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American history ...

Arthur C. Perry · 1919 · Scanned text · Free in the US

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About this book

Author
Arthur C. Perry
Language
English
Published
1919
Length
74,697 words · about 5 h 14 min
Sections
34 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain in the United States

 

Contents (34)
  1. Front matter under 1 min
  2. Preface about 2 min
  3. Contents under 1 min
  4. Chapter I about 20 min
  5. Chapter II about 24 min
  6. Chapter III • about 23 min
  7. Chapter IV Slavery about 11 min
  8. Chapter V Secession about 6 min
  9. II about 15 min
  10. Chapter VI about 21 min
  11. Chapter VII The Turning Of The Tide about 19 min
  12. Chapter VIII Reconstruction about 16 min
  13. CHAPTER IX The Civil War was over, but the American people about 25 min
  14. CHAPTER X SPANISH WAR "Battleship Maine blown up in Havana harbor! about 15 min
  15. Chapter XI Expansion about 12 min
  16. Chapter XII Life Of To-day about 20 min
  17. Chapter XIII Recalling The Past about 17 min
  18. Chapter XIV The World War about 25 min
  19. Appendix about 4 min
  20. Section II about 3 min
  21. Section IV under 1 min
  22. Section V about 1 min
  23. Section VI about 1 min
  24. Section VII about 1 min
  25. SECTION VIII The congress shall have power about 2 min
  26. Section IX about 1 min
  27. Section X about 1 min
  28. Section I about 3 min
  29. Section II about 1 min
  30. Section III under 1 min
  31. Section IV under 1 min
  32. Section I under 1 min
  33. Section II about 3 min
  34. Section IV about 21 min

Continue:

Front matter

HI QT/IP' 1 O 1 \j -IX:

SECOND BOOK

REVISED AND ENIMGED

Preface

The general practice of our elementary schools is to study the subject of American History in two cycles. This volume is the second of a two-book series intended to serve as textbooks for pupils in the first cycle of their study, and to cover two years* work. Each book, however, is so planned that it can be used independently of the other.

The books aim to introduce the pupil to the history of his country in accordance with accepted pedagogical method. It is not their purpose to give the student a detailed and comprehensive study of the philosophy of history, or to appeal especially to the judgment and those other faculties whose fuller development comes with adolescence. The books are deliberately organized, as regards both subject matter and vocabulary, on lines of adaptability to children of ten or tw^elve years of age.

The interest of the child must be aroused — and his interest at this age is not in the philosophy of cause and effect. His interest is in the drama of events rather than in their causal sequence: it is in adventure, not politics; in heroism, not statesmanship; in deeds, not philosophy; in people, not statistics. Later in his school career he may turn toward

IV PREFACE

the technical and philosophical phases of the subject; but to arouse his present enthusiasm we must appeal to his immediate interests, and these are elemental, simple, almost barbaric.

Hence these books attempt to enlist the interest of the pupil in the stirring narrative of our country's progress, and to give him such narrative in plenty. That the tastes of the pupil at this age are of an elemental quality is not a reason for reducing the subject matter in quantity. Therefore, it has not been the aim of the authors to write a "brief" book.

The arrangement of the subject matter is on a three-fold plan. Each chapter has a central thought about which important events are grouped in narrative form. Following the narrative there is a summary for careful study; and then comes a concise statement of the fact or facts that seem most vital. It is suggested that in using this volume as a textbook, the pupil read the narrative, study the summary, and memorize the facts.

For convenience in review study, the facts to be memorized are brought together in one series in an appendix. ' Whether the student is obliged to leave school without further formal study of history, or whether he is privileged to continue his schooling through the second-cycle study of the subject, this series of facts, thoroughly memorized, will serve as a background and setting for all his future study of history^ civics, and politics. To this skeleton resume

PREFACE V

he may refer all the events of history, placing them properly both as to chronological order and as to causal relations.

Other appendixes contain reference material for the teacher's use. The pronunciation of difficult words is indicated in the Index.

The selection from "Uncle Remus," by Joel Chandler Harris, on page 82, is used by permission of the publishers, D. Appleton and Company. The selection from '' The High Tide at Gettysburg," on page 156, is used through the courtesy of the author. Will Henry Thompson. The verses on ''America," page 257, are reprinted by permission from *' The Poems of Henry Van Dyke," published by Charles Scribner's Sons.

Contents

CHAPTER ^^^=

I. The Uniting of the States i

II. Democracy ^5

Chapter I

"With a heart full of love and gratitude I now take my leave of you, most devoutly wishing that your latter days may be as prosperous and happy as your former ones have been glorious and honorable." Thus, with shaking voice, spoke the great general as he bade farewell to the officers of his army. One after another they clasped his hand in silent devotion. It was he who had guided them so faithfully through eight long years of war. It was he who had led them to the final victory. For this was Washington, the commander in chief of the Continental army.

This was Washington, who, when scarcely more than a boy, was known throughout the Virginia colony as a skillful public surveyor. Day

r 11- 1 1 1 • • 1 Washington

after day his work took him into the

forest, where he learned much of woodcraft, and where he learned to know the Indians and their ways. He it was that the governor sent into the

Ohio country, in 1753, to warn the French not to trespass on EngHsh territory. Then, two years later, when soldiers were sent against the French and their Indian allies, Washington was made first aid to Braddock, the English general. After Braddock was defeated, it was Washington, with his knowledge of the woods and the Indian methods of warfare, who led the English retreat.

This was Washington, who, in 1775, had been made commander in chief of the American army that gathered to defend the colonies against the mother country. He directed it in its campaign about New York and across New Jersey. With his ragged troops, he braved the Delaware in midwinter and captured Trenton. He worked out the plan that led to Burgoyne's surrender. He suffered with his heroic soldiers at Valley Forge. He forced the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown. A leading historian says, " It is very doubtful if without Washington the struggle for independence would have succeeded as it did. Other men were important; he was indispensable."

i\nd now, in December, 1783, the officers of the army had gathered in the city of New York to exchange their last farewells, for their services were no longer needed. A treaty of peace had been signed at Paris in September, and in November the last of the British troops had left the city. The meeting was held in Fraunces' Tavern, in those days a favorite place for

GEORGE WASHINGTON public gatherings, and to-day preserved as one of the precious reUcs of bygone colonial times. After the good-bys had been said, the officers left for their homes, some to go to New England, some to go south, some for near-by New Jersey or New York.

m

Fraunces' Tavern in 1783

Washington presented himself to Congress and resigned his office, saying, ''I here offer my commission, and take my leave of all the employments of public life." He then journeyed on to Mount Vernon, his quiet plantation home on" the west bank of the Potomac.

By the Treaty of Paris, 1783, which closed the American Revolution, the United States was awarded a territory larger than the combined area of the present countries of France, Spain, Great Britain, and Germany. It might be supposed that the new Ship of State thus launched would have fair weather

and smooth sailing. On the contrary, ^^^ ^ the following five or six years of our

history have been called the Critical Period, and we do not have to look far to see the reason.

In the first place, the very size of the country made it difficult to build up a strong nation. Hundreds of

miles separate the states of Massachu-

^ ^ . setts and Georgia, and those hundreds

to union ^ °

of miles meant far more in those days than they do now. Even the trip from Boston to New York was a great undertaking. It is now made daily by thousands of people, and requires but five or six hours. In colonial days one had to spend a week on a trying and dangerous journey by coach. So it is not strange that the people of Massachusetts did not feel very closely related to the people of Georgia, or even to those of the states nearer by.

The colonists were separated not only by distance, but also by differences in religion and traditions and ways of living. While they were fighting side by side against England, they had forgotten these differences. But now that war was over and their independence recognized, most of the people naturally fell back into their old ways of looking at things. That is, the people of Virginia thought of themselves as Virginians, those of Pennsylvania as Pennsylva-

THE WESTERN LANDS 5

nians, and so on ; few of them found it easy to think of themselves as all belonging to one country.

In fact, people were giving most of their attention to recovering from the effects of the war. They wanted to lead peaceful lives and attend to their business in shop or field. They paid taxes to their state government, and most of them cared little about the central government with headquarters at far-off Philadelphia.

But there was one matter in particular that helped to make people think of themselves as a united nation. This concerned the ownership of the western lands. The union of the states made it necessary to settle a dispute of long standing. Some of the states claimed that their original charters had given them everything ''from sea to sea." When they began to extend their boundaries to the Mississippi there was great confusion. The lines conflicted, and it was hard to decide which were right. The other states which, as colonies, had had no western lands, now claimed a share in them. They argued that they had done their part in the Revolution and so had helped to gain the independence of all the territory belonging to the states.

The matter was settled peaceably. The states, one after another, yielded to Congress their claims to most of the land in ques- ^ i^^nce o tion. The part north of the Ohio River became known as the Northwest Territory. Congress proceeded to make a law for its government, called the "Ordinance of 1787." This law was important for several reasons. One of its provisions was that, when the population became large enough, the people might elect a legislature to make their laws. Another prohibited slavery forever in all parts of the Northwest Territory.

As this and other problems pressed for solution, the leaders saw that if America was ever to become a powerful nation there must be a change in the form of its government. For the years preceding, the states had kept together under an agreement called the Articles of Confederation. It was under these Articles that Congress had carried on the war for independence.

The Articles of Confederation, useful as they were, had many serious defects. All the states sent delegates to Congress, but when a vote was

Articles of ^ , i. . .

^ ^ J ,. taken on any measure each state was

Confederation ■'

allowed only one vote, no matter how many delegates it might have.

Again, Congress had no power to enforce its own laws, and there was no single head like a king or a president who could enforce the laws. Worst of all. Congress had no power to get money by means of taxes. Congress had full power to declare and wage war, but this was not enough. Warfare is costly. It is one thing to say, " We are now at war." It is quite another thing to raise the money with which to carry on the war, for soldiers must be paid and ammu-

THE FEDERAL CONVENTION 7

nition and supplies must be bought. Congress could borrow money, and did borrow a great deal. It could also call upon the different states to pay their share of the expenses, but it had no way of compelling them to pay if they declined. The result was that the states were slow in contributing funds. Each one made the tardiness of its neighbors its own excuse for delay.

This was only one of the weak points of the government. There were many others. Matters kept going from bad to worse. The states quarreled among themselves and with Congress. At last it was seen that something must be done to patch up the weak Articles of Confederation. So Congress asked all the states to send delegates to a convention for this purpose. In May, 1787, the Federal Convention met at Philadelphia, with delegates from every state except Rhode Island.

Fortunately for the future of the nation, there were among these delegates some of the foremost patriots of America. All of them are deserving of grateful remembrance, but we can speak of only a few of the leaders. One figure stood out above all the others; this was Washington, who had once more answered the call of his country and had come from his comfortable Virginia home to take his part in solving the problems of the nation. It already owed him much as a soldier. It came to owe him yet more as a wise and guiding statesman.

Indeed, Washington had already shown his patriotism in many acts of statesmanship. There had been a time, just at the close of the war, when the officers of his army, disgusted with the government, suggested that Washington be made king. Had he accepted this suggestion it is very likely that our country would have been doomed to a military government. But the noble character of Washington resented the idea, and he convinced his officers that they were wrong. And now once more he was to lead his countrymen in the paths of peace. When the convention came together Washington was promptly chosen its chairman.

Another famous member was Benjamin Franklin, the well-known Philadelphia printer, the coiner of clever sayings, the maker of many inventions, and our genial ambassador to France. A prominent Frenchman said of him, ''He snatched the thunderbolt from the sky and the scepter from the tyrants." Franklin was one of the three men who represented America in drawing up sJl^^Frankiinat'the thc Treaty of Paris. He had now World's Fair in 1893 rctumcd to his native land for the last time and, although far advanced in years and in service to his country, he inspired the others by his very presence.

THE FEDERAL CONVENTION 9

One of the delegates from New York was Alexander Hamilton. He was born in the West Indies, but came to Boston when yet a boy. He was only eighteen when the Revolution began, but he was

Hamilton's tomb, in New York

soon given command of a company of artillery that saw exciting service. Before long he was placed on Washington's stafif. He was a cool, dashing soldier, but he was to gain greater honors in time of peace than he had on the field of battle. Small in stature, keen of intellect, a scholar and an orator, Hamilton soon became a leader on the floor of the convention. Another member was James Madison, a Virginian. He had not fought in the field, but through the trying years of the war had faithfully served as a member of the legislature of his state and of the Federal ConlO THE UNITING OF THE STATES

gress. Not only was he an active worker in the convention, but he rendered a service of particular value. The sessions were held in secrecy, and no outsider knew what was going on from day to day. But Madison kept a journal of all the proceedings, and it is from this record, published some fifty years later, that we learn most about what took place.

When the delegates had been called together it was

understood that their business was to propose changes

in the Articles of Confederation. They

^^ ^ soon realized, however, that these Articles constitution

were so very unsatisfactory that it would be a waste of time to try to patch them up. It would be far better to begin all over again and make an entirely new agreement. So they set about to write a constitution.

There were all sorts of opinions as to what should be done. The first question was: Shall we create a powerful central government, or shall we continue as a confederation of independent states? Washington and Hamilton, with many other delegates, were in favor of bringing about a strong union. Against them were others, no less patriotic, who believed it wiser that the states should remain important and powerful. They would keep the confederation, however, so that the states would be prepared to work together in time of trouble.

Then there were jealousies between the larger states and the smaller ones. Those which had many people

THE CONSTITUTION il

naturally felt that they should have more control in the government than those with fewer people. But the small states maintained that each of them was just as much an independent nation as any of the larger ones. Hence they claimed equal influence for all states.

There were also several other matters of difference. Clearly only one solution was possible, that of compromise. All the delegates must be patient. All must keep their tempers. It might be possible, in regard to each question, to hit upon some middle course which, although it could not satisfy everybody, would be accepted because it was far better than nothing. And so the convention labored for several weeks.

At last, the spirit of compromise settled every important matter. When the Constitution was finished it was at once seen to be a very great

improvement over the Articles of Con- , ^ "^^ ^ ^^ ^ ^ ^ of government

federation. The chief gain was that the three different powers of government were distinctly separated. These three powers are known as the legislative, the executive, and the judicial.

The making of the laws — the legislative power — was put in the hands of a new Congress, which was empowered to levy taxes. This Congress was to be composed not of one house, as formerly, but of two — the Senate and the House of Representatives. Each state sends two senators; but in the House the number of representatives from each state depends upon its population. This was the compromise that brought together the large and the small states.

The executive power was vested in a President, who was to see that the laws made by Congress were properly enforced.

The judicial power was given to a Supreme Court and to lower courts. The business of the courts is to decide what the laws mean and to settle disputes between parties who go to law.

Thus the three powers of government were separated. But it was all so skillfully arranged that each branch is a check upon the others. For instance, the President can check Congress in its lawmaking by vetoing its bills. Again, the President must have the consent of the Senate when he appoints judges. Again, Congress establishes and abolishes lower courts. In these and in many other ways the three branches depend one upon another.

It was provided by the Constitution that as soon as nine states should accept it, they should begin to 'Pljg live under its provisions. On June 21,

Constitution 1 788, New Hampshire, the ninth state, ratified ratified the Constitution and it went into

effect. Before long, the other four states came in, one by one, although the last, little Rhode Island, held off for nearly two years. Most of the states, however, accepted the Constitution only with the understanding that it was to be changed in certain important respects. They wanted the rights of the people made

THE FIRST PRESIDENT still clearer. Accordingly, soon after the new government got under way, ten amendments were added to the Constitution.

Under the new Constitution certain officers were to be elected. Able men were chosen as members of Congress. For President there could be Washington but one choice. All looked to Washing- the first ton to guide the new nation, and he was P^^^ident elected without any opposition whatever. For Vice President, John Adams of Massachusetts was chosen. He was a statesman who had played an important part in the Revolution, and had been minister to the English court.

Washington's home, at Mount Vernon, Virginia

The news of Washington's election was brought to him at Mount Vernon, his quiet plantation home on the Potomac. Soon afterward he set out on the long journey to New York, then the capital. All along the route the people turned out in force to welcome their beloved leader and to wish him godspeed in the work of his new office. The ovation reached its height in the cities of Philadelphia and Trenton. Here elaborate arches had been erected. Under these Washington rode, a conquering hero of war and peace. As he passed under the Philadelphia arch a laurel wreath was lowered upon his head. It was a modest crown, but as stately as any worn by royal ruler.

At the Trenton arch the President-elect was escorted by schoolgirls, dressed in white, who strewed his path with blossoms and sang an ode in his honor. Two days later he reached New York Bay. This he crossed on a handsome barge which had been built for the memorable occasion. As the boat neared the Battery, and as Washington and his escort landed and were met by Governor Clinton, cannon boomed, flags waved, and the dense crowd of people cheered in hearty welcome. In a week's time all preparations for the inauguration had been completed. Standing on the balcony of Federal Hall, in the city of New York, Washington took the oath of office, pledging himself to "preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."

Notwithstanding the glory of his inauguration and the hearty good will which the people throughout the country bore him, it was a heavy task that lay

THE FIRST PRESIDENT 15

before our first President. Very perplexing problems,

both at home and abroad, had to be solved by the

/7 ^ Q United States before it could

J^^7i2/-itJ^^ '^^"y ""^ '^^"'':^ ^ successful ^ '^ /y ^^ nation. Washington selected

some 01 the loremost men 01 the time to aid him in his work.

One of the first things to be attended to was the census. Each state was to send to Congress a number of representatives in proportion to its

population. The Constitution provides

^ ^ ^ census

that, once every ten years, all the people in all the states shall be counted. Accordingly, the first census was taken in 1790, and the count showed the population of the entire country to be 3,929,214. By the thirteenth census, taken in 1910, the population of the United States, including its possessions, numbered more than 100,000,000. Thus the nation has increased more than twenty-fold in a little over a century. This is to be explained partly by the wonderful geography of the country and the opportunities thus afforded. It is in part, too, owing to the genius of the American people. But much is due to the right beginning which was made through the wisdom of the patriot fathers.

Another question that was settled early in Washington's administration was the location

r 1 -1 -IT -i-rr ^ ^he Capital

ot the national capital. It was dimcult

to decide on a place that would be acceptable to every i6 THE UNITING OF THE STATES

one. After considerable debate it was agreed to make Philadelphia the capital for ten years. After that the capital was to be on a site on the Potomac River. A tract of land ten miles square was selected, and within this district the city of Washington was founded. Washington has remained the capital of our country ever since the year 1800.

But by far the most difficult home problems were those relating to money matters. Washington had

chosen Alexander Hamilton to be Secre- , ^^" ^ tary of the Treasury. Hamilton did his

work with remarkable wisdom. He found finances in a woeful condition. The Continental Congress had borrowed much money with which to carry on the war. Some of it had been loaned by France, some by Spain, some by Holland. When Hamilton took charge he found that the debt had reached a total of millions of dollars. There were some people who thought that the new government need not concern itself about old debts. But Hamilton knew better. Through his efforts with Congress, arrangements were made to repay the money.

Hamilton shrewdly proposed that most of the money needed by the new government be raised by

indirect taxation ; that is, by some method tariff law whereby the people do not directly pay

money to a tax collector. So Congress passed a tariff law, taxing goods made in foreign countries and brought here for sale. As a result

DOMESTIC AFFAIRS people had to pay a little more for imported articles. With the help of this tax the government was able to meet its running expenses, and also slowly to pay off its debts. Thus, under the wise guidance of Alex-

Building in Philadelphia occupied by the first mint ander Hamilton, our government began its policy of strict honesty in money matters.

At about this time, too, a mint was built. Here the United States began making its own coins, of gold and silver and copper, based on a new system of dollars and cents. This replaced the English pounds, shillings, and pence used in colonial days.

But it was not alone home problems that the officers of our government had to meet. Our relations with foreign countries were anything oreign ^^^ satisfactory. England naturally was

looking for any pretext by which she might embarrass the people who had dared to throw off her authority. Spain, our neighbor on the south and west, had hopes of encroaching upon the territory of the weak new nation and increasing her own possessions in America. France, our friend of Revolutionary times, expected us to side with her in her troubles with the other European nations.

There were many Americans who thought that we should go to any length to resent the actions of England and Spain and to befriend France. Washington, however, with his rare w^isdom, kept our weak and struggling country out of war. Said he, ''My policy has been and will continue to be, while I have the honor to remain in the administration, to maintain friendly terms with, but to be independent of, all the nations of the earth; to share in the broils of none; to fulfill our own engagements; to supply the wants and be the carriers for them all; being thoroughly convinced that it is our policy and interest to do so."

With all these questions coming before the people, it is easy to realize that there must have been many honest differences of opinion among them. Some sided with Hamilton and the other statesmen who

POLITICAL PARTIES were Intent on building up a strong central power. These called themselves Federalists. Those who opposed them followed the leadership of Beginning of Thomas Jefferson, the author of the Dec- political laration of Independence and now Secre- P^^*^®^ tary of State. Thus there began to be political parties in the United States, a condition that is very familiar to us of to-day, and which in many ways has been very fortunate. A government is sure to be better managed if there are strong political parties each closely watching the actions of the others.

Washington's tomb, at Mount Vernon

After much discussion, the term of the President of the United States had been fixed in the Constitution at four years. At the end of Washington's term, he was unanimously reelected. Four years later he refused to be considered for reelection. He retired once more to private life at his quiet home on the Potomac. Three years later he died, deeply mourned by the millions of his compatriots, who lovingly termed him

the Father of his Country.

Washington's refusal to accept a third term gave

the two parties a chance to put forward candidates

for the presidency. The Federalists nom-

, ^ , inated Vice-President Adams. The other

elected

nominee was Thomas Jefferson, the leader of the Democratic-Republicans, as the members of his party soon came to be called. The Federalists were a little the stronger, and John Adams became the second President of the United States.

It was during Adams's presidency that the difficulty with France became acute. The government

of France had been changed. It now ., . , consisted of a group of five men called the

Directory, who managed things with a high hand. They claimed that they had been mistreated by the United States government because it had refused to aid them in their war with England. They even demanded that the American commissioners in France should pay them a bribe of several thousand dollars. To frighten the United States into a settlement, French cruisers began to interfere with American commerce. Feeling in this country ran high. The popular cry echoed the defiant words of Pinckney, one of the American commissioners to France: "Millions for defense; not one cent for tribute!"

At this time were written the stirring words of

DIFFICULTY WITH FRANCE 21

"Hail Columbia," addressed to the Revolutionary heroes, "Heav'n born band! Who fought and bled in Freedom's cause," thus calling upon them:

"Immortal patriots, rise once more! Defend your rights, defend your shore; Let no rude foe with impious hand Invade the shrine where sacred lies Of toil and blood the well-earned prize." *

Throughout the country rang the thrilling words of this national song, set to the tune of the " President's March," music which had welcomed Washington on his triumphal inaugural journey. The nation set about building warships, the beginning of the American navy. The French, after a few skirmishes at sea, realized that the United States was in earnest, and gladly made peace.

In 1783 the United States started upon its career, acknowledged by all the world as an independent nation. There were many reasons why it should grow rapidly in strength. For one thing, it had an immense area and wonderful natural resources. It extended from Canada to Florida, and from the Atlantic Ocean to the Mississippi River.

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