Caesar

Preface

I HAVE called this work a " sketch " because the materials do not exist for a portrait which shall be at once authentic and complete. The original authorities which are now extant for the life of Caesar are his own writings, the speeches and letters of Cicero, the eighth book of the " Commentaries " on the wars in Gaul and the history of the Alexandrian war, by Aulus Hirtius, the accounts of the African war and of the war in Spain, composed by persons who were unquestionably present in those two campaigns. To these must be added the " Leges Julise " which are preserved in the Corpus Juris Civilis. Sallust contributes a speech, and Catullus a poem. A few hints can be gathered from the Epitome of Livy and the fragments of Varro ; and here the contemporary sources which can be entirely depended upon are brought to an end.

The secondary group of authorities from which the popular histories of the time have been chiefly taken are Appian, Plutarch, Suetonius, and Dion Cassius. Of these the first three were divided fi'om the period which they describe by nearly a century and a half, Dion Cassius by more than two centuries.

viii Preface.

They had means of knowledge which no longer exist — the writings, for instance, of Asinius Pollio, who was one of Caesar's officers. But Asinius Pollio's 'accounts of Caesar's actions, as reported by Appian, f^annot always be reconciled with the Commentaries ; and all these four writers relate incidents as facta which are sometimes demonstrably false. Suetonius is apparently the most trustworthy. His narrative, like those of his contemporaries, was colored by tradition. His biographies of the earlier Csesars betray the same spirit of animosity against them which taints the credibility of Tacitus, and prevailed for so many years in aristocratic Roman society. But Suetonius shows nevertheless an effort at veracity, an antiquarian curiosity and diligence, and a serious anxiety to tell his story impartially. Suetonius, in the absence of evidence direct or presumptive to the contrary, I have felt myself able to follow. The other three writers I have trusted only when I have found them partially confirmed by evidence which is better to be relied upon.

The picture which I have drawn wiQ thus be found deficient in many details which have passed into general acceptance, and I have been unable to claim for it a higher title than that of an outline drawing.

Chapter I

Free Constitutions and imperial tendencies. — Instructiveness of Roman history. — Character of historical epochs.

— The age of Caesar. — Spiritual state of Rome. — Contrasts between ancient and modern civilization .... 1

CHAPTER 11.

The Roman Constitution. — Moral character of the Romans.

— Roman religion. — Morality and intellect. — Expansion of Roman power. — The Senate. — Roman slavery. — Effects of intercourse with Greece. — Patrician degeneracy. — The Roman noble. — Influence of wealth. — Beginnings of discontent 9

Chapter III

Tiberius Gracchus. — Decay of the Italian yeomanry. — Agrarian law. — Success and murder of Gracchus — Land commission. — Caius Gracchus. — Transfer of judicial functions from the Senate to the Equites. — Sempronian laws. — Free grants of corn. — Plans for extension of the franchise. — New colonies. — Reaction. — Murder of Caius Gracchus 28

Chapter IV

Victory of the Optimates. — The Moors. — Histoiy of Jugurtha. — The Senate corrupted. — Jugurthine war. — Defeat of the Romans. — Jugurtha comes to Rome. — Popular agitation. — The war renewed. — Roman defeats in Africa and Gaul. — Caecilius Metellus and Caius Marius. — Marriage of Marius. — The Caesars. — Marius consul. — First notice of Sylla — Capture and death of Ju- ^wtha SS

Contents.

Chapter V

PAea Birth of Cicero. — The Cimbri and Teutons. — German immigration into Gaul. — Great defeat of the Romans on the Rhone. — Wanderings of the Cimbri. — Attempted invasion of Italy. — Battle of Aix. — Destruction of the Teutons. — Defeat of the Cimbri on the Po. — Reform in the Roman army. — Popular disturbances in Rome, — Murder of Memmius. — Murder of Saturninus and Glaucia 46

Chapter VI

Birth and childhood of Julius Caesar. — Italian franchise. — Discontent of the Italians. — Action of the land laws. — The social war. — Partial concessions. — Sylla and Marius. — Mithridates of Pontus. — First mission of Sylla into Asia 55

CHAPTER Vn.

War with Mithridates. — Massacre of Italians in Asia. — Invasion of Greece. — Impotence and corruption of the Senate. — End of the«ocial war. — Sylla appointed to the Asiatic command. — The Assembly transfer the command to Marius. — Sylla marches on Rome. — Flight of Marius. — Change of the Constitution. — Sylla sails for the East. — Four years' absence. — Defeat of Mithridates. — Contemporary incidents at Rome. — Counter revolution.

— Consulship of Cinna. — Return of Marius. — Capitulation of Rome. — Massacre of patricians and equites. — Triumph of Democracy 6£

CHAPTER Vin.

The young Csesar. — Connection with Marius. — Intimacy with the Ciceros. — Marriage of Caesar with the daughter of Cinna. — Sertorius. — Death of Cinna. — Consulships of Norbanus and Scipio. — Sylla's return. — First appearance of Pompey. — Civil war. — Victory of Sylla. — The dictatorship and the proscription. — Destruction of the popular party and murder of the popular leaders. — General character of aristocratic revolutions. — The Constitution remodelled. — Concentration of power in the Senate.

— Sylla's general policy. — The army. — Flight of Serto-

Contents. xi

PA«I riuB to Spain. — Pompey and Sylla. — Caesar refuses to divorce his wife at Sylla's order. — Danger of Caesar. — His pardon. — Growing consequence of Cicero. — Defence of Roscius. — Sylla's abdication and death ... 76

CHAPTER IX.

Sertorius in Spain. — Warning of Cicero to the patricians.

— Leading aristocrats. — Csesar with the army in the East. — Nicomedes of Bithynia. — The Bithynian scandal. — Conspiracy of Lepidus. — Csesar returns to Rome.

— Defeat of Lepidus. — Prosecution of Dolabella. — Caesar taken by pirates. — Senatorial corruption. — Universal disorder. — Civil war in Spain. — Growth of Mediterranean piracy. — Connivance of the Senate. — Provincial administration. — Verres in Sicily. — Prosecuted by Cicero. — Second war with Mithridates. — First success of LucuUus. — Failure of LucuUus, and the cause of it. — Avarice of Roman commanders. — The gladiators. — The Servile War, — Results of the change in the Constitution introduced by Sylla 99

CHAPTER X.

Caesar military tribune. — Becomes known as a speaker. — Is made quaestor. — Speech at his aunt's funeral. — Consulship of Pompey and Crassus. — Caesar marries Pompey' s cousin. — IVlission to Spain. — Restoration of the powers of the tribunes. — The Equites and the Senate. — The pirates. — Food supplies cut off from Rome. — The Gabinian law, — Resistance of the patricians. — Suppression of the pirates by Pompey. — The Manilian law. — Speech of Cicero. — Recall of LucuUus. — Pompey sent ♦» command in Asia. — Defeat and death of Mithridates.

— Conquest of Asia by Pompey 120

CHAPTER XL History of Catiline. — A candidate for the consulship. — Catiline and Cicero. — Cicero chosen consul. — Attaches himself to the senatorial party. — Csesar elected aedile. — Conducts an inquiry into the Syllan proscriptions. — Prosecution of Rabirius. — Caesar becomes Pontifex Maximus. — And Praetor, — Cicero's conduct as consul.— xii Contents.

Proposed Agrarian law. — Resisted by Cicero. — Catiline again stands for the consulship. — Violent language in the Senate. — Threatened revolution. — Catiline again defeated. — The conspiracy. — Warnings sent to Cicero. — Meeting at Catiline's house. — Speech of Cicero it the Senate. — Catiline joins an army of insurrection in Etruria. — His fellow conspirators. — Correspondence with the Allobroges. — Letters read in the Senate. — The conspirators seized. — Debate upon their fate. — Speech of Caesar, — Caesar on the future state. — Speech of Cato.

— And of Cicero. — The conspirators executed untried.

— Death of Catiline 138

CHAPTES Xn.

Preparations for the return of Pompey. — Scene in the Forum. — Cato and Metellus. — Caesar suspended from the praetorship. — Caesar supports Pompey. — Scandals against Caesar's private life. — General character of them.

— Festival of the Bona Dea. — Publius Clodius enters Caesar's house dressed as a woman. — Prosecution and trial of Clodius. — His acquittal and the reason of it. — Successes of Caesar as pro-praetor in Spain. — Conquest of Lusitania. — Return of Pompey to Italy. — First speech in the Senate. — Precarious position of Cicero. — Cato and the Equites. — Caesar elected consul. — Revival of the democratic party. — Anticipated Agrarian law. — Uneasiness of Cicero 163

CHAPTER Xm.

The consulship of Caesar. — Character of his intended legislation. — The Land Act first proposed in the Senate. — Violent opposition. — Csesar appeals to the Assembly. — Interference of the second consul Bibulus. — The Land Act submitted to the people. — Pompey and Crassus support it. — Bibulus interposes, but without success. — The Act carried. — And other laws. — The Senate no longer being consulted. — General purpose of the Leges Juliee. — Caesar appointed to command in Gaul for five years. — His object in accepting that province. — Condition of Gaul and the dangers to be apprehended from it. — Alliance of Caesar, Pompey, and Crassus. — The Dynasts. —

Contents. xiii

FAOl

Indignation of the aristocracy. — Threats to repeal Caesar's laws. — Necessity of controlling Cicero and Cato. — Clodius is made tribune. — Prosecution of Cicero for illegal acts when consul. — Cicero's friends forsake him. — He flies and is banished 189

CHAPTER XIV.

Cesar's militarr narrative. — Divisions of Gaul. — Distribution of population. — The Celts. — Degree of civilization.

— Tribal system. — The Druids. — The iEdui and the Sequani. — Roman and German parties. — Intended migration of the Helvetii. — Composition of Caesar's army. • — He goes to Gaul. — Checks the Helvetii. — Returns to Italy for larger forces. — The Helvetii on the Saone. — Defeated and sent back to Switzerland. — Invasion of Gaul by Ariovistus. — Caesar invites him to a conference.

— He refuses. — Alarm in the Roman army. — Csesar marches against Ariovistus. — Interview between them.

— Treachery of the Roman Senate. — Great battle at Colmar. — Defeat and annihilation of the Germans. — End of the first campaign. — Confederacy among the Belgae. — Battle on the Aisne. — War with the Nervii. — Battle of Maubeuge. — Capture of Namur. — The Belgae conquered. — Submission of Brittany. — End of the second campaign 214

CHAPTER XV.

Cicero and Clodius. — Position and character of CloSius. — Cato sent to Cyprus. — Attempted recall of Cicero defeated by Clodius. — Fight in the Forum. — Pardon and return of Cicero. — Moderate speech to the people. — Violence in the Senate. — Abuse of Piso and Gabiuius. — Coldness of the Senate towards Cicero — Restoration of Cicero's house. — Interfered with by Clodius. — Factions of Clodius and Milo. — Ptolemy Auletes expelled by his subjects. — Appeals to Rome for help. — Alexandrian envoys assassinated. — Clodius elected aedile. — Fight in the Forum. — Parties in Rome. — Situation of Cicero. — Rally of the aristocracy. — Attempt to repeal the Leges Julize. — Conference at Lucca. — Caesar, Pompey, and xiv Contents.

FA«I

Crassus. — Cicero deserts the Senate. — Explains his motives. — Confirmation of the Ordinances of Lucca. — Pompey and Crassus consuls. — Caesar's command prolonged for five additional years. — Rejoicings in Rome. — Spectacle in the amphitheatre 247

CHAPTER XVL

Revolt of the Veneti. — Fleet prepared in the Loire. — Seafight at Quiberon. — Reduction of Normandy and of Aquitaine. — Complete conquest of Gaul. — Fresh arrival of Germans over the lower Rhine. — Caesar orders them to retire, and promises them lands elsewhere. — They refuse to go. — And are destroyed. — Bridge over the Rhine. — Caesar invades Germany. — Returns after a short inroad. — First expedition into Britain. — Caesar lands at Deal, or Walmer. — Storm and injury to the fleet. — Approach of the equinox. — Further prosecution of the enterprise postponed till the following year. — Caesar goes to Italy for the winter. — Large naval preparations. — Return of spring. — Alarm on the Moselle. — Fleet collects at Boulogne. — Caesar sails for Britain a second time. — Lands at Deal. — Second and more destructive storm. — Ships repaired and placed out of danger, — Caesar marches through Kent. — Crosses the Thames and reaches St. Albans. — Goes no further and returns to Gaul. — Object of the invasion of Britain. — Description of the country and people 280

CHAPTER XVn.

Distribution of the legions after the return from Britain. — Conspiracy among the Gallic chiefs. — Rising of the Eburones. — Destruction of Sabinus and a division of the Roman army. — Danger of Quintus Cicero. — Relieved by Caesar in person. — General disturbance. — Labienus attacked at Lavacherie. — Defeats and kills Induciomarus. — Second conquest of the Belgae. — Caesar again crosses the Rhine. — Quintus Cicero in danger a second time. — Courage of a Roman officer. — Punishment of the revolted chiefs. — Execution of Acco 301

Contents. xvii

PAOI the Optimates to raUj'. — 111 conduct of Caesar's officers in Spain. — War with Pharnaces. — Battle of Zela, and settlement of Asia Minor 489

CHAPTER XXIV.

The aristocracy raise an army in Africa. — Supported by Juba. — Pharsalia not to end the war. — Caesar again in Rome. — Restores order. — Mutiny in Caesar's army. — The mutineers submit. — Caesar lands in Africa. — Difficulties of the campaign. — Battle of Thapsus. — No more pardons. — Afranius and Faustus Sylla put to death. — Cato kills himself at Utica. — Scipio killed. — Juba and Petreius die on each other's swords. — A scene in Caesar's camp 457

CHAPTER XXV.

Rejoicings in Rome. — Caesar Dictator for the year. — Reforms the Constitution. — Reforms the Calendar. — And the criminal law. — Dissatisfaction of Cicero. — Last efforts in Spain of Labienus and the young Pompeys. — Caesar goes thither in person accompanied by Octavius. — Caesar's last battle at Munda. — Death of Labienus. — Capture of Cordova. — Close of the Civil War. — General reflections 471

CHAPTER XXVI.

Caesar once more in Rome. — General amnesty. — The surviving Optimates pretend to submit. — Increase in the number of Senators. — Introduction of foreigners. — New colonies. — Carthage. — Corinth. — Sumptuary regulations. — Digest of the law. — Intended Parthian war. — Honors heaped on Caesar. — The object of them. — Caesar's indifference. — Some consolations. — Hears of conspiracies, but disregards them. — Speculations of Cicero in the last stage of the war. — Speech in the Senate. — A contrast, and the meaning of it. — The Kingship. — Antony offers Caesar the crown, which Caesar refuses. — The assassins. — Who they were. — Brutus and Cassias. — Two officers of Caesar's among them. — Warnin<^s. — Meeting of the conspirators. — Caesar's last evening. — The Ides of March. — The Senate-house. — Caesar killed. 486 h

Contents.

CHAPTER XXVn.

Consternation in Rome. — The conspirators in the Capitol.

— Unforeseen difficulties. — Speech of Cicero. — Caesar's funeral. — Speech of Antony. — Fury of the people. — The funeral pile in the Forum. — The King is dead, but the monarchy survives. — Fruitlcssness of the murder. — Octavius and Antony. — Union of Octavius, Antony, and Lepidus. — Proscription of the assassins. — Philippi, and the end of Brutus and Cassius, — Death of Cicero. — His character 515

CHAPTER XXVIII.

General remarks on Cae?ar. — Mythological tendencies. — Supposed profligacy of Caesar. — Nature of the evidence.

— Servilia. — Cleopatra. — Personal appearance of Caesar. — His manners in private life. — Considerations upon him as a politician, a soldier, and a man of letters. — Practical justice his chief aim as a politician. — Universality of military genius. — Devotion of his army to him, how deserved. — Art of reconciling conquered peoples. — General scrupulousness and leniency. — Oratorical and literary style. — Cicero's description of it. — His lost works. — Cato's judgment on the Civil War. — How Caesar should be estimated. — Legend of Charles V. — Spiritual condition of the age in Avhich Caesar lived. — His work On earth to establish order and good government, to make possible the introduction of Christianity. — A parallel £8'J

C^SAR: A SKETCH.

Chapter I

To the student of political history and to the English student above all others, the conversion of the Roman Republic into a military empire commands a peculiar interest. Notwithstanding many differences, the English and the Romans essentially i-esemble one another. The early Romans possessed the faculty of self-government beyond any people of whom we have historical knowledge, with the one exception of ourselves. In virtue of their temporal freedom, they became the most powerful nation in the known world ; and their libei'ties perished only when Rome became the mistress of conquered races, to whom she was unable or unwilling to extend her privileges. If England was similarly supreme, if all rival powers were eclipsed by her or laid under her feet, the imperial tendencies, which are as strongly marked in us as our love of liberty, might lead us over the same course to the same end. If there be one lesson which history clearly teaches, it is this, that free nations cannot govern subject provinces. If they are unable or unwilling to admit their dependencies to share their own constitution, the constitution itself will fall in pieces from mere incompetence for its duties.

We talk often foolishly of the necessities of things, and we blame circumstances for the consequences of our own follies and vices ; but there are faults which are not faults of will, but faults of mere inadequacy to some unforeseen position. Human nature is equal to much, but not to everything. It can rise to altitudes where it is glike unable to sustain itself or to retire from them to a safer elevation. Yet when the field is open it pushes forward, and moderation in fhe pursuit of greatness is never learnt and never will be learnt. Men of genius are governed by their instinct ; they follow where instinct leads them ; and the public life of a nation is but the life of successive generations of statesmen, whose horizon is bounded, and who act from day to day as immediate interests suggest. The popular leader of the hour sees some present difficulty or present opportunity of distinction. He deals vnth each question as it arises, leaving future consequences to those who are to come after him. The situation changes from period to period, and tendencies are generated with an accelerating force, which, when once established, can never be reversed. When the control of reason is once removed, the catastrophe is no longer distant, and then nations, like all organized creations, all forms of life, from the meanest flower to the highest human institution, pass through the inevitably recurring stages of growth and transformation and decay. A commonwealth, says Cicero, ought to be immortal, and forever to renew its youth. Yet commonwealths have proved as unenduring as any other natural object : —

Everything that grows Holds in perfection but a little moment,

And this huge state presenteth nought but shows, Whereon the stars in silent influence comment.

Conditions of National Life. 3

Nevertheless, " as the heavens are high above the earth, so is wisdom above folly." Goethe compares life to a game at whist, where the cards are dealt out by destiny, and the rules of the game are fixed : subject to these conditions, the players are left to win or lose, according to their skill or want of skill. The life of a nation, like the life of a man, may be prolonged in honor into the falness of its time, or it may perish prematurely, for want of guidance, by violence or internal disorders. And thus the history of national revolutions is to statesmanship what the pathology of disease is to the art of medicine. The physician cannot arrest the coming on of age. Where disease has laid hold upon the constitution he cannot expel it. But he may check the progress of the evil if he can recognize the symptoms in time. He can save life at the cost of an unsound limb. He can tell us how to preserve our health when we have it; he can warn us of the conditions under which particular disorders will have us at disadvantage. And so with nations : amidst the endless variety of circumstances there are constant phenomena which give notice of approaching danger ; there are courses of action which have uniformly produced the same results ; and the wise politicians are those who have learnt from experience the real tendencies of things, unmisled by superficial differences, who can shun the rocks where others have been wrecked, or from foresight of what is coming can be cool when the peril is upon them.

For these reasons, the fall of the Roman Republic is exceptionally instructive to us. A constitutional government the most enduring and the most powerful that ever existed was put on its trial, and found wanting. We see it in its growth ; we see the causes which undermined its strength. We see attempts to cheek the growing mischief fail, and we see why they failed. And we see, finally, when nothing seemed so likely as complete dissolution, the whole system changed by a violent operation, and the dying par tient's life protracted for further centuries of power Bud usefulness.

Again, irrespective of the direct teaching which we may gather from them, particular epochs in history have the charm for us which dramas have — periods when the great actors on the stage of life stand before us with the distinctness with which they appear in the creations of a poet. There have not been many such periods; for to see the past, it is not enough for us to be able to look at it through the eyes of contemporaries ; these contemporaries themselves must have been parties to the scenes which they describe. They must have had full opportunities of knowledge. They must have had eyes which could see things in their true proportions. They must have had, in addition, the rare literary powers which can convey to others through the medium of language an exact picture of their own minds ; and such happy combinations occur but occasionally in thousands of years. Generation after generation passes by, and is crumbled into sand as rocks are crumbled by the sea. Each brought with it its heroes and its villains, its triumphs and its sorrows ; but the history is formless legend, incredible and unintelligible ; the figures of the actors are indistinct as the rude ballad or ruder inscription, which may be the only authentic record of them. We do not see the men and women, we see only the outlines of them

Teachings of History/. Ij

which have been woven into tradition as tLey Appeared to the loves or hatreds of passionate admirers or enemies. Of such times we know nothing, save the broad results as they are measured from century to century, with here and there some indestructible pebble, some law, some fragment of remarkable poetry which has resisted decomposition. These periods are the proper subject of the philosophic historian, and to him we leave them. But there are others, a few, at which intellectual activity was as great as it is now, with its written records surviving, in which the passions, the opinions, the ambitions of the age, are all before us, where the actors in the great drama speak their own thoughts in their own words, where we hear their enemies denounce them and their friends praise them ; where we are ourselves plunged amidst the hopes and fears of the hour, to feel the conflicting emotions and to sympathize in the struggles which again seem to live : and here philosophy is at fault. Philosophy, when we are face to face with real men, is as powerless as over the Iliad or King Lear. The overmastering human interest transcends explanation. We do not sit in judgment on the right or the wrong; we do not seek out causes to account for what takes place, feeling too conscious of the inadequacy of our analysis. We see human beings possessed by different impulses, and working out a preordained result, as the subtle forces drive each along the path marked out for him ; and history becomes the more impressive to us where it least immediately instructs.

With such vividness, with such transparent clearness the age stands before US' of Cato and Pompey, of Cicero and Julius Caesar ; the more distinctly because it was an age in so many ways the counterpart of our own, the blossoming period of the old civilization, when the intellect was trained to the highest point which it could reach, and on the great subjects of human interest, on mDrals and politics, on poetry and art, even on religion itself and the speculative l)roblems of life, men thought as we think, doubted where we doubt, argued as we argue, aspired and struggled after the same objects. ( It was an age of material progress and material civilization ; an age of civil liberty and intellectual culture ; an age of pamphlets and epigrams, of salons and of dinner parties, of senatorial majorities and electoral corruption. The highest offices of state were open in theory to the meanest citizen ; they were confined, in fact, to those who had the longest purses, or the most ready use of the tongue on popular platforms. Distinctions of birth had been exchanged for distinctions of wealth.) The struggles between plebeians and patricians for equality of privilege were over, and a new division had been formed between the party of property and a party who desired a change in the structure of society. The free cultivators were disappearing from the soil. Italy was being absorbed into vast estates, held ly a few favored families and cultivated by slaves, while the old agricultural population was driven off the land, and was crowded into townsT) The rich were extravagant, for life had ceased to have practical interest, except for its material pleasures ; the occupation of the higher classes was to obtain money without labor, and to spend it in idle enjoyment. Patriotism survived on the lips, but patriotism meant the ascendency of the party which would maintain the existing order of things, or would

Ancient and Modern Civilization contrasted. 7

overthrow it for a more equal distribution of the good things which alone were valued. Religion, once the foundation of the laws and rule of personal conduct, had subsided into opinion. The educated, in their hearts, disbelieved it. Temples were still built with increasing splendor ; the established forms were scrupulously observed. Public men spoke conventionally of Providence, that they might throw on their opponents the odium of impiety ; but of genuine belief that life had any serious meaning, there was none remaining beyond the circle of the silent, patient, ignorant multitude. The whole spiritual atmosphere was saturated with cant — cant moral, cant political, cant religious ; an affectation of high principle which had ceased to touch the conduct, and flowed on in an increasing volume of insincere and unreal speech. The truest thinkers were those who, like Lucretius, spoke frankly out their real convictions, declared that Providence was a dream, and that man and the world he lived in were material phenomena, generated by natural forces out of cosmic atoms, and into atoms to be again resolved.

Tendencies now in operation may a few generations hence land modern society in similar conclusions, unless other convictions revive meanwhile and get the mastery of them ; of which possibility no more need be said than this, that unless there be such a revival in some shape or other, the forces, whatever they be, which control the forms in which human things adjust themselves, will make an end again, as they made an end before, of what are called free institutions. Popular forms of government are possible only when individual men can govern their own lives on moral principles, and when duty is of more importance than pleasure, and justice than material expedienc5\ Rome at any rate had grown ripe for judgment. The shape which the judgment assumed was due perhaps, in a measure, to a condition which has no longer a parallel among us. The men and women by whom the hard work of the world was done were chiefly slaves, and those who constitute the driving force of revolutions in modern Europe, lay then outside society, unable and perhaps uncaring to affect its fate. No change then possible would much influence the prospects of the unhappy bondsmen. The triumph of the party of the constitution would bring no liberty to them. That their masters should fall like themselves under the authority of a higher master could not much distress them. Their sympathies, if they had any, would go with those nearest their own rank, the emancipated slaves and the sons of those who were emancipated ; and they, and the poor free citizens everywhere, were to a man on the side which was considered and was called the side of " the people," and was, in fact, the side of despotism.