Roman Catholicism in the United States

Front matter

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United States.

"The Church of Rome, Mixing two governments that ill assort, Hath missed her footing, fallen into the mire, And there herself and burden much defiled? 1

Chapter I. Statement Of The Subject

Without wishing to revive those religious prejudices and animosities which have been productive of so much harm in the past, I cannot help thinking that the time has come when we ought to turn our attention to Roman Catholicism, and, in the light of a candid examination, endeavor to estimate as intelligently as possible the consequences which are likely to result from its increasing power and influence in this country.

Commencing our examination of the subject under a due sense of that liberal spirit of the present day which has considerably modified what are commonly known as religious differences, it may seem useless to devote any time to the discussion of a question so apparently unimportant as the growth of a religious denomination.

But unnecessary as the examination into religious differences is on general principles, there is in the present instance a deep foundation in fact for the discussion. Within certain limits it is undoubtedly safe to leave differences of religious belief to take care of themselves. But we sadly misunderstand the laws of human development if we suppose that a vast and overshadowing system like Roman Catholicism can be safely passed by in silence and unconcern. What applies to doctrinal differences among Christians does not apply to Roman Catholicism. In point of fact, the Roman Catholic Church aims at a spiritual and temporal sovereignty which separates it in kind no less than in degree from other bodies of the Christian faith. Recognizing no equal, and regarding all forms of Protestantism as so many phases of infidelity, Roman Catholicism comes before us, not as a system claiming to be approved according to its merits, but as a system claiming to be on all subjects a supreme and infallible judge. To

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regard its growth in the same manner as we regard the growth of the different Protestant churches, is to fall into a fatal error. As far as the interests of modern civilization are concerned, it is a matter of small consequence whether the Episcopalians, the Methodists, the Presbyterians, or the Baptists are in the ascendency.

But the case is very different with Roman Catholicism. From the nature of its principles, and the imperious character of its claims, Roman Catholicism is separated from other religious denominations in a manner so clear and unmistakable as to show at once the absurdity of attempting to apply to it the same method of treatment.

As Milton said of it, " Popery is a double thing to deal with, and claims a twofold power, ecclesiastical and political, both usurped, and the one supporting the other/ '

And yet manifest as are the dangers consequent on the growth of Romanism, we have somehow fallen into a state of torpor which, if allowed to continue, will surely end in the most disastrous consequences.

Grossly deceiving ourselves as to the influence which Roman Catholicism is capable of exerting on our national life, we have shut our eyes to facts, and for a healthy liberality have substituted supineness and a false sense of security. Of course, we are, from the nature of our institutions, bound to respect the rights of Roman Catholics, and to allow them full liberty of worship.

Heaven forbid that we should ever descend to those depths of religious bigotry which have stained the records of other nations. But in order that we may realize the dangers attending the present growth of Romanism, it is by no means necessary that we should degenerate into bigotry or ignorant prejudice. To any one who studies the spirit of our institutions it is obvious that the narrowness of bigotry is utterly incompatible with those broad and comprehensive principles which form the very bases of our national existence.

Let us in every possible way eschew bigotry. But in doing so, let us remember that this does not necessarily involve the abandonment of certain questions which are inseparably connected

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with our responsibilities as a nation. As the Rev. Hugh Miller Thompson has forcibly remarked in his introduction to Mr. Gladstone's essay on " Italy and Her Church " That a man is a citizen prevents not that he be also a Christian or an Infidel, a Roman Catholic or a Protestant ; and if he be a genuine Christian or a genuine Infidel, a real Roman Catholic or a real Protestant, the fact will work itself out in his citizenship. . . . Vaticanism is alive in America as in Europe. It has just crowned its American heirarchy with the gift of a red hat to a gentleman of singular modesty and good sense. It has chosen shrewdly, as it always does in such cases. Our first American ' Prince of the Church' does not frighten the most jealous Republican. This is as it should be. We must be accustomed slowly to the ideas involved in the gift." Above and beyond what are commonly regarded as the formative principles of our national life, there are invisible spiritual forces which we cannot safely omit in framing our estimate of the present, and in making our calculations for the future. And it is precisely in this connection that the present growth of

Roman Catholicism is of such great importance. We may decry the discussion of the subject if we please. But we cannot check the current of those consequences which inevitably flow from the increasing power of Romanism.

Because it is a mighty spiritual force it affects in a thousand ways all who come within the circle of its influence. Because it is a dangerous ecclesiastical system, confounding the things that are God's with the things that are Caesar's, it necessarily militates against a free and healthy spiritual growth.

In some respects Roman Catholicism undoubtedly has its advantages. But to a candid observer these are more than counterbalanced by the evils which inhere in it as a system, and which are, in view of its present growth, the real points demanding our consideration. Looking back over the pages of history, he must be either ignorantly or wilfully blind who will venture the assertion that the Church of Rome has been productive of no good in the world.

To attempt an argument such as this is to set facts at defiance, and to substitute the sweeping assertions of ignorance for the careful and deli-

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II cate analysis which the circumstances of the case demand.

Whatever Roman Catholicism is or has been, it cannot be truthfully charged that it has accomplished no good results ; and it is therefore idle for us to attempt to meet it on this ground. What we ought to do, and what the writer proposes to accomplish in the following pages, is to admit the good that has been performed in certain directions, but at the same time to expose the evils which, like rank weeds, overshadow and choke the flowers which occasionally bloom within the pale of the Roman Catholic Church. By all means let us concede to Romanism all that it can justly claim. But let us guard against the error of supposing that a little good can compensate for a great deal of evil. Under all circumstances let us remember that, although Roman Catholicism has certain features to recommend it, it is a duty which we owe to ourselves and to posterity to protest against evils and errors which strike at the very bases of civilization and progress. Nor do we, in making these concessions to Romanism, deny the fact that in the superabundance of our liberality we have fostered an evil which threatens us with many serious consequences. It is one thing to recognize that Roman Catholicism, bad as it is, is not without some few redeeming qualities ; it is quite another thing to shut our eyes to issues which are daily growing in importance, and which must sooner or later be realized and settled. Indeed, it is pertinent to our subject to remark that it is precisely this spirit of indifference growing out of liberality which causes the present rapid growth of Romanism in Protestant countries ; thus demonstrating the fact that wherever the liberal spirit of Protestantism exists under its noblest forms, Roman Catholicism is always at hand to make the most of its opportunities.

As examples of this we need only to glance at the present increase of Romanism in England, Holland, and Switzerland, thence passing to our own country. In regard to the rapidity with which Roman Catholicism has increased in this country, it may perhaps surprise some drowsy Protestants to learn that at the present time the Roman Catholics are, according to an eminent Roman Catholic authority, richer than

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any other religious denomination in the United States. In the words of this writer : " A hundred years ago there were not more than twentyfive priests in the United States ; in 1800 there were supposed to be forty; in 1830 the number had risen to two hundred and thirty-two, and in 1848 to eight hundred and ninety. In ten years from 1862 to 1872, the number of priests was more than doubled, having grown from two thousand three hundred and seventeen to four thousand eight hundred and nine. ... In 1875 there were, according to official statistics of the various dioceses, five thousand and seventyfour priests, twelve hundred and seventy-three ecclesiastical students, and six thousand five hundred and twenty-eight churches and chapels in the United States. There were also, at the same time, thirty-three theological seminaries, sixty-three colleges, five hundred and fifty-seven academies and select schools, sixteen hundred and forty-five parochial schools, two hundred and fourteen asylums, and ninety-six hospitals under the authority and control of the Catholic hierarchy of this country. ... In 1790 there was not a convent in the United States ;

in 180O there were but two ; to-day there are more than three hundred and fifty for women, and there are probably one hundred and thirty for men. . . . The value of the property owned by the Church in this country, as given in the census reports, was, in 1850, $9,256,758 ; in i860, $26,774,119 ; and in 1870, $60,985,565. The ratio of increase from 1850 to i860 was 189 per cent, and from i860 to 1870, 128 per cent ; while the aggregate wealth of the whole country during the same periods increased in the former decade only 125 per cent, and in the latter only 86 per cent. In 1850 the value of the church property of the Baptists, the Episcopalians, the Methodists, and the Presbyterians was greater than that of the Catholics, but in 1870 we had taken the second rank in point of wealth, and today we think there is no doubt but that we hold the first. " 1 In this connection it is also worthy of remark that the Catholic Directory for 1879 makes the number of Roman Catholics at present in the United States 6,375,630, thus show-

1 Essays and Reviews. By Rt. Rev. J. L. Spalding, D.D., Bishop of Peoria. The Catholic Publication Society, New York.

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l 5 ing an increase of 4,075,630 over i860, and 4,942,280 over 1850.

Notwithstanding the formidable character of these figures, it is, of course, to be admitted that as long as Protestantism remains healthy and vigorous, there is not the least likelihood that Roman Catholicism will gain a complete ascendency. But as any one can see, there is a great difference between a wild alarm having no foundation in fact, and an intelligent prevision which duly provides for approaching danger. While it is certainly true that the present position of Protestantism is in a general sense impregnable, it is no less true that the above figures furnish ample evidence as to the growing power of Roman Catholicism, at the same time that they very strongly suggest the importance of the consequences involved in such growth. Strong in the consciousness of its strength, Protestantism can easily afford to laugh at the thunders of the Vatican. But it must never be forgotten that the sense of security which warrants us in treating with contempt the pretensions of the Roman pontiff does not warrant us

1 6 in allowing the consciousness of strength to degenerate into indifference and inaction.

To some extent it is perhaps natural that we should fail to understand Romanism in its true character. But there is surely no reason why we should escape the penalty of wrong-doing because we happen to err through natural tendency. Because the existence of " a free Church in a free State* ' has been with us a matter of inheritance, it does not therefore follow that we can sink into an apathetic condition without reaping the consequences of our folly. While we may safely congratulate ourselves on the fact that the causes which have induced Germany and Italy to pass certain laws for the purpose of protecting themselves against the encroachments of ecclesiastical power are precisely the conditions with which we as a nation are least familiar, it is most unwise to congratulate ourselves on the possession of a sluggish indifference which is contented to rub its eyes occasionally, and then relapse into its previous state of drowsiness and torpidity. It is true that we have never been brought face to face, as European governments have been, with the enormous

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and overshadowing pretensions of Roman Catholicism. But this temporary exemption does not in the least warrant us in supposing that there is any dissimilarity between the conditions which govern Romanism in Europe and the conditions which govern Romanism in this country. Here, as in Europe, there is an inherent antagonism between Romanism and Protestantism which must inevitably produce its results. It is not in the nature of things that the two forces can exist side by side without sooner or later coming into collision ; and it is therefore the merest folly for us to suppose that we can, by a course of indifference, successfully evade evils which have taxed to their utmost the wisdom and energy of other nations.

Indeed, so radical is the antagonism between Roman Catholicism and what we are accustomed to regard as Protestant civilization, that it is impossible to regard the claims of Romanism otherwise than as an audacious attempt to enslave the human mind and to put the clock of the world back several hundred years. To those unacquainted with the real character of Roman Catholicism this language may seem unnecessarily harsh, but it is nevertheless fully warranted by the facts of the case. Setting aside as worthless the work performed by Protestantism, and setting itself up as the superior of all civil authority, the Church of Rome places itself in direct opposition to those tendencies which we very properly regard as the natural and healthy outgrowth of modern civilization. In fact, the claims of Romanism, when properly understood, admit of no limitation whatever. They are simply absolute, and amenable to no human law. According to Cardinal Manning, " The Church itself is the divine witness, teacher judge of the revelation intrusted to it. There exists no other. There is no tribunal to which appeal from the Church can lie. There is no coordinate witness, teacher, or judge, who can revise or criticise or test the teaching of the Church. It is sole and alone in the world. . . . It belongs to the Church alone to determine the limits of its own infallibility v M 1

Certainly this is extraordinary language for the nineteenth century. Nor can we safely dismiss it with a derisive smile, as though 1 The Vatican Council and its Definitions.

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*9 it were mere " sound and fury signifying nothing." Coming from such an eminent authority, and expressing, as it undoubtedly does, the real spirit of Romanism, this language possesses an importance which we cannot safely despise. Of course Cardinal Manning's definition does not prove the power of the Roman Catholic Church to enforce its doctrines ; but it certainly does prove that we are threatened by an imperious ecclesiastical despotism which denies the right of existence to those principles which we wisely regard as the safeguards of freedom and intellectual development.

In further illustration of the dangerous tendency of Roman Catholicism, let us, however, look to some other authorities which may be reasonably supposed to exercise great influence in forming the character of Roman Catholic thought in this country.

According to one of these authorities, " We do not acknowledge that, in a State in which the proper relations between Church and State exist, the clergy are amenable for their conduct to the civil courts, or come under their jurisdiction.

If guilty of offences or crimes punishable by the civil courts, they can be tried and punished, not in the civil courts, but in the ecclesiastical. The State has not supreme legislative authority, and civil courts which contravene the law of God do not bind the conscience ; and whether they do or not contravene that law, the Churchy not the State or its courts , is the supreme judge. 9 ' 1

According to another authority, " A Catholic must not only believe what the Church now proposes to his belief, but be ready to believe whatever she may hereafter propose. And he must, therefore , be ready to give up any or all of his probable opinions so soon as they are condemned and proscribed by a competent authority. . . . Each individual must receive the faith and law from the Church of which he is a member by baptism, with unquestioning submission and obedience of the intellect and the will. Authority and obligation are correlative in nature and extent. We have no right to ask reasons of the Church, any more than of Almighty God, as a preliminary to our submission. We are to take with unquestioning 1 New York Tablet, April 8th, 1871.

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2 I docility whatever instruction the Church gives us." 1

In the paper first quoted the following statement also appears in answer to an assertion made by the New York Herald that there are thousands of Catholics who do not place Rome above the United States : " The Herald is behind the times, and appears not yet to have learned that the ' thousands of Catholics ' it speaks of are simply no Catholics at all, if it does not misrepresent them. Gallicanism is a heresy, and he who denies the papal supremacy in the government of the universal Church is as far from being a Catholic as he is who denies the Incarnation or the Real Presence. The Church is more than country, and fealty to the creed God teaches and enjoins through her is more than patriotism. We must obey God rather than man." 2

Certainly if this language means anything it indicates a settled purpose on the part of the Roman Catholic Church to revive, if possible, the ecclesiastical tyranny of the dark ages. In

1 The Catholic World, August, 1871.

2 New York Tablet, November 16th, 1872.

fact, it must be a strange perversity of reasoning which refuses to see in these statements a direct and deadly antagonism toward those principles which constitute the conditio sine qua non of our national life. Showing, as they do, the real spirit of Romanism, these statements furnish the most conclusive reasons why we should regard with apprehension the present growth and aggressive character of the Roman Catholic Church. In dwelling thus on the dangerous tendencies of Romanism, it is, of course, to be admitted that we ought to draw a broad line of distinction between the unsuspecting confidence of the Roman Catholic laity and the deliberate scheming of the Roman Catholic priesthood. Most undoubtedly this difference does exist ; and we ought unhesitatingly to recognize it. But in point of fact, a discrimination of this kind makes no difference as to the real question at issue. In yielding their obedience to the teachings of the Church, it is more than likely that the great majority of Roman Catholics have no conception of the vast range of those consequences which are inseparably connected with the unrestricted power of the priesthood.

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2 3

With them it is a duty to obey the Church, and they obey accordingly. In other words, no matter how monstrous the doctrine, or how great the sacrifice of freedom involved, Roman Catholics are bound to accept the decisions of the Church with unquestioning submission. Freedom of choice and discretionary power are out of the question.

It is true we may occasionally meet with a few members of the Roman Catholic Church who still cling to the spirit of Gallicanism ; but we must never forget that, according to the present interpretation of the Roman Catholic Church, " Gallicanism is a heresy," and therefore cannot under any consideration be countenanced.

" The people need governing, and must be governed. . . . They must have a master " x says one of the ablest Roman Catholic writers. The master here referred to is, of course, the Roman pontiff, as the author shows by his remark — " In this sense, we wish this country to come under the Pope of Rome "

Says another Roman Catholic writer : " The Church is certainly intolerant in matters of 1 Brownson's Essays.

doctrine. True ; and we glory in it ! . . . The Catholic Church alone, in the midst of so many different sects, avers the possession of absolute truth, out of which there cannot be true Christianity. She alone has the right to be, she alone must be y intolerant. She alone will and must say, as she has said through all ages in her councils, ' If any one saith or believeth contrary to what I teach, which is truth, let him be Anath-

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ema.

Or, to put the subject somewhat differently, it really seems as if it is impossible for any one in the present day to be a consistent Roman Catholic, and at the same time preserve sufficient rational freedom to prevent himself from degenerating into an automaton to be moved according to the will and pleasure of the Church of Rome.

Nor is it enough for us to regard these imperious attempts on the part of the Roman Catholic Church merely as innovations introduced by the Ultramontane party during the pontificate of Pius IX. Instead of these audacious claims being extrinsic to Roman Catholicism, they are

1 Plain Talk about the Protestantism of Today. By Mgr. Segur.

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really an integral part of the whole system, and have again and again in the history of the world shown themselves in their true colors. Long before Pius IX. was declared infallible, we find Gregory VII. making the claim that the Pope, as " the representative of God on earth/' is entitled to the highest and most powerful position on earth.

" God is a spirit," says Gregory ; " he rules matter ; thus the spiritual is above the temporal power. The Pope is the representative of God on earth ; he should, then, govern the world. To him alone pertain infallibility and universality ; all men are submitted to his laws, and he can only be judged by God ; he ought to wear imperial ornaments ; people and kings should kiss his feet ; Christians are irrevocably submitted to his orders ; they should murder their princes, fathers, and children if he command it ; no council can be declared universal without the orders of the Pope ; no book can be received as canonical without his authority ; finally, no good or evil exists but in what he has condemned or approved." 1 It is true that Gregory attempt- 1 Cormenin, vol. i, page 377.

ed to justify his position by falling back on the pseudo-Isidorian Decretals ; whereas Pius IX. surrounded himself with the authority of an ecumenical council. In both instances, however, notwithstanding the unlikeness in some respects, the underlying principle of ambition is the same. Different as are the methods of Gregory and Pius IX. , it is not too much to say that when we carry them out to their logical consequences they both end in the abominable sentiment falsely attributed to Boniface, the apostle of Germany — viz., " Even if a pope is so bad that he drags down whole nations to hell with him in troops, nobody can rebuke him ; for he who judges all can be judged of no man/' 1 Unac- • customed as we are to be brought face to face with the real principles of Roman Catholicism, these statements respecting the audacity of the Roman Catholic Church will at first sight seem almost incredible. Notwithstanding their startling character, it is, however, impossible to understand Roman Catholicism without them. Knowing the value of apparent humility, there is no likelihood that the Roman Catholic

1 H Janus," page 92.

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priests will ever reveal these characteristics in their ordinary intercourse with the world. But it is well for us to remember that there is such a thing as hypocrisy in this world. According to Shakespeare :

" Smooth runs the water, where the brook is deep ; And in his simple show he harbors treason. The fox barks not, when he would steal the lamb.'*

Measuring Romanism by the qualities of manliness and courage which inhere in Protestantism, we mistake the appearance for the reality, and thus fall into the habit of giving to Roman Catholicism those advantages which it most desires. Ignoring the past history of Romanism, we allow our indifference to become a most powerful agency for diffusing the doctrines of the Roman Catholic Church.

In view of these facts, it therefore seems to me the time has come when we ought to look the question of Roman Catholicism fairly in the face. If the Roman Catholic Church is an unmixed blessing, by all means let us do everything in our power to assist its growth. If, on the other hand, it is a dangerous system of pernicious doctrine, and an enemy to liberty and civilization, it surely is our manifest duty to awake to a sense of our responsibility, and protect as far as possible those interests which are threatened by the growth of an imperious ecclesiastical tyranny.

Much as we may respect some of the Roman Catholic priests for their breadth of learning, their earnestness, and purity of life, we cannot shut our eyes to the fact that the good intentions of these men are powerless to resist that stream of Ultramontanism which is daily increasing its strength from a thousand well-arranged tributaries. In point, of fact, it is the Ultramontane party which at present dictates the policy of Rome ; it is through the insidious measures of the Ultramontane party that the conquest of this country is looked for ; it is 7 consequently with the teachings and tendencies of Ultramontanism that we are primarily concerned. Nor is there any reason why the discussion of this subject should be conducted in a euphemistic manner so as to avoid wounding the religious sensibilities of some of our best citizens. It would be strange indeed if, in these days of general enlightenment, one could not attack the. evils of a system without giving mortal offence

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to all who happen to have been born under the shadow of its name and influence. Even at the risk of unintentionally offending, it is, however, our duty to state the facts, and draw our conclusions accordingly. If there is any truth in the proposition which regards Roman Catholicism as a danger which we shall be compelled sooner or later to deal with, it certainly is not a waste of time or an act of ignorant prejudice to investigate carefully the tendencies of the pres* ent, with the view of estimating the probabilities of the future. In other words, if the diffusion of knowledge among us means anything, it surely ought to warn us against the dangers growing out of indifference founded on an exaggerated self-sufficiency, at the same time that our general enlightenment ought to point out to us the necessity of our being, not, " like more simple people, to judge of an ill principle in government by an actual grievance/ ' but to " anticipate the evil, and judge of the pressure of the grievance by the badness of the principle/ '

In the higher realms of our intellectual and moral life, no less than in the sphere of our every-day experience, prevention is always better than cure.

Chapter II. Elements Of National Life

HAVING stated in brief outline some of the reasons which have influenced me in writing this work, it seems necessary that we should, at the threshold of our investigation, understand the importance properly belonging to those influences which, although for the most part unseen by the casual observer, are nevertheless constantly entering into and determining the character of our individual and national life.

Accustomed as we are to measure our greatness by the standard of material prosperity, we are apt to overlook the intimate connection which necessarily exists between spiritual forces and the formation of character. But the fact of this connection no less remains. Indeed, it is not too much to say that inwoven as these spiritual forces are into the warp and woof of humanity, it is impossible to conceive a condition of human life in which their action is not visible and paramount in influence.

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