence-based, holistic and sustainable systems change through improved knowledge transfer, translation and impact.

e To promote a more effective, sustainable and mutually beneficial approach to international professional volunteering (as the key vector of change).

These goals were then formulated as an action-research question framing the wider intervention:

To what extent, and under what circumstances, can mobile professional voluntarism promote the kinds of knowledge exchange and translation capable of improving the effectiveness of public health systems in LMICs? (THET 2011)

With these thoughts in mind we designed the SVP evaluation around three potential ‘scenarios:’

Scenario 1: Partial Improvement (Positive Change)

Under this scenario, evidence will indicate that the professional volunteering interventions we are engaging in are at least partially effective in promoting systems change. It is important that even this ‘partial effect’ relates to incremental long-term progress and is not short-lived. Moyo suggests that project evaluations often identify the ‘erroneous’ impression of AID’s success in the shorter term — whilst ‘failing to assess long-term sustainability’ (2009: 45).

Policy Implications: Any positive collateral benefits to individual service recipients (patients), UK volunteers/health systems are to be identified and encouraged.

Scenario 2: Neutral Impact (No Change)

Under this scenario, evidence will indicate that the professional volunteering interventions we are engaging are generally neutral in terms of systems impact. They neither facilitate nor undermine systems change.

Policy Implications: Positive outcomes for individual service recipients (patients), volunteers (and the UK), free of unintended consequences, may be identified and supported.

Scenario 3: Negative Impact (Collateral Damage)

Under this scenario, evidence will indicate that the professional volunteering interventions we are engaging are generally counter-productive /damaging in terms of promoting long-term (sustainable) improvements in public health systems.

Policy Implications: Any positive gains to individuals (including Ugandan patients) or systems in the UK are tainted with unintended consequences and, on that basis, are unethical and should not be supported.

Our thinking at the time (project commencement) was heavily influenced by concerns expressed about the inadequacy or lack of transparency and honesty in evaluation (Crisp 2007; James et al. 2008: 7; Bolton 2007) and Moyo’s powerfully expressed but seemingly ignored assertions about the damaging effects of AID. We were also building on 4 years’ direct experience of deploying and managing long-term volunteers.

Interestingly, the literature on the effectiveness of AID (including Moyo’s book) rarely if ever refer to the role of human capital investments in the form of ‘voluntarism’. Bolton’s chapter, ‘Pass the Hat Round — Charity Aid’, makes various assumptions about what he calls ‘Aid’s Sunday Drivers’ — caricatured as ‘amateurs with far too little expertise [ ... ] who believe all they need to do is turn up and make a difference’ (p. 89). Of course, there is some truth behind his concerns about ‘foreigners coming from outside’ to intervene in people’s lives (p. 90). However, his response to his own question, ‘is charity capable of providing the help that Africa needs to pull itself out of poverty? Unequivocally, the answer is no’ (p. 92) indicates a failure to understand the skills base of many volunteers and the role that volunteers play within organisations (such as health partnerships). Furthermore, it fails to acknowledge the very real monetary value and costs associated with voluntarism and the role that nation states are playing in funding these processes (through intermediaries such as THET). The costs of the HPS scheme (30 million pounds) are dwarfed by the costs to individuals and NHS employers providing cover for released staff. The concept of ‘volunteer’ tends to detract from the significant economic costs of this form of ‘AID’.

These concerns and experiences imposed a huge sense of personal responsibility on us as project managers deploying volunteers. Whilst we could understand the concerns about large volumes of taxpayers’ cash being tipped into foreign governments and relate to Moyo’s conclusion that this constituted ‘Dead Aid’ — we were less sure about the effects of voluntarism as AID. The immediate association of voluntarism with altruism, religiosity and ‘giving’ and the less obvious (but perhaps no less real) relationships with diplomacy and trade lead us to question whether volunteering ultimately had the same effects — hence, the subtitle for our book: ‘Killing me Softly?’ This is represented in Scenario 3.

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PROFESSIONAL VOLUNTARISM AS HIGHLY SKILLED MIGRATION

We opened this chapter with a discussion about development and AID. Not because this is where we located ourselves as ‘experts’, but because it is the dominant discourse within which our work is generally situated— and has been funded. Neither of us (as authors) came to this work with backgrounds in international development or global health. Ackers’ background as a geographer and social scientist is in highly skilled migration and the role that internationalisation plays in shaping the mobilities of scientists as individuals and scientific capacity. It is interesting to note that the emphasis in this field is more often on the role that the mobility of the highly skilled plays in promoting scientific competitiveness and innovation. The role of human mobility is increasingly recognised as critical to the formulation of the kinds of knowledge relationships that lie at the heart of economic growth. It is important to point out that the processes of international mobility here are by no means unilateral, as is often inferred, echoing the haves (cosmopolitan northern professionals with extensive mobility capital) and have-nots (internationally isolated and parochial) binary. Our research experience suggests that Ugandan health workers and, especially, but not exclusively, doctors have access to very wide and varied international experience. Indeed, it is possible that the (funded) opportunities available to them exceed those open to their peers in the UK.'? The Ugandan health workforce is surprisingly cosmopolitan and internationally connected especially but not only at senior levels.

Viewed through these disciplinary lenses, both the SVP volunteers and the many Ugandans who have spent time in the UK are first and foremost highly skilled migrants or, if the language of migration is offputting for some,'* people exercising forms of professional mobility. The label ‘volunteer’ (defined simply by the absence of a formal employment relationship or remuneration) does little to capture the motivations of the diverse groups of people involved and has an unfortunate tendency to characterise them, within the donor-recipient model, as ‘helpers’ (Bolton’s Sunday Drivers) or, worse still, in an environment still dominated by religious values, as ‘missionaries’. As noted earlier, our research has embraced the motivations, experiences and learning outcomes of volunteers. The findings of this are reported elsewhere (Chatwin et al. 2016). The point here is to consider what added value such volunteers bring to the host society and its public health system.

Ackers-Johnson’s background, on the other hand, is in financial and human resource management. The emergence of the HRH agenda in global health immediately demands an understanding of complex human resource dynamics in terms of both ensuring a supply of appropriate ‘volunteers’ and creating the structures and relationships that support optimal knowledge capture. The Human Resource Management perspective encourages us to view both volunteers and the Ugandan health workers they are engaging with from the perspective of employment quality and career decision making and accentuates commonality rather than difference in human ambitions and the barriers to knowledge mobilisation. It will become clear as the story unfolds that maternal mortality in Uganda is as much about human resource management as it is about clinical skills.

For the purpose of the SVP and this book, we have coined the term ‘professional volunteer’ to overcome some of our concerns about the (value-laden) concept of volunteer and emphasise the fact that first and foremost the people we are referring to are highly skilled (mobile) professionals. Characterising them as professionals who are engaging in Uganda with fellow professionals (many of whom are also involved in various forms of international mobility) helps us to situate the project within the frame of both international knowledge mobilisation and human resource management. This is the frame within which we have previously engaged in international teams as research collaborators and not as donors. The word ‘professional’ also hints at motivational dynamics and the fact that, for the majority of ‘volunteers’, motivation is a complex concept combining altruistic, touristic and career progression components (amongst others).