The essential Calvinism

Preface

It was the great good fortune of the author of this book to hear a very able lecture delivered by Dr. Abraham Kuyper of Holland while he was making a tour of America in 1898. This lecture treated of the political aspect of Calvinism, and called attention to the service which it had rendered to modern society in setting forth a governmental philosophy based on the conception of a personal, sovereign God.

The suggestion thus afforded, that Calvinism was something more than a system of theology, led to> an investigation which has been carried on at intervals for a period of ten years. It would seem to be an opportune time to give to the public the results of this investigation, since this year is the four hundreth anniversary of the reformer's birth, and attention and interest are directed to^ ward him and his work as never before.

In the first five chapters the author tells what conclusions he has come to regarding the real nature of Calvin's contribution to modern thought and progress, while the remaining chapters are given to a treatment of the present and future development of the principles of Calvinism and the Reformation.

J. s. s.

Contents

CHAPTER

I. Traditional Calvinism ... 3 II. The Calvinism of the Institutes 19

III. The Theological Sources of the

Chapter I Traditional Calvinism Chapter I

The word "Calvinism" stands in the popular mind for a certain scheme of doctrine, rigid in outline, Puritanic in spirit, dogmatic in statement.

There is not lacking a cause for this impression. In the doctrinal history of the Calvinistic churches is found abundant evidence to justify such a conclusion. The attempt is made in creedal form to reduce the whole body of Christian truth into* hard-set theological formulas, definite, exclusive. Undue emphasis is put upon certain phases of Biblical teaching with the result of minimizing some very important facts, An assumption of absolute certainty forbids freedom in belief and progress in thought ; and reacts very disagreeably upon character and life. Then, too, many of the followers of Calvin exaggerated the naturally prominent features of his theology, thereby throwing the system out of balance, and in application calling attention to the formal rather than the vital elements of the Reformation. What is far worse, in this way they gave the world the impression that Calvin was a mere dogmatist, though a very masterful one, and obscured the fact that he was above all the servant of God and of man, who> exerted upon his own generation a transcendent influence in behalf of progress and reform.

Owing to this misplaced emphasis there came in later times to the churches of Genevan origin an inert, lifeless orthodoxy, when the ideas of love and liberty were lost amid the fogs of speculative theology, and Christianity was considered a matter of correct belief rather than a way to live.

How very one-sided Christian thought had become, one may easily realize by referring to that extremely condensed statement of belief known as the "Five Points of Calvinism/' which became widely current and was received as conveying an adequate idea of Calvin's important teachings. That this statement was purely a negative one, and was composed merely to offset the five points of the Arminian Remonstrants was a fact apparently lost sight of, or else unheeded in the earnestness of theological partisanship.

The five points of this brief creed w r ere, by name, Particular Predestination; Limited Atonement; Natural Inability; Irresistible Grace; Perseverance of the Saints. A glance will show that these "points" are all subjects of speculative theology and philosophy, and largely outside the field of practical religion and morals.

It is extremely unfortunate for Calvinism that such an easily remembered formula was ever given to the world, seeing that in its origin it was a negation, and in its scope limited to the subjects of a certain theological controversy. Not only did it present a very limited view of Calvinism, but it also tended to perpetuate its peculiarities in an exaggerated form in the minds of those who sympathized with the Dutch Calvinists as over against the Arminians.

Moreover, the fact that to-day the Arminian statement of the five points finds general acceptance among Protestant churches, apparently justifies the conclusion that Arminianism was an altogether separate movement from Calvinism, and as such, took the field successfully against it ; whereas the plain truth of the matter is that Arminianism was only Calvinism modified in certain particulars of speculative belief. And as historic perspective lengthens, we see Calvinist and Arminian representing the same great cause, differing from one another for awhile over the formal statement of truth. For even a brief perusal of the articles of the Arminian Remonstrants will show that there is very little variation therein from the teachings of Calvin. Indeed, it is a question if Arminius does not more truly represent Calvin than does Gomarus, for while Arminius may modify some of Calvin's positions, Gomarus throws Calvinism out of balance by emphasizing a tendency towards fatalism.

Far more representative of traditional Calvinism than the "Five Points," is the Confession of the Westminster Assembly. This is an orderly and well-proportioned statement of belief and the most complete and authoritative representation of Calvinistic theology outside of the "Institutes." This document furnishes the traditional Calvinism of the Presbyterians of Scotland, the Puritans of England and the early churches of New England. Its influence on thought and life within these limits has been wonderful. It took new form in sermons and creeds, in religious conversation, in theological teaching, in home instruction, even to a large extent in law and statute. In the thinking of the older men of the present day it is still a force to be reckoned with. And very often when men recast their religious thought and reject the old formula they take traditional Calvinism as a point of departure, a measure of comparison.

But the Westminster Confession is not pure Calvinism. It represents a development. The men who composed it were of a later generation and of a different race from Calvin and were not, even then, always in agreement among themselves. It is worthy of note in this regard that the Five Points of the Dutch Calvinists form an integral part of the Westminster Confession, and are all treated more or less extensively by the authors.

Particular Predestination is carefully treated in Chapter III, "Of God's Eternal Decree." God from all eternity decreed whatsoever comes to pass, though not so as to be the author of sin.

Some are ordained to everlasting life and some to everlasting death to the praise of God's grace and the praise of his justice, — the number is certain and definite.

The doctrine of Limited Atonement is presented under other names but comes by very certain implications. In Chapter VIII, "Of Christ the Mediator," we read that Christ purchased an everlasting inheritance for himself and all that the Father had given him. In Chapter X, "Of Effectual Calling," we find the statement that while all are called by the ministry of the Word only those effectually called, the elect of God, are saved ; others never truly come to Christ and cannot be saved.

Natural Inability finds treatment in Chapter IX, "Of Free Will," where we are told that by the Fall man lost all ability of will to any spiritual good accompanying salvation. Chapter XVI, "Of Good Works," carries the thought still further by saying that works done by unregenerate men, though in accordance with the commands of God, are yet sinful ; even the effort to be good on the part of one of the non-elect is made to bear evidence in favor of inherent and complete moral weakness.

The doctrine of Irresistible Grace we do not find treated specifically under that name. But something of nearly the same moment is presented in Chapter X, "Of Effectual Calling," where it is stated that only those pre-

m destined to salvation are effectually called, and that man is altogether passive therein till quickened by the Holy Spirit. It is wholly of God's grace. If we add to this the teaching both as to the Divine Decree and as to Moral Inability, we easily reach the conclusion of Irresistible Grace, for a spiritually impotent man, determined to salvation by the eternal decree of God, and effectually called thereto, can scarcely be thought of as capable of resisting divine grace when bestowed.

A separate though brief chapter (XVII) is given to the subject of the Perseverance of the Saints. Here it is stated that all whom God has accepted in Christ are to persevere to the end and be saved. This perseverance depends on the immutable decree of election; but this assurance of final grace does not free the subject from temporal judgment for further sins.

Having, then, found these five specific doctrines expressed in the Westminster Confession, the question naturally arises. Are they more than other subjects the gist of traditional Calvinism as exemplified in this standard ?

If we were to reckon merely from the impression made upon the popular mind perhaps our question would have a ready answer m the affirmative, for these subjects have ever been the material of controversy, and so the more effectively kept before the mind. But in actual creed and teachings we shall find it otherwise. The

"Five Points" do not figure largely in the Westminster Confession as a system of doctrine. They are really, except perchance the doctrine of Inability, only derivatives of one of the subjects treated in the Confession, and that not the main subject, i.e., the Divine Decree. The heavier and bulkier parts of the Confession are given to entirely different subjects.

In the general plan of doctrine in this Confession the first and foremost thing is the objective principle of the Reformation, the authority or infallibility of the Scriptures. This is the starting-point; it is the main assumption upon which all other teachings are based and out of which they attain their reality. They purport to derive their origin and proof from the Scriptures, and the rest of the Confession is intended merely to* be a setting forth of that truth which God has revealed through prophet and Christ as there recorded. Particular Predestination and its historic partners must take their chances with other teachings supposed to be founded upon the Scriptures.

The first thing which the authors of the Westminster Confession seek to establish on the witness of the Scriptures is the doctrine of the Trinity. They present a strictly Athanasian teaching. There is but one true and living God who is the foundation of all being, exercising a "sovereign dominion" over all creation. He exists in the form of a trinity of persons, Father,

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Son and Spirit, of the same substance, and equal in power and glory.

The whole teaching in regard to the Divine Decree which follows in the next chapter devolves upon the idea of "sovereign dominion/' and is really only an attempt to explain the method under which that dominion operates. The supposed importance of this doctrine as being the central thought of Calvinism finds a limitation in the chapter upon Providence, where God is described as exercising a fatherly discipline upon men as his children. The decree is after all a father's decree, however much men may overlook this fact in the heat of religious controversy. Still the position of this statement in the Confession and its relative place in the system give it a prominent place among the leading ideas of Calvinism.

Another notable feature of the Westminster Confession, and so of traditional Calvinism, is the federal idea of the atonement; wherein Adam acts as the head of the race, and, having sinned, passes on his guilt to his posterity; wherein also Christ acts as a second head of the race and by his perfect righteousness and sacrifice purchases redemption for the elect ; wherefore God pardons sin and imputes to the sinner the righteousness of Christ.

The Confession also sets forth at length the subjective principle of the Reformation, of which Luther was the chief exponent, Justification by

Faith. This doctrine is set over against the Roman idea of good works, which are here regarded as of no* avail, since no good works are possible without the help of the Holy Spirit. The Confession avoids the extreme form of Luther's statement; in which it is said that the sinner is justified by faith alone, and makes it clear that faith is simply the human condition for the divine bestowal of justification and that true faith must necessarily find expression in good works.

The Westminster Confession also gives the Reformation teaching as to the sacraments of the Church. Of the seven sacraments of the medieval era the Reformers suffer but twoi to> remain, baptism and the Lord's Supper, and the objects of these are duly set forth as the seal of redemption and the symbol of divine communion. But it is worthy of note, that with however much consistency the Reformed creeds limit the number of sacraments to two, they with equal consistency give to marriage a real sacramental value, in that while it is regarded as a civil contract, it is based on the law of God and has not only social but "religious purposes."

We also find in the Confession characteristic Calvinistic teaching as to the strict observance of the Sabbath as a day of rest and worship; the distinction between the invisible and the visible Church; and the legalist presentation of the last judgment wherein God is a Judge who

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renders verdict for eternal reward or punishment upon all men, an act of mercy for the elect, an act of justice for the reprobate.

There is one point as to which the Westminster Confession fails to represent the traditional Calvinism even of English-speaking people, i.e., the theocratic idea of government; unless the simple declaration that the magistrate is ordained of God for the maintenance of order and peace may be construed to this effect. But such a mild statement can hardly be made to fit the thinking of such men as Knox and Melville in Scotland, of Cromwell and Milton in England, and of Winthrop and Davenport in New England. With these men the idea is not as to magistrates and laws, but of the State as an entity, administered in accordance with the divine will, and its citizens dealt with not simply as the citizens of the nation but as also citizens of the divine Kingdom. The theocratic idea may assume many forms, and it is sure to crop out in some way in the thinking and practise of Puritans and their descendants and find application in the administration of affairs of State.

Calvinism found expression in other confessions than that of the Westminster Assembly, though never so exhaustively or authoritatively. A statement called the "First Scotch Confession" was made and presented to the Scotch Parliament in 1560 by Knox and his associates. This was a strictly Calvinistic document. The theology of the Thirty-nine Articles of the Church of England is substantially Calvinistic, though in many ways it is out of harmony with the Westminster Confession. In 1658 delegates from the Congregational churches of England met at the Savoy Palace in London and issued a statement of faith, which, except in the matter of polity, was in substantial agreement with the Westminster Confession. The Congregationalists of New England in their turn adopted statements very similar to the Savoy Declaration, or else asserted their agreement with the Westminster Confession.

On the Continent traditional Calvinism took a somewhat different course. The contest between the two factions of the Dutch Calvinistic churches has already been alluded to. Besides the Five Decrees of the Synod of Dort which registered the decision of that assembly against Arminius and his followers, approval was given to a statement of faith known as the "Belgic Confession." This confession was the work of Guido de Bres, assisted by Adrien de Saravia, professor of theology in Leyden. It was revised by Francis Junius of Bourges, who had been a student under Calvin, and was printed about 1565. This confession is considered by some to be the best creedal statement of Calvinism next to the Westminster Confession. It was approved by all the synods of the Dutch churches and became their accepted statement of faith.

But this confession seems to follow an earlier one, or at least is very like it in doctrine and outline, — the Gallican Confession, adopted as the symbol of their faith by the French Protestants in their first synod at Paris in 1559. The first draft of this confession was made by Calvin himself. It was slightly modified or revised by the synod and in that form became the doctrinal formula of the Huguenots. It would scarcely serve our purpose to outline these creeds. It may be sufficient to state that they are more directly in accord with Calvin's teaching in the "Institutes" than are the Scotch and English Confessions, and follow nearly the same order of thought and have the same choice of subjects. And as compared with the Westminster Confession, while they deal largely with the same subjects, they lack that force of emphasis on certain doctrines and that careful logical arrangement which are so characteristic of the English Confession.

We may restate our conclusions in brief. Traditional Calvinism gives us as its first principle the doctrine of the infallibility of the Scriptures. It then presents us with the idea of an absolutely sovereign God who exists in the form of a trinity of persons. It presents man as morally incapable and unworthy of divine favor on account of innate and inherited depravity ; but by divine and gracious decree through Christ's sacrifice and atonement for sin on the divine side, and the possession of justifying faith on the human side, a certain number of the race, called the elect, are saved from death at the last judgment.

The will of God projects itself into human society, creating the religious order called the Church, recognized as such by the possession and proclamation of gospel truth, the redeemed life of its members, the observance of the sacraments of baptism and the Lord's Supper and the keeping of the Sabbath — and being invisible the whole company of the elect of every race and age ; creating also the social order called the State, which is an organization for the maintenance of peace and order, and for the carrying out of God's plan in the developing history of the world.

Chapter II Chapter II

To one familiar only with the formulas of traditional Calvinism, the reading of the "Institutes of the Christian Religion" brings a great surprise. There is an absence of that conciseness of dogma and that sureness of statement which we naturally associate with Calvinism. Instead there is a breadth of thought, a fulness of treatment, a judicial dealing with every case which takes into account the reasoning powers: of the reader, with the purpose of helping him think instead of furnishing the thought formulated and ready to be fitted into* the mind. It would be difficult to find a single subject, even an insignificant one, in the two large volumes, which the author does not submit to reason, and for which he does not make an appeal to authorities in the Scriptures and among the Church Fathers.

Then, too, for all its antiquity, the Institutes is a very readable work. The style is lucid, the language pure, the use of words certain, the progress of thought is ever toward a definite end, and there is a wonderful freedom from circumlocution and meaningless phrases. It is quite free also* from technical terms, and capable of being easily understood and appreciated by a mind of ordinary training and education. Indeed, one comes certainly to a conclusion that is utterly at variance with the tradition of a dogmatic Calvin, — that the book was written, not to be a final statement of theology, but simply to serve as an introduction to the study of the Scriptures and as an aid to the interpretation of them.

That this conclusion is not amiss is confirmed by the words of Calvin himself in the preface to the edition of 1559: "My design in this work has been to prepare and qualify students of theology for the reading of the divine Word, that they may have an easy introduction to it and be enabled to proceed in it without any obstruction/' This characterization of the Institutes by the author himself, the fair-minded modern reader will not wish to controvert. However much he may differ from Calvin in his thinking on certain subjects, he must allow the wonderful clearness and simplicity of Calvin's theological statements.

The plan of the work is simple. Adopting the Apostles' Creed as a fundamental, four divisions are made, God the Father; Jesus the Son; the Holy Spirit; the Holy Catholic Church.

Some insertions have to be made among the subjects mentioned in the creed. In the first book, about God the Father, is brought in the subject of the authority of the Scriptures. The second book has as an introduction to the mediatorial work of Christ, a treatment of that moral degradation of man which made mediation neces-

I sary. The words, "I believe in the Holy Ghost," are elaborated to include the whole experience of the Christian life, faith, repentance, justification, works, Christian liberty, prayer, predestination and the future life. The Holy Catholic Church finds a like fulness of treatment, including after a setting forth of the nature of the true Church, ai sketch of the development of the Christian Church from the apostolic times down, and statements regarding councils, church discipline, vows and sacraments. The work ends with a chapter on civil government.

It will easily be seen from this outline that the Institutes are meant to> include the whole field of Christian teaching, meaning by this all the subjects of Scriptural doctrine, of developing theology and church history. They take up in print over thirteen hundred pages. It is very obvious that the "Five Points of Calvinism" do not even in a condensed form represent this great body of teaching. In fact, two of them, Limited Atonement and Irresistible Grace are not found in the Institutes at all, though doubtless many would claim them to be logical inferences from statements actually made. A third, the Perseverance of the Saints, finds but a brief treatment. It is simply stated in a few lines that the elect are "beyond all danger of falling away because the intercession of the Son of God for their perseverance in piety has not been rejected." But the subject he is treating bears a different name and assumes another point of view. It is the confirmation of election which comes by the effectual calling of God ; in this experience the Spirit confirms and seals in the heart of the believer the certainty of his eternal salvation. The later invented phrase scarcely describes what Calvin had in mind. 1

The subjects of the other twoi articles are quite fully treated. But the statement of Particular Predestination reads very differently, taken in its proper place in the Institutes, than when it stands by itself alone and briefly and tersely expressed. In the latter case it gives an impression of fatalism. In the former it is merely the theologian's working out of the idea of sovereign dominion on the part of God, and the purpose of it is to picture God as acting and planning with a perfect wisdom and justice for each particular human being that has come and is to come into the world, and all this for the higher ends of creation. This presentation of the doctrine of predestination has its kindly side; it pictures God as in kindness rescuing many of the race from the consequences of their own sinfulness. And it is not this doctrine but another that in the last analysis arouses the repugnance of the present generation and gives to the doctrine of the eternal decree its viciousness, i.e., the third of the Five Points, Natural Inability. The idea of punishment for evil-doing is not repugnant to the normal human

x See Book III, Ch. XXIV.

mind; but punishment for evil-doing in a being who has no ability to do> anything else is utterly repellent to man's reason and sense of justice. It is here that we find the real weakness of Calvin's theological system ; the assertion of responsibility in a subject who> has no power to meet responsibility is a complete moral contradiction. It takes away the very foundation of ethics. It is even a temptation to< believe in an immoral God who makes laws for his creatures that they cannot obey, and at the same time transcends those laws himself for his own purposes.

However, this does not appear on the surface of things as a glaring inconsistency. Calvin makes out quite a case in favor of this doctrine. The Bible is effectively brought into* requisition, especially the writings of Paul. The Church Fathers are made to give their contribution of opinion and evidence, while Luther and nearly all the theologians of the Reformation uphold the doctrine in opposition to the Roman doctrine of good works. It is not in any way peculiar to Calvin, but was common to the Protestant thought of his time.

It seems just to say, then, that the Five Points, made so much of in a later time, do not give a correct idea of the theological teaching of Calvin, but rather are very misleading, giving as they do a very different emphasis upon the doctrines enunciated and at the same time leaving out others of more or equal importance,

A comparison of the teaching of the Institutes with the Westminster Confession discloses a notable resemblance. In fact, it would appear that the whole body of doctrine in the confession is derivable from the Institutes, if we except some things due to the influence of Dutch thought.

Nevertheless there are some very important differences. There is, first, the fact that a brief formula and an extended treatise cannot state the same things in the same way, nor make the same impression with the same general ideas, be the likenesses ever so close in other respects. It is still further true that the Institutes contain some important elements and qualities that are lacking in the Confession, which make them by far a better balanced statement of theology. To put it in another way, they contain methods, principles or leading ideas naturally corrective of the faults of the system.

Far more important than the particular forms that doctrine took under Calvin's treatment is the method which he used in developing doctrine. This method needs three words to describe it; it is a judicious combination of the rational, critical and historical. The subjects of theology are named, classified and arranged in a system; each subject is then stated, related to other subjects and the form of the statement is approved by an appeal to reason, to the teaching of the Scriptures and to the Church Fathers, and to the evidence which is furnished by the progress of Church history and by religious experience.

The peculiar doctrines which are commonly ascribed to Calvin are not nearly so characteristic of the man as his way of putting them. For it is well understood that these doctrines were originally derived from Augustine, but the method is Calvin's. The followers of Calvin adopted his Augustinianism, but not always his method ; hence the rigidity and undeveloping character of traditional Calvinism. But though such a condition might obtain for a while, it was inevitable that sometime the method which Calvin used to express the doctrinal thought of his time, should again be used for a restatement of Christian doctrine. The free expression of thought which was characteristic of the Reformation in its early stages, might be checked for a time, but it was too nearly the real genius of that great movement to be continually restrained.

It is of the highest importance to appreciate this fact for a just valuation of Calvin's theology. It shows that real Calvinism did not need to become formal or rigid; that it had within itself a corrective force that only needed an opportunity to show itself to> lead to a review of the evidence and data upon which Christian doctrine is based. Any personal peculiarity of opinion on Calvin's part, or any false emphasis that was put upon some form of Christian truth in that generation, or even any fault of judgment, is subject to correction in just that same way and by that same method by which Calvin sought with so much success to correct the erroneous teaching and practises of the Middle Ages,

Of not so great importance, but yet approaching it, is another principle set forth in the Institutes, the significance of which was lost in the succeeding generations. This was the placing above the formal authority of the Scriptures the religious consciousness as acted upon by the Holy Spirit, — a continued inspiration, not, indeed, in the sense that new revelation is given, but that it is the testimony of the Spirit to the individual mind that finally establishes the authority of the revelation already given. The truth of the Scriptures is not a thing demonstrable through reason, but it is a thing which is realizable to the spiritual mind. "It obtains the credit which it deserves with us by the testimony of the Spirit. For though it conciliates us by its internal majesty, it never seriously affects us, till it is confirmed by the Spirit in our hearts." 2

This principle the makers of the Westminster Confession did not fail to recognize, but nevertheless such a formal idea of Scriptural inspiration came to prevail that the significance of the idea was totally obscured. So this principle, though great in potentiality, failed to become a real part of traditional Calvinism. Instead, the