Man in continuation at this earth of a nature of reality throughout the universe by tradition of that reality from its original universe of force

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MAN

IN CONTINUATION AT THIS EARTH

Preface

eminent. The foreign slave-trade had brought the slaves there were to the South, but had been suppressed as piracy by act of congress in 1808, at which time the states admitting slavery were the more potent and progressive ; but from that time forward the slave states advanced but by natural increase ; and the " free " states as they were called, by this and by an average of near 250,000 pauper laborers yearly from abroad. In each there was its special civilization, and that of the North had thus become the stronger. And more than that, it had become distinctively proletariate in the recognition of the right of those to rule the state not participating in the proprietary contributions to sustain the state.

There is man, as I have said, but in the family agamic, polygamic, and monogamic. And agamic in the children, infant and adult, about a store of provisions in the hands of their unmarried mother. And polygamic in such children of several mothers about a store in the hands of their single father. And monogamic in such children of a single mother about a store in the hands of a single father. And the agamic man in savage stocks ; and the polygamic in barbarous tribes; and the monogamic in civil states ; with a possible man in an union oi monogamic and agamic families, the one white and the other black, about a store in the hands of the white male parent and master to sustain them both in one.

And as in theory of the monogamic state, — the only one to be considered, — there is this but of monogamic families, — and these in subsistence and safety but upon a store of provisions in the hands of the male parent, — the state itself can be in subsistence and safety but upon a store contributed by proprietary male parents, who only therefore can rightfully have suffrage with respect to it. And in result of such proprietary parental suffrage in application of such store to the uses of the state there is its government to be termed patriate. But from indolence, inefficiency, calamity, or crime, parents cease to be proprietary witl out forfeiture of franchise ; and adult males, not parents, acquire the right to vote ; and — if this be not enough to the dissolution of the state — adult females must acquire that right ; and if this be not enough, infants, male and female, must acquire that right ; so that in time there comes to be a very large majority of these not contributing to the support of the state who have power to dispose — and to their own uses — of the fund upon which the state subsists : That majority in every monogamic state becomes the state. There is no restriction of its volition in a constitution it interprets. It is an intrusive and abnormal being, therefore, and not in support but in subversion of the state, which therefore becomes the car for all to ride on but none to pull ; and its government a game of pool, at which the players order the propertied party to put up the stakes they play for.

The state under the proprietary parents who support the state is a state of offspring controlled by parents and termed patriate. The state under those who do not support it is one of parents controlled by offspring. And the one the patriate, the other is the proletariate state ; and as the proclivities of individual interests are resistless ; as every being in nature is charged with the continuation of its own existence without the power to exist for any other ; and as to this rule the man is no exception, as he cannot of thought add a cubit to his stature, or at his time and place be other than he is or originate a motive to his own volition — this proletariate must loot the patriate state. The wage-earner will have more pay for less work. Industries combining will be protected at the expense of others ; pensions will be allowed and drawn under every possible pretext of service ; salaried men and millionaires will make visible investments but in property abroad, or in the bonds of the government not taxed ; and men and women will quit the continuation of their race on marriage for sensual indulgences without it. Such and so proletariate in principle were the states of the North at the time referred to. And that proletariate practically supreme in every Northern state was 'also in virtue of their larger population soon to be supreme in congress, and faking what it wanted through the legislatures of the Northern states it was about to take through congress what it wanted of the South. Against this there was no appeal even to its lucid moments, which could not possibly occur. And it was as remorseless as fate for the reason simply that it was as blind. Of this was the House of Commons in 1832, which could see in the reform bill but that upon this depended the re-election of its members. And of this the Lords, who could see but that upon this depended their exemption from a deluge of newcreated peers. And of this the judges of the supreme court of the United States, who, after a week of oratory, could see but as they saw at first, that Mr. Hayes was of the proletariate faction represented by the one part of that body and Mr. Tilden of that represented by the other, and that there was nothing to be done but to let the decision rest upon their respective numbers. And such the proletariate, — an inverted nature to extinguish human life and a lethal reptile to form and crawl and feed upon the vitals of the state as larval insects feed upon the carcass of their host, — against this there was resistance but in counter action ; and this but in the introduction of another race sufficient for the offices of labor under a higher race but without participation in its direction. Such I assumed to be the negro under the whites in the Southern states ; and, — with such a population of a weaker in subordination to a stronger race of man, — that no proletariate in any monogamic state could form.

I was assured that with that trade reopened there would have been slaves at importers' prices and that at these every capable white man could and would have owned his slave. That so he had been a slav-

PREFACE.

erv propagandist, — that there would have been owners not only at the South but to the North of the line between the States ; and that with greater integrity than had been greater territory to the South. Nor was it necessary that the trade should have been reopened by the South : legitimated, northern capital had imported slaves to the utmost requisition North or South. And so in considering the fortunes of the South it seemed to her material interests at least that the trade should be legitimated. And it was becoming, also, that it should be. If the trade were piracy the slave was plunder, and it was not only unbecoming but immoral to hold property the procurement of which was justly branded as a crime, and our acquiescence in the action of the government imposing such brand was an admission of its justice.

Nor did it seem that even the proletariate North would seriously oppose the removal of the brand. It wanted and was bound to have what it could take by proletariate legislation from the South ; and the richer and fatter that might be the better. And the South had been richer and the Union richer from the importation of foreign slaves. They would have supplied the want of slaves at the South quite inadequate to her possible industries and to the requisitions of a growing West, and they would have come in the place of pauper laborers from abroad and had been more productive and not in competition with wage-earners at the North but to their support, the every one of whom could and would have owned his slave at importers' prices ; and they could and would have taken bleeding Kansas and extended slavery from Missouri to the Pacific, and probably northward to the line of Canada.

It is possible that upon this extended state the proletariate then existing in the republican party would have lost its grip. But of this danger it w r ould have been unconscious. And I am quite assured that if the South had presented to the North the alternative of the slave-trade or secession, the North would have readily accepted the slave-trade and that our differences had been composed. The North would have persisted in a sectional presidency, but the significance of that movement would have been different. The South, satisfied with the ultimate security of her civilization, would have been indifferent to such movement, and even have given her vote as she had often done to a Northern man ; and instead of a proletariate without a constitution other than that the proletariate may interpret to its uses, there had been a state with a constitution the best possible and the only constitution to a monogamic people possible, and this in the ineradicable differences of unequal races united in relations of inequality.

But the merit of this policy was in its adoption, only, at that time : and convinced then of its importance as I am now, and that the peace, safety, fortunes, and the fate of this republic depended on ii PREFACE.

it, with a wearying pertinacity I did to its adoption what I could. I put it before the South by articles in my own paper and before the South and North by articles so written as to force their entrance to the Herald, Times and Tribune, and to its popular consideration I kept it for years before the commercial convention of the Southern states. There had been an annual convention of Southern gentlemen to questions of Southern policy before whom at Savannah in 1856 I placed the resolution that as a measure of Southern policy the trade be reopened. This was debated for the week to the exclusion of other subjects, and again at Knoxville in 1857, and at Montgomery in 1858, and at Vicksburg in 1859, where it was finally adopted and referred as an expression of Southern sentiment to Southern people.

But before there was more decisive action Mr. Lincoln was elected as a sectional president ; and there was secession ; and the holding of Fort Sumter; and the firing on it consequent ; and invasion, and the war, and subjugation of the South and the liberation of her slaves ; and this to the general satisfaction, it would seem, of this country and the world.

The proletariate North is satisfied as nearly as that monster may be in the millions of money it may take to protected industries and pensions. And the South, now as proletariate as the North, is satisfied — as many of her distinguished men declare — at least in her freedom from an odious institution and her admission to the swim of a proletariate democracy. And the world generally is satisfied with the establishment here of a proletariate state, — for the reason expressed that it is matter they had nothing to do with, — but for the real reason that all monogamic states are becoming as proletariate as this ; and that in all the monogamic world, at least, there has been satisfaction at the snbj ligation of the South in her effort to sustain a counteraction to such proletariate. But believing that that tendency prevails in every monogamic state ; and that it is death to the state as the patriate is life ; and that the South w r as in travail, not for herself but humanity, in sustaining the relation of inequality among unequals, — the one sole condition upon which man can rise to a civilization better than that consisting in the existence of the state under the inflictions of a popular or other irresponsible power sensible of its immediate wants but unconscious of its ulterior interests in the preservation of the state — however unimportant or uninteresting the fact may be, I did not then and do not now concur in that accord and satisfaction so generally expressed*

I did not and do not see that the white race at the South could or can sustain itself to its earlier moral elevation without the physical supports of a weaker race ; or that the negro here could or can sustain himself to continued existence in competition with the whites ; or that he could be deported, or that he could perpetuate his black race by its miscegenation

16 FREFACK.

with the white ; or that while the one race was lowered the other was not to be exterminated. Nor did I see but that the Northern states themselves, discharged of the supports of such Southern civilization, were more irrevocably turned to the proletariate, which would not spare them if it could and could not if it would, more than the larval insects could spare the carcass of their host, or than the Roman proletariate the state of Rome. The Roman proletariate in possession of the Roman state through the consul appointed by its preoccupation of the forum on the day of the election demanded of the consul so appointed corn and wine and oil from Asia and Africa, and shows and gladiatorial exhibitions to amuse it on its delirious way to its own destruction and the dissolution of the state.

And this proletariate, possessed of the legislatures of the states, and congress through preoccupation of precincts on the days of election, must demand indulgences equally fatal to the state as to themselves. I doubt if there be a legislator, judge or governor in all these states in office for reasons of his admitted virtues, but in spite of them ; or that there is one who will continue in office after it is found he will not do the work for which he was elected. And for these reasons and apart from my personal experiences and disappointments in the matter I am not satisfied that the North has so suppressed the civilization of the South. But believing that it was a calamity to the South and an injury to the North,!

and a wrong to that man in nature of this universe whom God intended and whom God intends, and that it rolled back that tide of time which was bearing unnumbered blessings to the present man, I submit this argument de bene esse and for what it may be worth to the truth of that belief.

It will not be popular. It proposes an impersonal God and that man to his being possible must submit to inequalities in that being possible ; and to neither of these propositions is proletariate man inclined, and to him the proposition is addressed.

There is no state of Europe or America not monogamic of a single race ; and no such state not proletariate in its administration by these not contributing the fund upon which the state subsists. In the constitutional kingdoms of Europe there are the traditions of their polygamic states. Their kings and lords, however they may be named, are the consequences without cause, if they be not consequences by tradition from antecedent tribal states existing but of polygamic man. These are not in representation of the funds they contribute to the state but of a power to dispose them to their uses ; nor the more is the Commons, supreme in England, or the legislature of the states and the congress of this Union — no member of whom is in his place but by suffrage of those not contributing the fund administered^ And the forum I address is as proletariate, therefore, as was that of Home, in which by preoccupying the forum it determined the consul through whom it was allowed the plunder of that state.

1 S PREFACE.

And this man will not accept an impersonal God. Such God can only hold his universe of life and nature to the resolutions of its life into the natures of it possible and into man at this earth as to natures intermediate, in consistence with which the man only can live, who, complying with the conditions at his time and place, should live. But to the individual man this justice is not what he wants, but favor ; and all are induced by their solicitudes to feel that there is a precable anthropomorphic being in moral likeness of themselves who by proper incantations can be made to turn the scales of justice to mercy for them, however it be in wrath to others. And they cannot favor the truth, whatever the reason for it, that defeats them of such God. Nor the more readily can they accept the equally offensive truth that they are to take but that position they can get by merit in the states of man. He insists that he may supplement his merit by address. He has no repugnance to inequalities of position provided some other be subordinate to him, but he has great repugnance to the truth that he may be subordinate to some one else. In analysis of the proletariate there is agrarianism ; and of agrarianism anarchy; and of anarchy, — not that there be not upper and lower classes, but that there be not a class above the one in which is the anarchist himself, who were miserable there if there be not some below him. And the man of this age generally cannot accept of either proposition but in sacrifice of feelings he will not make.

PKEFACE. 19

But whatever be his feeling he must accept it if it be true. And it is true not only that there is an impersonal God and man in inequalities but that there is such man in continuation of the nature of the universe if there be nature ; and that there is nature if there be God, or being finite, or force, or space, or matter, or life, or nature, or the universe, or star, or sun, or earth, or plant, or animal, or man, or conscience in man, or ideality in conscience, — not one of which were possible, or other than the miracle of cause without consequence or consequence without cause if there be not such nature of which man is so in continuation at this earth.

Since the fall of slavery here such man of unequal races may not recur at once, but man is destined to an extended period of existence at this earth. States will fall as will individuals, but the race will roll on and with accumulating volume while there are yet at this earth the conditions of human existence, and the truth can wait ; as that of this earth upon the sun ; and of the plant upon the earth ; and of the animal upon the plant ; and of man upon the animal ; and of polygamic upon agamic man ; and of monogamic upon polygamic man. And that when the history of these states shall have been lost in a fabulous antiquity, if not sooner, there will be, — and upon this soil, — a people of human races so related : and this as abundant in blessings and as prodigal in promise as were lately the people of these Southern states, themselves at their time the most abundant of blessings and prodigal of promise the sun has ever shone on.

Such is the proposition of man at this earth in continuation of a nature of reality throughout the universe by tradition of an original reality in force of the finite word of God. It intends that of the reality in resolution there is nature ; and from the universe to man ; and that man is of nature ; and in continuation of nature to the man possible ; and him the most and best man possible that he be his most. And it is intended that the truth of this proposition is contingent but upon the truth of that hypothesis.

Intending that there is reality of the word of God in an universe of force, it intends that this is being physiological ; and this the being possible of kindred beings different of their reciprocal affinities simply in reciprocal limitations of each other, in wheels of being static in revolutions on axes of beings dynamic ; that these are in teleologic evo-involution ; and that of the physiological universe of these in such resolution there are stars about the axes of the universe, and suns about the stars, and the earth about the sun, and the plant about the earth, and the animal about the plant, and the man about the animal, of whom in such process continued, there is agamic man of the animal, and polygamic of agamic man, and monogamic of polygamic man, and that there is, or is to be, compound man in an union of unequal races of the pre-existing race ; and that in these there is nature, and that these are natures, and that each is but the nature possible of life into it from the universe in resolution.

It intends that each nature is static being and in life of motive from the dynamic axis of the universe, and that of such motive it is the nature possible.

And intended that motive is cause and nature consequence, it is intended that each such successive nature possible is the consequence possible of cause possible in such motive to produce it ; and that in this there is to each nature but the cause possible ; and in each nature but the consequence possible of that creative cause ; and that other, or more, or less than the cause possible to the nature possible of that cause were the miracle of cause without consequence; and that other, or more, or less than the nature possible of that cause possible were the miracle of consequence without cause.

And intended that motive is life and life cause, it is intended, and for the same reason, that there is life but to nature possible, and nature but of life possible, and that every nature therefore is simply to its most possible, and, to its best possible, that it be its most of the life possible in tradition from the universe of force ; and that such simply is man ; that he is but the nature possible but of his life possible as cause through nature ; and that this cause in man were the miracle of cause without consequence if there be not ultimately in nature the man possible ; and if in being so he be not his most possible and his best possible that he be his most. And such the proposition of man in continuation of nature it is presented as a crucial test of man's relation to nature which I have said it is important he should know, and also to emphasize the truth that he is in nature ; and in nature but to his ends in nature ; and to his ends in nature but in consistence with the conditions of his being thus the most abundant man possible ; and the best man possible that he be the most abundant ; and it had been policy, perhaps, to have presented this theory in parts.

There are men of science and philosophy who are forced to accept nature from an universe of life in force, and man from nature, but who are not so forced to project man to the man possible ; and there are men not of speculation but of work in being possible to whom it is important to know what the possible of man is, that they may work up to it. To the one of these the theory of nature, only, of man in nature were apt to be interesting ; to the others the means and ends of man in nature, only, were apt to be so, and the science of the past were as inapt to accept the business of the future as the business of the future to accept the science of the past. And if I were concerned about the profits or the popularity of my work it had been policy, doubtless, to have given it in parts, and to men in science and in business the subjects they w r ould consider without the others that they would not. But without pretending to excessive magnanimity, I am more concerned about the future fortunes of the race of man than the popularity or profits of this effort to address him, and assured that man will ultimately attain to his possible fortunes, and this through the union of unequal races I suggest, I am yet assured he will the more readily do so under the proclivities of a preconception of that state.

If when I first proposed the foreign slave-trade to the further progress of man in this state of states united, — and of man in other states under the tractile force of its example, — I could have fixed in the minds of its people a sense of the truth that in such anion of unequal races as there was in the Southern states there was the way to a higher and better state of man than had been, the North had not so warred upon the South, the South had not been forced to so resist the North ; a modus vivendi had been established ; and not only would the calamities of the war have been averted but incalculable ages had been added to the life in nature of this republic. Grand as it now is in the plenitude of its unorganized life into nature possible, it is unreasonable that its nature now provisionally possible can long survive the ferments of dissolution now at work upon it. Unilateral of but a single race, with no constitution other than that consisting in the resolutions of such single race, — as potent to control its action as are the resolutions of the individual he at any time may reconsider, — it is unreasonable that under such paper constitution simply it can resist to its ends, — otherwise possible, — the party in power that would use it to its ends ; but under a constitution of ineradicably different races combined to the ends of a common subsistence and safety among other peoples not so situated, and to whom such constitution, therefore, is now and for the time at least impossible, there is no reason why the states of the South should not have been as enduring as her hills, or why the states of the North, associated with such stable Southern states, had not been as enduring as these states of the South themselves. This opportunity was lost ; but in the countless ages of man's existence yet upon this earth it may and must occur again. The proclivities of a preconception of this truth must act then as it would have lately here, and it is important that it be fixed upon the mind of man. It can be so fixed by its association with the truth of a nature of reality in w T hich is man, who cannot otherwise than attain to his ends but in relations of inequality. And concerned but in the fortunes of man, with the assurance that nature — as she has done — can take care of herself, I forego what of advantage there might have been in serving my entertainment in parts to the tastes of those inclined to partake of it, and will allow no one to accept the promises of a nature in the resolutions of an universe of force who does not also accept man in his way to the man possible through an ultimate union of unequal races to that end.

And such the proposition that there is a man in continuation of nature so tediously stated, it may seera that the argument to support it might now begin ; but its truth is for man's consideration. He it is who at the present time must accept it or reject it. Every nature from the universe to man accepts its nature thankfully in the resolutions of an universe of force, and man unconsciously accepts his life in nature and his nature therefore from the same source, but, consciously, he knows no more of nature than he learns from his idealities of such realities ; he does not see natures but only the images of natures reflected from his conscience of them, — as to the astronomer are stars and planets by his concave mirror, — and midway between impressions and the objects to produce them, and without the sense that his idealities are of the same cause as that of which are the realities that cause them ; — he has the feeling that while nature, whatever that may be, is cause of the objective realities, he himself is cause of his subjective idealities, and of the volitions and activities they inspire, and of the families, stocks, tribes and states of man, therefore, into which he enters.

And the argument cannot now begin for the reason that I must make it in terms of reality, and man can accept it but in terms of his idealities ; and in argument I must use the terms "being finite," " God," " force," •' matter," " life," " nature," " universe," " star," "sun," •• earth," " plant." " animal," " man," and " idealities," " families," " stocks," " tribes," and " states of man," as descriptive of realities objective in teleologic evo-involutions of an universe of force ; while man must accept them but as descriptive of his idealities of these whose meanings are determined but as they have been agreed upon, with but a vague conception of the limits of such agreements. The argument therefore were not more interesting or intelligible than were an oration in Greek to an English audience. And to settle the grounds of argument in the definitions of terms I must give, and at even greater length, what may be termed an introduction. And I do this, however reluctantly, from the feeling that as there is occasion for this argument at all there is occasion for the preliminary statements necessary to its being understood, and these in definite indications of the differences there are between the terms of reality in which the argument is made and those of ideality in which it is received.