View of the state of Europe during the middle ages

Preface

The present edition of the " History of the Middle Ages " has been undertaken with the concurrence of Mr. HalLam's representatives, who consider tliat a great injustice has been done to his literary character by the rej^rint of the obsolete edition of 1810, after it had been superseded by the author's own careful revision, and had been enriched by many supplemental notes, which added one-third to the original size of the work.

A few words are necessary to explain the plan which the editor has adopted in order to bring the work within one volume, available for the use of students. It must not be regarded as an abridgment ; for though some omissions have been made, for reasons stated below, they are few in amount, and nothing essential or important has been left out. In fact, the great bulk of the book remains unchanged. But it is necessary to recollect the plan which Mr. Hallam pursued in the later editions of his work, in order to judge of the necessity and expediency of the alterations and omissions made in this edition. He informed his readers, in the Preface to his '^ Supplemental Notes," " that he was always reluctant to make such alterations as would leave to the purchasers of former editions a right to complain," and that, being anxious to bring his work " nearer to the boundaries of the historic domain as it had been enlarged within his own age," he published in a separate form various disquisitions, in which his object was *'to reconsider those portions of the Work which related to subjects discussed by eminent writers since its publication, to illustrate and enlarge some passages which had been imperfectly or obscurely treated, and to acknowledge with freedom his own errors." Now, however much Ave may respect the author's motives in adopting this method, and his candor in acknowledging his errors, the plan is attended with the obvious inconvenience

iii

IV PREFACE.

of having two books to consult instead of one, and of finding statements in the Text not unfrequently contradicted or modified by corrections in the Xotes. Accordingly, in preparing the book for the use of Students, it seemed to the editor advisable to incorporate in the text the corrections made in the Notes, omitting such views as the author had himself rejected, and only inserting in the Supplemental Notes at the end of each chapter the information Avhich could not conveniently be interwoven with the text. By this means, and by giving the conclusions at Avhich the author had arrived, without, m all cases, enumerating the opinions of writers which he mentioned only to reject, much space has been saved. Moreover, a further saving has been effected by occasionally abbreviating some of the less important remarks, and by leaving out most of the notes at the foot of the pages containing reference to authorities, which, however serviceable to historical inquirers, can be of no use to students in schools and colleges.

The editor has added to the chapter on the Constitutional History of England various original documents which will be of great service to the student. Of these, the most important are, the Statutes of William the Conqueror, the Charter of Liberties of Henry I., the Constitution of Clarendon, and the Assize of Clarendon, the Magna Charta, and the Confirmation of the Charters. He has also inserted genealogical and other tables, and has supplied some information from ■ important works treating of the subjects discussed by Mr. Hallam Avhich have appeared since the last edition of his book. But such alterations and additions have been made sparingly, and it has been the aim of the Editor to present the work as nearly as possible in the form in which he conceives the Author would have wished it to appear if he had himself prepared an edition for the special use of students.

Wm. Smith.

London, May 10, 1871.

Contents

CHAPTER. PAGE.

I. The History of France, from its Conquest by Clovis to THE Invasion of Naples by Charles VIII.:

Part II. — From the Accession of Philip of Valois to the Invasion of Naples by Charles VIII 38

Notes to Chapter I. — Part I.

I. The Armorican Republic Go

II. The Franks (J5

III. The Consulship of Clovis 05

IV. The Mayor of the Palace G5

V. Aquitaine 66

VI. The Subjection of tliG Saxons 66

VII. Charlemagne, Emperor 67

VIII. The Kingdom of Burgundy 67

IX. Authorities for French History 68

II. On THE Feudal System, especially in France:

Part 1 69

Part II 89

Notes to Chapter II.

I. The Salic and other Laws of the Barbarians . . . l.'JS

II. Trihntarii, Lidi, and Cohini i;J9

III. Municipal Government 139

HI. The History of Italy, from the Extinction of the Car- LoviNGiAN Emperors to the Invasion of Naples by Charles Vlll.:

Part 1 140

Part II 171

Note to Chapter III.

Authorities for Italian History 225

IV. The History of Spain to the Conquest of Granada . . 227

V. History of Germany to the Dirt of Worms, in 1495 . . 261

VI. History of the Greeks and Saracens 293

VII. History of Ecclesiastical Power during the Middle Ages :

Part 1 308

Part II 341

VIII. The Anglo-Saxon Constitution:

Part 1 376

Notes to Chapter VIII. — Part I.

I. The Brotwaldas 393

II.- Saxon Kings of all Eni;land 394

III. Eorls and Ceorls 3t)4

IV. Tlie Witenagemot 396

V. Trial by Jury 397

v

VI CONTENTS.

CIIAPTEPv. PAGE.

VIII. Part II. — The Anglo-Norman Constitution .... 400 Notes to Chapter VIII. — Part II.

I. The Legislation of the Great Council 4ol

II. Duration of Distinction between Norinan and Saxon 431

III. Statutes of William the Conqueror 432

Part III. — The English Constitution 434 Notes to Chapter VIII. — Part III

I. Municipal Rights of London 539

II. Popular Poetry 540

IX. On the State of Society in Europe During the Middle Ages:

Part II 585 Notes to Chapter IX. — Part II

I. Domestic Architecture 678

II. Petrarch's Laura B78

III. Early Legislative use of English 079

ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS.

I. Charter of Liberties of Henry 1 541

II. Constitutions of Clarendon 541

III. Assize of Clarendon 543

IV. Magna Charta 544

V. Confirmation of the Charters 549

VI. Summons to the Parliament of H2()5 550

GENEALOGICAL TABLES.

Of the Successors of Louis the Debonair . . .

Of tlu! Successors of Hugh Capet

Of th(! House of Valois of France

Of tlie Second Ducal House of T.urgundy . .

Of the Kings of Naples of tlie House of Anjou

Of the Kings of Sicily of tlie Hou.se of Aragou

Of tlie Titular Kings of Naples of the Second House of Anjou

Of the Respective Titles of the Competitors to the Crown of Aragon

LISTS.

Of Emperors during the Middle Ages, Of Popes during the Middle Ages .

201 308

THE STUDENT'S HISTORY OF THE MIDDLE AGES.

Chapter I

THE HISTORY OF FRANCE FROM ITS CONQUEST BY CLOVIS TO THE INVASION OF NAPLES BY CHARLES VIII.

PAR r I.

§ 1. Fall of the Roman Empire. §2. Invasion of Clovis. §3. The MEROVINGIANS, or first Race of French Kings. Accession of Pepin. §4. Tlie Caklovingians. State of Italy. §5. Cliarlemagne. His reign. §6. His Coronation as Emperor. §7. His Cliaracler. §8. Louis the Debonair. § 9. His Successors. § 10. Remarks upon theCarlovingian Period. § 11. Calamitous State of the Empire in the Ninth and I'enth Centuries. §12. The Hungarians. §13. The Normans. § H. Accession of Hugh Capet. § 15. "His first Successors. § 16. Louis VII. § 17. Philip Augustus. Conquest ot Normandy. § 18. War in Ijansuedoc. § 11). Louis IX. His Character. §20. Digression upon the Crusades. §21. Philip III. §22. Philip IV. Aggrandizement of Frencli Monarchy under his Heign. § 23. Suppression of the Knights Templars. § 21. Reigns of his Children. Question of Salic Law. § 25. Claim of Edward III.

§ 1. Before the conclusion of the fifth century the mighty fabric of empire whicli valor and policy had founded upon the seven hills of Home was finally overthrown in all the west of Europe by the barbarous nations from the North, whose martial energy and whose numbers Avere irresistible. A race of men, formerly unknown or despised, had not only dismembered that proud sovereignty, but permanently settled themselves in its fairest provinces, and imposed their yoke upon the ancient possessors. The Vandals were masters of Africa ; the Suevi held part of Spain ; the Visigoths possessed the remainder, witli a large })orti()n of Gaul ; the lUirgundians occupied the provinces watered by the Rhone and Saone ; the Ostrogoths almost all Italy. The north-west of Gaul, between the Seine and the Loire, some writers have filled with an Armorican re^niblic ; ^ while the remainder was still nominally subject to the Roman Empire, and governed by a certain Syagrius, rather with an independent than a deputed authority.

' See Note I., " The Armorican Itepublic."

2, INVASION OF CLOVIS. Chap. I. Part I.

§ 2. At this time Clovis, king of the Salian Franks,^ a tribe of Germans long connected with Kome, and originally settled upon the right bank of the Rhine, but who had latterly penetrated as tar as Tournay and Cambray, invaded Gaul, and defeated Syagrius at Soissons (a.d. 486). The result of this victory was the subjugation of those provinces which had previously been considered as Roman. But as their allegiance had not been very strict, so their loss was not very severely felt ; since Anastasius, the Emperor of Constantinople, was not too proud to confer upon Clovis the titles of consul and patrician, which he was too prudent to refuse.^

§ 3. Clovis was the founder of the Merovixgian dynasty. But the history of this period is so intricate, that it may assist the memory to distribute it into the following divisions : —

I. The Reign of Clovis (a.d. 481-511). — Some years after his recognition by the Emperor, Clovis defeated the Alemanni, or Suabians, in a great battle at Zulpich, near Cologne. In consequence of a vow, it was said, made during this engagement, and at the instigation of his wife Clotilda, a princess of Burgundy, he became a convert to Christianity (a.d. 496). It would be a fruitless inquiry whether he was sincere in this change ; but it is . certain, at least, that no policy could have been more successful. The Arian sect, which had been early introduced among the barbarous nations, was predominant, though apparently without intolerance, in the Burgundian and Visigoth courts ; but the clergy of Gaul were strenuously attached to the Catholic side, and, even before his conversion, had favored the arms of Clovis. They now became his most zealous supporters, and were rewarded by him Avith artful gratitude, and by his descendants Avith lavish munificence. Upon the pretence of religion he attacked Alaric, king of the Visigoths, and by one great victory near Poitiers, overthrowing their empire in Gaul, reduced them to the maritime province of Septimania, a narrow strip of coast between the Rhone and the Pyrenees (a.d. 507). The last exploits of Clovis were the reduction of certain independent chiefs of his own tribe and family, who were settled in the neighborliood of the Rhine. All these he put to death by force or treachery ; for he was cast in the true mould of conquerors, and may justly be ranked among the first of his class, both for the splendor and the guiltiness of his ambition.

II. The Reigns of the four Sons of Clovis (a.d. 511-561). —

2 See NoTK II., " The Franks."

^ See NoTK III., " The Consulship of Clovis."

France. THE MEROVINGIAN DYNASTY. 3

Clovis left four sons; one illegitimate, or at least born before his conversion ; and three by his queen Clotilda. These four made, it is said, an equal partition of his dominions, which comprehended not only France, but the western and central parts of Germany, besides Bavaria, and perhaps Suabia, which were governed by their own dependent, but hereditary,' chiefs. Thierry, the eldest, had what was called Austrasia, the eastern or German division, and fixed his capital at Metz ; Clodomir, at Orleans ; Childebert at Paris ; and Clotaire, at iSoissons. During their reigns the monarchy was aggrandized by the conquest of Burgundy, and Provence, in Gaul itself, while Thuringia, Suabia, and Bavaria, on the other side of the Khine, were added to their dominions. Clotaire, the youngest brother, ultimately reunited all the kingdoms.

III. From the Death of Clotaire L to the Accession of Clotaire II. (a.d. 561-613). — Ui)on the death of Clotaire I. a second partition among his four sons ensued ; the four kingdoms of Paris, Soissons, Orleans, and Austrasia revived ; but a new partition of these was required by the recent conquests, and Gontran of Orleans, without resigning tliat kingdom, removed his residence to IJurgundy. The four kingdoms were reduced to three by the death of Caribert, king of Paris ; one, afterwards very celebrated by the name of Neustria, between the Scheldt and the Loire, was formed under Cliilperic, comprehending those of Paris and Soissons. Caribert of Paris had taken Aquitaine, which at his death was divided among the three survivors ; Austrasia was the portion of Sigebert. This generation was fruitful of still more crimes than the last, redeemed by no golden glory of conquest. Fredegonde, the wife of Chilperic, diffused a baleful light over this period. But while she tyrannized with little control in the west of France, her rival and sister in crime, Brunehaut, wife of Sigebert and mother of Thierry II., his successor, had to encounter a powerful opposition from the Austrasian aristocracy ; and in this part of the monarchy a new feature developed itself ; the great proprietors, or nobility, acted systematically with a view to restrain the royal power. Brunehaut, after many vicissitudes, and after having seen her two sons on the tlirones of Austrasia and Ikirgundy, fell into the hands of Clotaire II., king of the other division, and was sentenced to a cruel death.* Clotaire united the three Frank kingdoms.

4 Tlie names of Fredegnnrte and Bruncliant :ire distingnished oven in lli;it iilcc for tlie magnitude of their crimes; of tlie ;iti-ocities of Fredegonde none liave iloubted; and IJruneliaut lias met witli advocates in modern times, less, perliaps, from any fair presumptions of lier innocence tluin from compassion for tlie cruel death which slie

4 THE MEROVINGIAN DYNASTY. Chap. I. Part I.

IV. Reigns of Glotaire II. and his son Dagohert I. (a.d. 613 -638). — The royal power, though shaken by the Austrasian aristocracy, was still effective. Dagobert, a prince who seems to have rather excelled most of his family, and to whose munificence several extant monuments of architecture and the

■ arts are referred, endeavored to stem the current. He was the last of the jNIerovingians who appears to have possessed any distinctive character

V. From the Accession of Clovis II., Son of Dagohert, to Pepin HeristaUs Victory over the Neustrians at Testrij (a.d. 638-687). — After Dagobert the kings of France dwindled into personal insignificance, and are generally treated by later historians as insensati, or idiots. The whole power of the kingdom devolved upon the mayors of the palace, originally officers of the household, through whom petitions or representations were laid before the king.^ The weakness of sovereigns rendered this office important, and still greater weakness suffered it to become elective ; men of energetic talents and ambition united it with military command ; and the history of France for half a century presents no names more conspicuous tlian those oi Ebroin and Grimoald, mayors of Neustria and Austrasia, the western and eastern divisions of the French monarchy.^ These, however, met witli violent ends ; but a more successful usurper of the royal authority was Pepin Heristal, firsti mayor, and afterwards duke, of Austrasia. After becoming the acknowledged head of this part of the kingdom, • he put an end to the independence of Neustria also by the decisive battle of Testry, fought in 687. The battle of Testry is one of the turning-points in French history. It gave the death-blow to Merovingian royalty : it brought to a termination

unilerwent. Hrunehaut was no unimportant pcrsonnfro in this history. Slie liad bfconic hateful to the Austrasian aristocracy by licr (lothic blood, and still more by her Roman principles of government. There vvas evidently a combination to throw off the yoke of civilized tyranny. It was a great conflict, which ended in the virtual dethronement of the house of Clovis. Much, therefore, may have been exaggerated by Fredegarius, a Burgundian by birth, in relating the crimes of l.runehaut. Jiut, unhappily, the antecedent presumption, in the history of tliat age, is always on the worse side. She was unquestionably endowed with a masculine energy of mind, and very superior to such a mere imp of audacious wickedness as Fredegonde. Hrunehaut left a great and almost fabulous name ; j)ublic causeways, towers, castles, in different i)arts of France, are popularly ascrilx-d to her. It has even been suspected by some that she suggested the appellation of I'.riincchild in tlie Nibelungen Lied. That there is no resemblance in the story or in the character, courage excepted, of the two heroines, cannot be thought an objection.

s See Note IV., » The Mayor of the Palace."

^ The original kingdoms of Soissons, Paris, and Orleans were consolidated into that denominated Neustria, to which Burgundy was generally appendant, though distinctly governed by a mayor of its own election. But Aquitaine was, from the time of Dagobert I., separated from the rest of the monarchy, under a ducal dynasty, sprung from Aribert, brother of that monarch. See Notk V., " Aquitaine."

Fkanck. accession OF PEPIN. 5

the struggle between the two great members of the Frank empire ; it assured the preponderance of Teutonic over Koman Gaul. Pepin fixed his residence at Cologne, and his family seldom kept their court at Paris. The kingdoms of Austrasia and Neustria rested on different bases. In the former the Franks were more numerous, less scattered, and, as far as we can perceive, had a more considerable nobility. They had received a less tincture of Koman policy. They were nearer to the mother country, which had been, as the earth to Antieus, the source of perpetually recruited vigor. Burgundy, a member latterly of the Neustrian monarchy, had also a powerful aristocracy, but not in so great a degree, probably, of Frank, or even barbarian descent. It is highly important to keep in mind this distinction between Austrasia and Neustria, subsisting for some ages, and, in fact, only replaced, speaking without exact geographical precision, by that of Germany and France.

VI. From the Battle of Testry to the Accession of Pepin le Bref (a.d. 687-752). — From this time the family of Pepin was virtually sovereign in France, though at every vacancy kings of the royal house were placed by them on the throne. Charles Martel, indeed, son of Pepin, was not acknowledged, even in Austrasia, for a short time after his father's death, and Neustria attempted to regain her independence ; but he was soon called to power, defeated, like his father, the western Franks, and became, in almost as great a degree as his grandson, the founder of a new monarcliy. But in 732 he was called upon to encounter a new and terrible enemy. The Saracens, after subjugating Spain, had penetrated into the very heart of France. Charles Martel gained a complete victory over them between Tours and Poitiers, in which 300,000 Mohammedans are hyperbolically asserted to have fallen. The reward of this victory was the province of Septimania, wliich the Saracens had conquered from the Visigoths. '^

Such powerful subjects were not likely to remain long contented without the crown ; but the circumstances under

7 Tlie victory of Charles Martel lias immortalized Iiis name, and may be justly reckoned among those few battles of wliich a contrary event would liave essentially varied the drama of the world in all its subsequent scenes ; with Marathon, Arbella, the Metaurus, Cliiilons.and Leipsic. Yet do we not judge a little too m\ich by the event, and follow, as usual, in the wake of fortune? Has not more frequent experience condemned those wlio set the fate of empires upon a single cast, and risk a general battle witli invaders, whose greater peril is in delay? Was not this the fatal error by whicli Koderichad lost his kingdom? Was it possible that the Saracens could have retained any permanent possession of France, except by means of a victory? And did not the contest upon the broad champaign of Toitou alford them a considerable prospect of success, whicli a more cautious policy would have withheld?

6 THE CARLOVINGIANS. Chap. I. Part I.

which it was transferred from the race of Clovis are connected with one of the most important revolutions in the history of Europe. The Mayor Pepin, surnamed le Bref, to distinguish him from his grandfather, inheriting his father Charles Martel's talents and ambition, made, in the name and with the consent of the nation, a solemn reference to the pope Zacharias, as to the deposition of Chilperic III., under whose nominal authority he himself was reigning. The decision was favorable ; that he who possessed the power should also bear the title of king. The unfortunate Merovingian was dismissed into a convent, and the Franks, with one consent, raised Pepin to the throne, the founder of a more illustrious dynasty (a.d. 752). In order to judge of the importance of this revolution to the See of Rome as well as to France, we must turn our eyes upon the affairs of Italy.

§4. The Carlovingians. — The dominion of the Ostrogoths was annihilated by the arms of Belisarius and Narses in the sixth century, and that nation appears no more in history. But not long afterwards the Lombards, a people for some time settled in Pannonia, not only subdued that northern part of Italy which has retained their name, but, extending themselves southward, formed the powerful duchies of 8\)oleto and P>enevento. The residence of their kings was in Pavia ; but the hereditary vassals, who held those two duchies, might be deemed almost independent sovereigns. The rest of Italy was governed by exarchs, deputed by the Greek emperors, and fixed at Ravenna. In Rome itself neither the peo])le nor the bishops, who had already conceived in part their schemes of ambition, were much inclined to endure the superiority of Constantinople ; yet their disaffection was counterbalanced by the inveterate hatred, as well as jealousy, with which they regarded the Lombards. But an impolitic and intemperate persecution, carried on by two or three Greek emperors against a favorite superstition, the worship of images, excited commotions throughout Italy, of which the Lombards took advantage, and easily Avrested the exarchate of Ravenna from the Eastern empire (a.d. 752). It was far from the design of the popes to see their nearest enemies so much aggrandized ; and any effectual assistance from the Emperor, Constantine (^opronymus, would have kept Rome still faithful. But having no liope from his arms, and ])rovoked by his obstinate intolerance, the pontiffs had recourse to France, and the service they had rendered to Pepin led to reciprocal obligations of the greatest magnitude. At the request of Stephen LL the

FuANCE. CHARLEMAGNE. <

new king of France descended from the Alps, drove the Lombaids from their recent con(|uests, and conferred tliem upon the pope. Tliis memorable donation nearly comprised the modern provinces of liomagna and the March of Ancona.

§5. CiiARLKMAGNE (a.d. 768-814). — The State of Italy, which had undergone no change for nearly two centuries, was now ra^jidly verging to a great revolution. Under the shadow of a mighty name the Greek empire had concealed the extent of its decline. That charm was now broken; and the Lombard kingdom, which had hitherto appeared the only competitor in tlie lists, proved to have lost its own energy in awaiting the occasion for its display. France was far more than a match for the power of Italy, even if she had not been guided by the towering ambition and restless activity of the son of Pepin. It was almost the iirst exploit of Charlemagne, after the death of his brother Carloman had reunited the Frankish empire under his dominion, to subjugate the kingdom of Lombardy (a.d. 774). Neitlier Favia nor Verona, its most considerable cities, interposed any material delay to his arms ; and the chief resistance he encountered was from the dukes of Friuli and lienevento, the latter of whom could never be brought into thorough subjection to the conqueror. Italy, however, be the cause what it might, seems to have tempted Charlemagne far less than the dark forests of Germany. For neither the southern provinces nor Sicily could have withstood his power if it had been steadily directed against them. Even Spain hardly drew so much of his attention as the splendor of the prize might naturally have excited. He gained, however, a very important accession to his empire, by conquering from the Saracens the territory contained between the Pyrenees and the Ebro. This was formed into the Spanish March, governed by the Count of Barcelona, part of which at least must be considered as appertaining to France till the twelfth century.

But tlie most tedious and difficult achievement of Charlemagne was the reduction of the Saxons. The wars with this nation, who occupied nearly the modern circles of Westphalia and Lower Saxony, lasted for thirty years. Whenever the conqueror withdrew his armies, or even his person, the Saxons broke into fresh rebellion, Avhich his unparalleled rapidity of movement seldom failed to crush without delay. From such perseverance on either side, destruction of the weaker could alone result. A large colony of Saxons were finally trans- ])lanted into Flanders and Brabant, countries hitherto illpeopled, in which their descendants preserved the same

8 CHARLEMAGNE. Chap. I. Pakt I.

unconquerable spirit of resistance to oppression. Many fled to the kingdoms of Scandinavia, and, mingling with the Northmen, who were just preparing to run their memorable career, revenged upon the children and subjects of Charlemagne the devastation of Saxony. Tlie remnant embraced Christianity, their aversion to which had been the chief cause of tlieir rebellions, and acknowledged the sovereignty of Charlemagne — a submission which even Witikind, the second Arminius of Germany, after such irresistible conviction of her destiny, did not disdain to make. But they retained, in the main, their own laws ; they were governed by a duke of their own nation, if not of their own election ; and for many ages they were distinguished by their original character among the nations of Germany.^

The success of Charlemagne on the eastern frontier of his empire against the Sclavonians of liohemia and Huns or Avars of Pannonia, though obtained witli less cost, was hardly less eminent. In all his wars the newly conquered nations, or those whom fear had made de})endent allies, were employed to subjugate their neighbors, and the incessant waste of fatigue and the sword was supplied by a fresh population that swelled the expanding circle of dominion. The limits of tlie new AVestern empire are not very exactly defined by contemporary writers, nor would it be easy to appreciate the degree of subjection in which tlie Sclavonian tribes were held. As an organized mass of provinces, regularly governed by imperial officers, it seems to have been nearly bounded, in Germany, by the Elbe, the Saale, the Bohemian mountains, and a line drawn from thence crossing the Danube above Vienna, and prolonged to the Gulf of Istria, Part of Dalmatia was comprised in the Duchy of Friuli. In Italy the empire extended not much beyond tlie modern frontier of Naples, if we exclude, as was the fact, the Duchy of Benevento from anything more than a titular subjection. The Spanish boundary, as has been said already, was the Ebro.

§ 6. A seal was put to the glory of Charlemagne when Leo III., in the name of the Roman people, placed upon his head the imperial crown (a.d. 800). His father, Pepin, had borne the title of Patrician, and he had himself exercised, with that title, a regular sovereignty over Rome. Money was coined in his name, and an oath of fidelity was taken by the clergy and people. But the appellation of Emperor seemed to phiee his authority over all his subjects on a new footing. It was full

8 See Note VI., " The Subjection of the Saxons."

Fkance. CHAUACTER OF ClIAKLEMAGXE. 9

of high and indefinite pretension, tending to oversliadow the free election of the Fraidvs by a fictitious descent from Augustus. A fresh oatli of fidelity to him as emperor was demanded from his subjects.^

§ 7. In analyzing the characters of heroes it is hardly possible to separate altogether the share of fortune from their own. The epoch made by Charlemagne in the history of the world, the illustrious families which prided themselves in him as their progenitor, the very legends of romance, which are full of his fal)ul()us exploits, have cast a lustre around his head, and testify the greatness that has embodied itself in his name. None, indeed, of Charlemagne's wars can be compared with the Saracenic victory of Charles Martel ; but that was a contest for freedom, his for conquest ; and fame is more ]jartial to successful aggression than to patriotic resistance. As a scholar, his acquisitions were probably little superior to those of his unrespected son ; and in several points of view the glory of Cliarlemagne might be extenuated by an analytical dissection. But, rejecting a mode of judging equally uncandid and fallacious, we shall find that he possessed in everything that grandeur of conception which distinguishes extraordinary minds. Like Alexander, he seemed born for universal innovation : in a life restlessly active, we see him reforming the coinage and establishing the legal divisions of money; gathering about him the learned of every country ; founding schools and collecting libraries ; interfering, but with the tone of a king, in religious controversies ; aiming, though prematurely, at tlie formation of a naval force ; attempting, for the sake of commerce, the magnificent enterprise of uniting the Khine and Danube ; and meditating to nundd the discordant codes of Roman and barbarian laws into a uniform system.