Thomas Jefferson

CHAPTER I. Youth 1

CHAPTER n.

In the House of Burgesses 17

5-^ CHAPTER in.

'-^ CHAPTER IV.

^^ Again in the House of Burgesses . . , .41 CO ®^ CHAPTER V.

CHAPTER VI.

In Congress Again 70'

CHAPTER VII.

Minister to France 77

CHAPTER Vni.

Secretary op State. — Domestic Affairs . . 96

CHAPTER IX.

Secretary of State. — Growth of Dissensions . Ill

VI CONTENTS.

CHAPTER X.

Secretary op State. — Foreign Affairs , . 146

CHAPTER XL In Retreat 166

CHAPTER XII.

Vice-President 173

CHAPTER XIII.

President : First Term. — Offices. — Callender . 209

CHAPTER XIV.

President : First Term. — Louisiana . . .231

CHAPTER XV.

President : First Term. — Impeachments. — Reelection 259

CHAPTER XVI.

President : Second Term. — Randolph's Defection. — Burr's Treason 272

CHAPTER XVIL President : Second Term. — Embargo . . . 286

CHAPTER XVIIL At Monticello : Political Opinions . . .321

CHAPTER XIX.

At Monticello : Personal Matters. — Death . 331

INDEX 345

THOMAS JEFFEESOK".

CHAPTER I.

YOUTH.

Little more than a century ago a civilized nation without an aristocracy was a pitiful spectacle scarcely to be witnessed in the world. The American colonists, having brought no dukes and barons with them to the rugged wilderness, fell in some sort under a moral compulsion to set up an imitation of the genuine creatures, and as their best makeshift in the emergency they ennobled in a kind of local fashion the richer Virginian planters. These gentlemen were not without many qualifications for playing the agreeable part assigned to them ; they gambled recklessly over cards and at the horse-racings and cock-fightings which formed their chief pleasures ; they caroused to excess at taverns and at each other's houses ; they were very extravagant, very lazy, very arrogant, and fully persuaded of their superiority over their fellows, whom they felt it their duty and their privilege to direct and govern ; they had large landed estates and preserved the custom of entailing them in favor of eldest sons ; they were great genealogists, and steeped in family pride ; they occupied houses which were very capacious and noted for unlimited hospitalit}^ but which were also ill-kept and barren ; they were fond of field-sports and were admirable horsemen; they respected the code of honor and quarrelled and let blood as gentlemen should ; they were generous, courageous and high-spirited ; a few of them were liberally educated and well-read. We all know that, when the days of trial came, the best of them were little inferior to the best men whose names are to be found in the history of any people in the world ; ^ though when one studies the antecedents and social surroundings whence these noble figures emerged, it seems as if for once men had gathered grapes from thorns, and figs from thistles.

Rather upon the outskirts than actually within the sacred limits of this charmed circle, Thomas Jefferson was born on April 13, 1743.

1 It should be remembered that by good rights neither Washington, Jefferson, nor even Madison, before they became distinguished, would have been entitled to take rank in the exclusive coterie of the best Virginian families.

YOUTH. o

The first American Jefferson was dimly supposed to have immigrated from Snowdon, in Wales ; such at least was the family " tradition ; " while the only thing certainly to be predicated concerning him is that he was one of the earliest settlers, having arrived in Virginia before the MayfloAver had brought the first cargo of Puritans to the New England coast, Peter Jefferson, the father of Thomas, gave the family its first impetus on the road towards worldly success. He was a man of superb physique and of correspondingly <vigorous intellect and enterprising temper. In early life he became very intimate with William Randolph of Tuckahoe ; he " patented " in the wilderness a thousand acres of land adjoining the larger estate of Randolph, bought from his friend four hundred acres more, paying therefor the liberal price of " Henry Weatherbourne's biggest bowl of arrack punch," as is jovially nommated in the deed ; and further cemented the alliance by marrying William's cousin, Jane Randolph, in 1738. The distinction which this infusion of patrician blood brought to the commoner Jeffersonian stream was afterwards slightingly referred to by Thomas Jefferson, who said, with a characteristic democratic sneer, that his mother's family traced " their pedigree far back in England and

Scotland, to which let every one ascribe the faith and merit he chooses."

Peter Jefferson's plantation, or more properly his farm, for it seems to have been largely devoted to the culture of wheat, lay on the Rivanna near its j unction with thejames, inf^^ ^ eluding a large extent of plain and some of /(/^^'^^^the lower shoulders or spurs of the mountains ^^^^ ' known as the Southwest Range. He named it Shadwell, after the parish in London where his wife had been born ; among its hills was that of Monticello, upon which in after years Thomas Jefferson built his house. Peter was colonel of his county and a member of the House of Burgesses, apparently a man of rising note in the colony. But in August, 1757, in the fiftieth year of what seemed a singularly vigorous life, he suddenly died, leaving Thomas only fourteen years old, with the advantages, however, of a comfortable property and an excellent family connection on the mother's side, so that it would be his own fault if he should not prosper well in the world.

Jefferson appears to have been sensibly brought up, getting as good an education as was possible in Virginia and paying also due regard to his phj^sical training. He grew to be a slender and sinewy, or as some preferred to say, a thin and raw-boned young man, six feet two and one half inches tall, with hair variously reported as red, reddish, and sandy, and with eyes mixed of gray and hazel. Certainly he was not handsome, and in order to establish his social attractiveness his friends fall back on " his countenance, so highly expressive of intelligence and benevolence," and upon his " fluent and sensible conversation " intermingled with a "vein of pleasantry." He is said to have improved in appearance as he grew older, and to liave become " a very good-looking man in middle age, and quite a handsome old man." ^ He Avas athletic, fond of shooting, and a skilful and daring horseman even for a Virginian. He early developed a strong taste for music and fiddled assiduously for many years. By his own desire he entered William and Mary College in 1760 at the age of seventeen. He was now secure of every advantage possible for a young Virginian. The college was at Williamsburg, then the capital of the colony, and his relationship with the Randolphs made him free of the best houses.^ A Scotch doctor,

1 Tucker's Life of Jefferson, i. 29.

2 But one must not draw too glowing a picture of the advantaiie of living in Williamsburg, which in fact was a village containing about two hundred houses, " one thousand souls, whites and negroes," and "ten or twelve gentlemen's families constantly residing in it, besides merchants and tradesmen." Only during the winter session of the legislature it became

William Small, was Professor of Mathematics and temporarily also of Philosophy. He appears to have had a happy gift of instruction, and to have fired the mind of his pupil with a great zeal for learning. Jefferson afterward even said that the presence of this gentleman at the University was "what probably fixed the destinies of my life."

If we may take Jefferson's own word for it, he habitually studied, during his second collegiate year, fifteen hours a day, and for his only ex- ^ercise ran, at twilight, a mile out of the city ;and back again. Long afterward, in 1808, he wrote to a grandson a sketch of this period of his life, composed in his moral and didactic vein ; in it he draws a beautiful picture of his own precocious and unnatural virtue, and is himself obliged to gaze in surprise upon one so young and yet so good amid crowding temptations. Without fully sharing in this generous admiration, we must not doubt that he was sufficiently studious and sensible, for he had a natural thirst for information and he always afterward appeared a broadly educated man. His preference was for mathematics and natural philosophy, studies which he deemed " so peculiarly engaging and delightful as would

"crowded with the gentry of the country." See Parton's Life of Jefferson, 20.

induce every one to wish an acquaintance with therau/^ He was fond also of classics, and indeed^^eschewed with positive distaste no branch of study save only ethics and metaphysics. At these he sneered, and actually once had the courage to say that it was " lost time " to attend lectures on moral philosophy, since " he who made us would have been a pitiful bungler if he had made the rules of our moral conduct a matter of science." Certainly morals never became in his mind one of the exact sciences, and the heretical notion of his youth remained the conviction of his mature years. He appears to have read quite extensively, with sound selection and liberal taste, among the acknowledged classics in Greek, Latin, and English literature, and to some extent also in French and Italian. But novels he never fancied and rarely touched at any period of his life, though not by reason of a severe taste, since for a long while he was nothing less than infatuated with the bombast of Ossian.

After graduation, Jefferson read law in the office of George Wythe, a gentleman whose genial social qualities and high professional attainments are attested by the friendly allusions of many eminent contemporaries.^ His

1 John Marshall read law with him, and Henry Clay was his private secretary.

zeal in labor still continued, and again tlie story is told that he habitually reached the measure of fifteen hours of study daily. When he was about twenty-one years old, Jefferson drew up a plan of study and reading for a young friend. Before eight o'clock in the morning this poor fellow was to devote himself to '' physical studies " ; eight to twelve o'clock, law ; twelve to one, politics ; afternoon, history ; " dark to bedtime," literature, oratory, etc., etc. Yet there were cakes and ale in those days, young girls and dancing at the Raleigh tavern, cards and horses ; and the young Virginians had their full share of all these good things. Probably the fifteen hours stint, as a strictly regular daily allowance, is fabulous. With Professor Small and Mr. Wythe the young student formed. a " partie quarr^e " at the " palace " of Francis Fauquier, then the gay, agreeable, accomplished, free-thinking, gambling Governor of Virginia. The four habitually dined together in spite of the fifteen-hour rule, and it betokens no small degree of intellectual maturity on the part of Jefferson, that while a mere college lad he was the selected companion of three such gentlemen. Fortunately his sound common sense protected him from the dangerous elements in the association.

I A few letters written by Jefferson at this time to his friend Jolm Page, a member of the well-known Virginian family of that name and himself afterward Governor of Virginia, have been preserved. Without showing much brilliancy, they abound in labored attempts at humor and are thickly sown with fragments from the classics and simple bits of original Latinity. The chief burden of them all is the girls, whose faces, it is to be hoped, were prettier than their names, — Sukey Potter, Judy Burwell, and the like. One of them, " Belinda," as he called her, he treated in a rather peculiar way. He told her that he loved her, but did not desire at present to engage himself, since he wished to go to Europe for an indefinite period ; but he said that on his return, of course with unchanged affections, he would finally and openly commit himself. To this not very ardent proposition the lady naturally said No, and soon wedded another. The " laggard in love " wrote a despairing letter or two, which fail to bring tears to the reader's eyes ; remained in comfortable bachelorhood a few short years, and then gave his hand, and doubtless also in all warmth and sincerity his heart, to the young widow of Bathurst Skelton. His marriage took place January 1, 1772. If the accounts of gallant chroniclers maybe trusted, the bride had every qualification which can make woman attractive ;

an exquisite feminine beauty, grace of manners, loveliness of disposition, rare cleverness, and many accomplishments. Furthermore, her father, John Waj^les, a rich lawyer, considerately died about sixteen months after the marriage, and so caused a handsome addition to Jefferson's property.

Jefferson, however, had no need to marry for money. Though not very rich, he was well off and was rapidly multiplying his assets. At the time of his marriage he had increased his patrimony so that 1,900 acres had swelled by purchases to 5,000 acres, and thirty slaves had increased to fifty-two. He was getting considerably upwards of |3,000 a year from his profession,^ and $2,000 from his farm. This made a very good income in those days in Virginia. The evidence is abundant that he was thrifty, industrious, and successful. He seemed like one destined to accumulate wealth, but he never had a fair opportunity to show his capacity in this direction, since he maintained a resolve not to better his fortunes while in public life.

His career at the bar began in 1767, when he was only twenty-four years old, and closed in 1774. If he had only been getting fairly into business when he left the profession, he would

1 During the seven years that he was in practice his fees averaged $3,000 per annum.

have had little right to complain. But apparently he had stepped at once into an excellent practice, and either the chief occupation of all Virginians was litigation, or else he must have enjoyed exceptional good fortune. In the first year he had sixty eight cases in the " general court," in the next year one hundred and fifteen, in the third year one hundred and ninety-eight. Of causes before inferior tribunals no record was kept. Yet Mr. Randall tells us that he was chiefly an " ofiice-lawyer," for that a husky weakness of the voice prevented him from becoming very successful as an advocate.

The farming, though it contributed the smaller fraction of his income, was the calling which throughout life he loved with an inborn fondness not to be quenched by all the cares and interests of a public career, and his notebooks attest the unresting interest which he brought to it in all times and places. A striking paper, unfortunately incomplete and undated, is published in the first volume of his works. " I sometimes ask myself," he writes, " whether my country is the better for my having lived at all. ... I have been the instrument of doing the following things." Then are enumerated such matters as the disestablishment of the state church in Virginia, the putting an end to entails, the prohibition of the importation of slaves, also the drafting of tlie Declaration of Independence, and in the same not very long list, cheek by jowl with these momentous achievements, follows the importation of olive plants from Marseilles into South Carolina and Georgia, and of heavy upland rice from Africa into the same States, in the hope that it might supersede the culture of the wet rice so pestilential in the summer. " The greatest service," he comments, " which can be rendered to any country is, to add a useful plant to its culture, especially a bread grain ; next in value to bread is oil." At another time he wrote : " Those who labor in the earth are the chosen people of God, if ever he had a chosen people, whose breasts he has made his peculiar deposit for substantial and genuine virtue. . . .

Corruption of morals in the mass of cultivators is a phenomenon of which no age or nation has furnished an example. . . . Generally speaking, the proportion which the aggregate of the other classes of citizens bears in any state to that of the husbandmen is the proportion of its unsound to its healthy parts, and is a good enough barometer whereby to measure the degree of its corruption." From these premises he draws the conclusion that it is an error to attract artificers or mechanics from foreign parts into this country. It will be better and more wholesome, he says, to leave them in their European workshops and " carry provisions and materials to workmen there, than bring them to the provisions and materials, and with them their manners and principles." This would hardly pass nowadays for sound political economy ; but it is an excellent sample of the simple impractical form into which Jefferson's reflections were apt to develop when the mood of dreamy virtue was upon him. During an inroad of yellow fever he found " consolation " in the reflection that Providence had so ordered things " that most evils are the means of producing some good. The yellow fever will discourage the growth of great cities in our nation, and I view great cities as pestilential to the morals, the health, and the liberties of man." Nor did wider experience of the world cause him to change his views. In 1785 he wrote from Paris: "Cultivators of the earth are the most valuable citizens. They are the most vigorous, the most independent, the most virtuous ; and they are tied to their country and wedded to its liberty and interests by the most lasting bonds. ... I consider the class of artificers as the panders of vice, and the instruments by which the liberties of a country are generally overturned." " Were I to indulge in my own theory," he again says, *' I should wish them

(the States) to practise neither commerce nor navigation, but to stand with respect to Europe precisely on the footing of China."

For his own personal part, Jefferson was always an enthusiast in agriculture. He was never too busy to find time to note the dates of the planting and the ripening of his vegetables and fruits. He left behind him a table enumerating thirty-seven esculents, and showing the earliest date of the appearance of each one of them in the Washington market in each of eight successive years. He had ever a quick observation and a keen intelligence ready for every fragment of new knowledge or hint of a useful invention in the way of field work. All through his busy official life, abroad and at home, he appears ceaselessly to have one eye on the soil and one ear open to its cultivators ; he is always comparing var^dng methods and results, sending new seeds hither and thither, making suggestions, trying experiments, till, in the presence of his enterprise and activity, one begins to think that the stagnating character so commonly attributed to the Virginian planters must be fabulous. For, on the contrary, so far was his temperament removed from the conservatism of the Anglo-Saxon race that often he seemed to take the fact that a thing had never been done as a sufficient reason for doing it.

All his tendencies were utilitarian. Though strangely devoid of any appreciation of fiction in literature, yet he had a powerful imaginar tion, which ranged wholly in the unromantio domain of the useful, and ran riot in schemes for conferring practical benefits on mankind. He betrayed the same traits in agriculture and in politics. In both he was often a dreamer, but his dreams concerned the daily affairs of Lis fellow men, and his life was devoted to reducing his idealities to realities. It was largely this sanguine taste for novelty, this dash of the imaginative element, flavoring all his projects and doctrines, which made them attractive to the multitude, who, finding present facts to be for the most part hard and uninviting, are ever prone to be pleased with propositions for variety. Only once, under the combined influences of Ossian, youth, and love, we find his fancy roving in a melodramatic direction. He turns then for a while from absorbing calculations of the amount of work which a man can do with a one-wheeled barrow and the amount he can do with a two-wheeled barrow, the number and cost of the nails required for a certain length of paling, the amount of lime, or limestone, required for a perch of stone wall, and in place of these useful computations he lays plans for ornamental work. He will " choose out for a burying place some unfrequented vale in the park," wherein a bubbling brook alone shall break the stillness, while around shall be " ancient and venerable oaks " interspersed with *' gloomy evergreens." In the centre shall be a " small gothic temple of antique appearance." He will " appropriate one half to the use of his family," the other, with an odd manifestation of Virginian hospitality, to the use of " strangers," servants, etc. There shall be " pedestals, with urns and proper inscriptions " and a " pyramid of the rough rockstone " over the " grave of a favorite and faithful servant." There will be, of course, a grotto, " spangled with translucent pebbles and beautiful shells," with an ever trickling stream, a mossy couch, a figure of a sleeping nymph, and appropriate mottoes in English and Latin. It is needless to say that these idle fancies seem never to have been seriously taken in hand. More important and engrossing work than the preparation of an enticing grave-yard was forthwith to claim Jefferson's attention.

CHAPTER IL

IN THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES.

About the time when he entered college, Jefferson made the acquaintance of Patrick Henry, then a rather unprosperous, hilarious, unknown young countryman, just admitted to the bar, though profoundly ignorant of law. An intimacy sprang up between them, and when Henry became a member of the House of Burgesses he often shared Jefferson's chambers at Williamsburg. From them he went, in May, 1765, to utter that ringing speech against taxation without representation which made him for a time foremost among Virginian patriots. In the doorway of the hall stood Jefferson, an entranced listener, thinking that Henry spoke "as Homer wrote." The magnetic influence of this brilliant friend would have transformed a more loyally disposed youth than Jefferson into an arrant rebel. But no influence was needed for this purpose ; Jefferson was by nature a bold and free thinker, wanting rather ballast than canvas. As he watched the course of public events in those years when 2 tlie germs of the Revolution were swelling and quickening in the land, all his sympathies were warmly enlisted with the party of resistance. By the year 1768, when the advent of a new governor made necessary the election of a new House of Burgesses, he already craved the opportunity to take an active part in affairs, and at once offered himself as a candidate for Albemarle County. He kept open house, distributed limitless punch, stood by the polls, politely bowing to every voter who named him, all according to the Virginian fashion of the day,^ and had the good fortune, by these meritorious efforts, to win success. On May 11, 1769, he took his seat. Lord Botetourt delivered his quasi-royal speech, and Jefferson drew the resolutions constituting the basis of the repl}^; but afterward, being deputed to draw the reply itself, he suffered the serious mortification of having his document rejected. On the third day the Burgesses passed another batch of resolutions, so odiously like a Bill of Rights that the Governor, much perturbed in his loyal mind, dissolved them at once. The next day they eked out this brief term of service by meeting in the " Apollo," or long room of the Raleigh tavern, where eighty-eight of them, of whom Jefferson was one, formed a non-importation 1 See Farton's description, in his Life of Jefferson, p. 88.

IN THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES. 19

league as against British merchandise. All the signers of this document were at once reelected by their constituents.

In March, 1773, the Burgesses again came together in no good humor. The destruction of the Gaspee in Narragansett Bay had led to a draconic act of Parliament whereby any colonist, destroying so much as " the button of a mariner's coat," might be carried to England for trial and punished with death. Upon the assembling of the Burgesses, Jefferson and some five or six others, "not thinking our old and leading members up to the point of forwardness and zeal which the times required," met privately in consultation. The offspring of their conference was a standing committee charged to correspond with like committees which the sister colonies were invited to appoint. An idle controversy has arisen as to whether Massachusetts or Virginia was first to devise this system of correspondence. Jefferson long afterward averred that Virginia was the earlier, and the evidence favors the substantial correctness of his statement ; for, though Massachusetts had suggested the idea some two years before, she had not pushed it, and the suggestion, known to few, had been forgotten by all. It naturally resulted from this proceeding that the Burgesses were at once dissolved by the Earl of

Dunmore. But the committee met on the next day and issued their circular of invitation.

A year later, in the spring of 1774, news of the Boston Port Bill came while the Burgesses were in session. Again Jefferson and some half dozen more, feeling that " the lead in the House on these subjects [should] no longer be left with the old members," and agreeing that they " must boldly take an unequivocal stand in the line with Massachusetts," ^ met in secret to devise proper measures. They determined to appoint a day of fasting and prayer, and in the House they succeeded in carrying a resolution to that effect. Again the Governor dissolved them ;. again they went over to the " Apollo," and again passed there most disloyal resolutions. Among these was one requesting the Committee of Correspondence to consult the other col-

1 The march of events, Jefferson afterward wrote, " favored the bolder spirits of Henry, the Lees, Pages, Mason, etc., with whom I went at all points. Sensible, however, of the importance of unanimity among our constituents, although we often wished to have gone faster, we slackened our pace that our less ardent colleagues might keep up with us ; and they on their part, differing nothing from us in principle, quickened their gait somewhat beyond that which their prudence might, of itself, have advised, and thus consolidated the phalanx which breasted the power of Britain. By this harmony of the bold with the cautious, we advanced with our constituents, in undivided mass, and with fewer examples of separation than, perhaps, existed in any other part of the Union."

IN THE HOUSE OF BURGESSES. 21

onies on the expediency of holding annually a general Congress ; also another, for the meeting of representatives from the counties of Yirgima in convention at Williamsburg on August 1. The freeholders of Albemarle elected Jefferson again a Burgess, and also a deputy to this Convention.

Jefferson started to attend the meeting of the Convention, but upon the road was taken so ill with a dysenter}^ that he could not go on. He therefore forwarded a draft of instructions, such as he hoped to see given by that body to the delegates whom it was to send to the General Congress of the colonies. One copy of this document was sent to Patrick Henry, who, however, " communicated it to nobody ; " perhaps, says Jefferson, "because he disapproved the ground taken," perhaps " because he was too lazy to read it." Another copy was sent "with better fortune to Peyton Randolph, President of the Convention. It was laid by him upon the table, was read by the members, and was so well liked that it was printed in pamphlet form under the title of " A Summary View of the Rights of British America ; " in this shape it was sent over to Great Britain, was there " taken up by the opposition, interpolated a little by Mr. Burke," and then extensively circulated, running " rapidly through several editions."

Naturally that was the era of manifestoes in the colonies, and many pens were busy preparing documents, public and private, famous and neglected, but nearly all sound, spirited, generalizing, and declamatory. Jefferson's instructions did not wholly escape the prevalent faults, and had their share of rodomontade about the rights of freemen and the oppressions of monarchs. But these were slight blemishes in a paper singularly radical, audacious, and well argued. The migration of the " Saxon ancestors" of the present English people, he said, had been made "in like manner with that of the British immigrants to the American colonies."

*' Nor was ever any claim of superiority or dependence asserted over [the English] by that Mother Country from which they had migrated; and were such a claim made, it is believed his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain have too firm a feelino^ of the rights derived to them from their ancestors, to bow down the sovereignty of their State before such visionary pretensions. And it is thought that no circumstance has occurred to distinguish materially the British from the Saxon emigration. America was conquered and her settlements made and firmly established at the expense of individuals, and not of the British public."