South America today; social and religious movements as observed on a trip to the southern continent in 1921

Front matter

Class h Rj & 5

Book .J.5T

South America Today

Introduction

Page 1

I. THE LABOR MOVEMENT.

II. THE, FEMINIST MOVEMENT

III. THE TEMPERANCE MOVEMENT 36

IV. THE MOVEMENT TO MODERNIZE EDUCATION 43

V. RELIGIOUS CONDITIONS

I Rft "ubUelMr

INTRODUCTION

Political revolution in South America is being succeeded by social revolution. This outstanding impression is being borne in upon a present day visitor to that great continent in whatever direction he may turn. Social revloution is expressed in four marked movements, which are ushering in the break from that conservatism of the past, which even yesterday seemed destined to preserve for many years its strong hold. These movements which overlap one another and receive aid from many other less prominent influences are the labor movement, the feminist movement, the temperance movement and the movement for modernizing education.

I do not wish to give the impression that these new movements have become predominant in the social life of South America. The old conservative customs and modes of thought that have prevailed for centuries cannot be thrown off in a few years. It will be a long time before the great inertia of the masses and the strongly organized opposition can be overcome. But certainly all these movements will rapidly take on force, and the opportunity to guide them to a right, instead of a wrong, use presents a great challenge to the friends of South America.

In calling attention to their developments, my purpose is not by any means to treat them exhaustively. I desire simply to bring to my readers a few facts and experiences of my trip to South America from March to July of 1921, with the hope that they will impress all interested, as they have me, with the rapidly changing conditions in South America. Most of my readers will be those particularly interested in the religious progress of the Southern continent. Believing, as I do, that these social problems are intimately bound up with the religious situation, it has seemed to me that it would he more helpful at this time to direct attention to the general situation, than to give a survey of Christian work such as has been published following other visits.

I

THE LABOR MOVEMENT The new labor movement is the most astounding of all the remarkable social influences now so rapidly transforming South America. The pitiable condition of labor in the past in Latin America is generally well known and need not be treated here. The two words used to describe the laborer are sufficient to indicate his state, "peon," denoting a financial obligation to an employer not possible to shake loose, and "roto," a broken, ragged fellow. Historically, these conditions were established when the Spanish hidalgos were given grants of land and allowed to force the Indians to labor for them. Country labor was always kept in debt and town labor consisted largely of the personal servants of rich families. Such public work as was carried on was generally done by prisoners. The relationship between "amo" and "peon" was more or less patriarchal. No such thing as "labor unrest" was ever heard of. Even today in many a country or great region of Latin America the laborer, even when his material state leaves much to be desired from a sanitary or progressive viewpoint, appears to be unaware that there is anything wrong; I have seen the Indian living under conditions into which comfort apparently rarely entered, under which he never owned anything but the barest hut for shelter and the poorest rags as clothes and, with his food limited to the scantest dishes both in quantity and variety, had no perceptible pleasure in life except when he took some strong alcoholic drink at a "fiesta." But unrest there was none, since the idea of social revolt and of the securing of better conditions through revolt was absent. But sooner or later the industrial age had to invade Latin America. The personal relationship between employer and employee were severed. Workmen began to come together in large numbers in cities where they saw a new life, and began to hear of the outside world and its economic problems. When workmen first heard of the strike as practised by their brothers in Europe and North America, and essayed to invoke it, they were met with a show of military force and compelled to desist. A strike was a revolution. Even when the government did not drive them back to work, they had no idea of sticking to their demands until favorable action was forced.

It was often amusing to read the manifestos which they issued as they returned to their jobs, expressing their satisfaction that they had publicly protested against a certain injustice, and thus had saved their "dignidad." Evidently, they considered their dignity as much more important than the still unsettled injustice, against which they struck. Strangely enough, the cause, not only of these first strikes, but even of some of the most important and far-reaching recent labor struggles, has not been economic but personal. With the individualistic Latin hours and wages are not as important as are questions of the discharge of friends or the employment of enemies.

The awakening of the workingman has not been equally marked in all countries of South America. Labor in the tropical part of the continent is still far from any idea of organization for the purpose of forcing better conditions. In countries like Peru, where labor is almost entirely Indian, peonage is still largely the rule. There was a recent uprising of Indian miners, but they were soon forced back to their work. One hears about labor organizations in certain industrial centers near Lima, and in the petroleum, sugar and mining districts. But when investigation is made, it is found that these are merely mutual societies, in which the workmen are associated for insurance and social purposes, but do not pretend to work for better contracts with their employers. A more pessimistic group can hardly be found. They are tired of following political revolutionists who promise everything before getting a position, but forget all when victorious. They realize full well that they are powerless before the combination of owner, priest and government. The only friends they seem to recognize are the students of the University, who are doing really sacrifical work in teaching night classes attended by hundreds of working people in and around the capital.

Faint signs of an approaching awakening are seen however in the little sheets which these organizations are publishing. The following, translated freely from some of the pitiable little labor papers purchased at a newsstand in Lima, show their keen desire for a deliverance of which they have heard something but understand nothing.

"Listen, Brother to my notes of red with which my song is vibrating, I sing to life, — death to death ! I go planting roses made of love and truth. Anarchism is my liberating thought I am the Word which rises in humanity's darkest night and scatters all its pain. Lister, Sister, it is time to rise and greet the morning light which kisses our darkest suffering!

"Arise ! all the poor of the Universe ! Stand ! Slaves without bread ! Shout, all together ! Long live 'la Internacional !* Away with all the impediments that block the proletariat from the enjoyment of our riches ! Down with the parasites of labor, Long live 'la internacional !' "

Far different from these incoherent cries, heard in the night in Peru, are the strong voices in some of the other countries threateningly demanding new rights and privileges. In the past year, in the more progressive South American countries the working class has passed definitely from the status of an inert mass of humanity, to be bought as cheaply as possible by foreign and domestic capitalists, and has become a class-conscious body of workingmen, a political force to be reckoned with.

There has been a welter of strikes on every hand, accompanied usually by violence and stressing the recognition of the union to a greater extent than more money or shorter hours. The cost of living has been a source of discontent everywhere. For the South American countries no reliable index numbers exist, but price levels, in a number of countries, are probably slightly above those in the United States. Depreciated currency, fluctuating exchange values and the refusal of the propertied classes to pay their fair share of the taxes have increased the pressure even more. In Paraguay even the storekeepers shut up shop and joined the ranks of the strikers. South America has a large floating population of workers, many of whom, before the war, came and went between Europe and the East Coast countries in a regular seasonal flux. The governments, particularly in Argentina and Brazil, have arrested literally hundreds of suspected foreigner leaders, usually Spaniards or Russians, deporting or holding them indefinitely in jail. None of these leaders, however, has become an outstanding figure to which a personality or even a name can be attached. Their success must have been due in large part to a discontent lying everywhere close to the surface, which flared up in the wheatfields and the back reaches of the quebracho forests as easily as along the crowded waterfronts of the cities.

Argentina

Argentina has been the center of the strongest radical influence." Not only the workmen but the students and professors of the universities seem to have largely gone over to the soviet position. The most important labor organization of the country is the "Federacion Obrera Regional Argentina," or as it is popular^ known by its initials, The "F. O. R. A." Dr. Alfredo Palacios, professor of sociology in the University of Buenos Aires, in an address before the university has given a full account of this remarkable organization, which now has some 300,000 members. The following facts about the organization are taken from that lecture :

The investigation of the organization of the F. O. R. A. affords a real surprise to those who have claimed that the labor movement in Argentina is purely a matter of professional agitators. The F. O. R. A. was organized on the 25th of May, 1901. In 1915 there were 51 federations in its membership, with $20,521 collected as dues. In 1919 there were 530 federations, whose membership amounted to over 300,000 and paid in as dues the sum of $488,549. At the beginning of the organization in 1905 it was decided to propagate anarchical communism. The following resolution was passed: "The Fifth Congress of the F. O. R. A., recognizing the philosophical principles which have been the basis for the organization of workmen's federations, declares : It approves and recommends to all its adherents the inculcation among the workmen of the philosophical and economic doctrine of anarchicaL communism. This education prohibiting satisfaction in the mere obtaining of the rule of eight hours will complete emancipation and bring about the social evolution which is desired." The Congress of 1915, however, changed the basic rule of the organization, abandoning syndicalism. The resolution which changed the basis of the F. O. R. A. in 1915 provided that : "The F. O. R. A. will not pronounce itself officially on the side of any philosophical system or determined theories whose propaganda according to the autonomy of the individual is not directed nor limited, but on the contrary the most tolerant discussion of scientific and philosophical themes according to the different modes of thought of federated workmen is permitted. The F. O. R. A. recognizes that the present economic system is characterized by the existence of two classes, the capitalists, the possessors of the means of work, and workmen, who create social riches ; that that state is a tangible and coercive expression of the social domination which capital exercises, and therefore that the federations propose to make accessible to the workmen all the scientific and social contributions toward production." The F. O. R. A. is made up only of the syndicated organizations of salaried workmen who accept the class struggle and have as their object the organization of the working classes in order to effect their moral, economic and intellectual betterment. The F. O. R. A. membership is kept from being padded by a requirement that each member of every federated organization pay a certain definite amount of dues.

The port strike of 1916 marks the definite beginning of the F. O. R. A.'s strength. The intervention of the federated societies in that strike was decisive. Inspector Nicholson points out the conditions of longshoremen in Buenos Aires as follows : "Men worked without fixed hours. The twelve hours of other times had been increased to sixteen, which in some places, as at Montevideo, was increased until men began at 4.30 a. m. and quit at 11 p. m. On the steamboats, firemen were paid 55 pesos, seamen 45, with overtime at 25 cents an hour." When the Department of Public Works offered mediation, the shipping companies rejected it, but the seamen's federation accepted. Later the arbitration of the president of the. Republic, who appointed as his personal representative the chief of police of Buenos Aires, was accepted. The decision of the arbitrator gave to the workmen 90 to 95 per cent, of their demands.

The F. O. R. A. has recently occupied itself with the cost of living. Its report says that the ways to reduce the cost of living are, first, by workmen demanding the raising of their salaries, and, second, by their using every possible means to agitate this raising of salary. In the nation-wide railroad strike the F. O. R. A. also took an important part. When Buenos Aires was threatened with starvation, because of the strike, the Minister of Public Works petitioned the officials of this organization to allow food trains to be run, and this was granted under certain conditions. The F. O. R. A. thus reports the settlement of this strike, the greatest strike in the history of the proletariat settled favorably through the workmen. It was important because of the number of workmen involved, because of the principles at stake and because of its significance in class struggle. The railroad workmen had, during the twenty-four days of the conflict, the most intense sympathy of all the working classes. They realized, in this conflict between capital and labor, that the patient work of many years given to organization was foeing tested and they were resolved to offer every assistance. This was not necessary, for the railroad workers co-operated closely and came out of the struggle stronger than ever. From now on the owners will feel deeply troubled by this new organization which is destined to control the railroads at no distant date.

The strike of stevedores in the northern city of Posadas in 1918 gave opportunity for the intervention of the F. O. R. A. in the district of the Alto Parana. There the workmen are really slaves, since they can never repay the amounts that are first advanced to them on salary account. If they demand liberty, they are chastized. If they flee to the forest, they are hunted like animals. A copy of the contract with these laborers provides that: "Each peon who abandons work without permission of the patron, absenting himself from the establishment, incurs a responsibility for damages, in which case he will be considered as a fugitive and the patron is authorized to pursue him and to compel him to comply with his contract. If the peon loses his time-book, he must submit himself to the data contained in the firm's books. The peon must work every day that the patron designates, Sundays, holidays, or rainy days not excepted, as also he must work at night, if the inclemency of the weather has not permitted him to do so during the day. If, for lack of desire, he pretends sickness in order not to work, especially on Sunday, he will pay 50 cents a day for his meals, besides losing his salary."

In 1918, when the workmen of Posadas finally declared a strike, the F. O. R. A. sent a commissioner to study the situation, aided in the better organization of the workmen, and ultimately secured better wages and better treatment all around. After ten years of work under conditions as above described, the peons are physically deformed and their bodies wasted, according to the commissioner, who reports that it is very common for those who return from the Alto Parana to have tuberculosis, which progresses very rapidly and is generally without cure, causing death before the individual is 30 years of age.

The F. O. R. A. has also made interesting studies concerning the laborers on the great estancieros of Argentina, assisting in the organization of these workmen. Another part of their program has been the investigation of the condition of renters of country lands, where they have found great abuses. The F. O. R. A. has sustained a continuous fight against legislation unfavorable to workingmen and has advocated in season and out of season the right of labor to strike, which right is now fully recognized by the law.

Immigration

The question of immigration has attracted the attention of the organization and it has pronounced against the fomenting of an artificial immigration by "capital which considers the country as a factory." It proposes to maintain relationships with European workmen by which proper arrangements for immigration may be made. Organic relationships are maintained with the "Internacional."

The strikes referred to in this account of the F. O. R. A. are only a few of those which have caused Buenos Aires to suffer more from labor troubles in the last two years than probably any other city in the world. At certain times, all business has been suspended for days and only armed men and machine guns have been seen on the streets.

The biggest labor fight of the year in South America, and the most important one internationally, was the year-long strike of the Argentine maritime workers, the "Federacion Obrera Maritima." This strike tied up completely for a whole year all the Mihanovich fleet, twenty or more ships owned by the Argentina Navigation Company. From this company the strike spread to the boats of the towing company and the ships that served the central products market of Buenos Aires. This paralyzed traffic on the River Plate between Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay, and all Argentine coastal traffic. The president of Argentina charged the company with "intransigency" and the company issued in September a long defense, saying in part:

"We must place it upon record that this company has never made any question as to whether its personnel belongs or does not belong to a trades union, and it has always selected its employees solely on their qualifications. . . . your Excellency will perceive that it would be monstrous for us to expel the present crews of the Uruguayan ships (the ships registered under the Uruguayan flag) in order to replace them by federated crews. We have no other questions at issue with our personnel on strike; no requests for higher salaries, nor any complaints as to working hours or conditions, meals, or any other point. We have borne with patience the lack of discipline on board and also the boycott against cargoes as ordained by the F. O. Maritima and as at present practiced in the port of Buenos Aires. We are aware of no other cause of conflict than those stated."

The main strike began February, 1920, though there had been trouble since the port strikes of the year before, over the refusal of the company to discharge from its shipyard workmen who continued to work during the strikes at shipyards in Buenos Aires. The struggle meant the tying up of many foreign vessels that were loading with grain for export. The government endeavored to settle the port difficulties by fiscalizing the port, taking over the boats and operating them practically as navy tugs.

But fiscalization was really a victory for the workmen. They established a practical soviet at the ports, controlled shipping conditions and levied a tax for the support of their federation on every article handled by them. The Mihanovich Company, after tying up their boats for a year, had to finally give in and accept practically all the demands of the Federation. When a difficulty arose among the crew of the United States steamer "Martha Washington," as she lay in the harbor of Buenos Aires, resulting in the discharge of several men, the Federation took up their cause with such persistency that the steamship was held in port for tw r o months. It was only after the matter threatened a diplomatic break between the governments of the two countries that the Argentina government exercised sufficient force to compel the Federation to permit the loading and sailing of the ship.

In May of 1921 the situation reached a climax. A cordon of soldiers was thrown around the wharfs and even the captain of a ship had to have a permit in order to return from land to his ship. All foreign traffic was tied up for weeks. The writer was able to get out of the city only by taking a river boat to Montevideo, pulling his own trunk on board, as no workmen were allowed to touch baggage. When, in desperation, the business men threatened to close all wholesale houses and the steamship agents threatened to have Buenos Aires eliminated as a port of call for their vessels, the government forced a break in the strike. Some six hundred radicals were arrested in a few days. As a protest, a strike of all affiliated unions was called, but failed to materialize. Normal conditions, after more than two years of terrific industrial war, are now gradually being restored in the city of Buenos Aires. (September, 1921.)

Another important group that shared in the general disturbance was that of the railroad workers. After several strikes an agreement was reached between the managers of all the important railway companies and the representatives of the operatives. The agreement was comprehensive, including forty articles that cover every possible question of wages and working conditions. It is the first important collective contract in the country and was signed by representatives ot the two sides after twenty meetings held under the auspices of the Minister of Public Works. On the following Monday after the agreement was signed, a committee, speaking for the managements of the various roads, called on the Minister of Public Works to inform him that they had voluntarily accorded increases in wages to all employes, but more especially to the lower-paid classes, on the ground that present wages, though much above pre-war levels, could not adequately meet increased living costs. The contemplated increases would total about $10,000,000 for all companies concerned.

The strikes most interesting in their implications, perhaps, were those that took place among the agricultural workers against some of the big land companies. The agricultural strikes were accompanied by strikes among the stevedores at the grain terminals and among the railway men. They then spread to all classes of labor in the up-river and interior cities. In Rosario In the middle of March, stevedores, carters, chauffeurs, bagmen and milkmen were all out at the same time. The workers in the state oil fields at Comodore Rivadavia also went out, partly on a sympathly strike, partly for better working conditions. The Forestal Land Company's annual report describes the strike of their workers for recognition of the union :

"On December 12 a telegram was received from the workmen at the various factories giving us twenty-four hours in which to reinstate certain men who had been dismissed. On Sunday, December 14, strikes broke out at all the factories, but it was only at Tartagal that conditions assumed a revolutionary aspect. Some damage was done to our property, and a considerable amount of logs and extract was burned. A detachment of police guards arrived upon the scene, to be reinforced later on by a considerable body of troops. Telegraph lines were cut and remained cut for a long period ; a large number of our cattle were rounded up and slaughtered. The losses incurred have been written off. The strike came to an end on January 11, 1921. Since that time labor has been very unsettled throughout the Argentine, and as recently as April 21 last, sudden further trouble occurred at our Guillermina factory, when the local manager was killed by workmen."

The strike was officially ended after four weeks of negotiations and a property loss of $550,000. The company refused throughout to treat with "outside elements," but consented to the election of committees of the workingmen at each factory to treat with the local managers on all matters pertaining to wages and working conditions.

Buenos Aires, a city of more than 1,500,000 inhabitants and with more than thirty daily newspapers in many languages was recently without newspapers or even bulletins for six days, bringing back the pioneer days when the population awaited the arrival of sailing ships to learn what was going on elsewhere. The people appeared to accept the situation complacently as merely another phase of the many labor troubles which had beset the city in past months. Fifteen of the principal publishers decided to close down their plants indefinitely after the refusal of union printers to set the advertisement of a boycotted department store. The smaller papers were forced to suspend publication because they could no longer use the presses of the larger papers. Determined that they should not be the only sufferers, the publishers stopped posting news dispatches on the bulletin boards. The boards were covered with this notice : "This paper suspended indefinitely because of the united fight for liberty of the press." The strike of street car employes, which was in progress for a week, apparently caused more inconvenience than the lack of newspapers. The lack of disorder in spite of the unusual situation was very noticeable. Public officials and the newspaper publishers made a special effort to suppress incendiary news. Business was greatly unsettled. Two hundred firms were at the same time laced with differences with their employes.

In the midst of all this disturbance, with wholesale arrests by the police and the activities of local "patriotic" societies, general elections for Congress were held in Argentina. They resulted in a very decided victory for the Radical party, whose head, Irygoyen, is now President of the Republic, with Socialists in second place. Of 150,000 straight party votes cast in the city of Buenos Aires, 55,000 were Radical, 49,000 were Socialist, and only 33,000 Progressive-Democrat, the conservative party that has ruled so long. Immediately following the elections the government raided certain suspected centers of Radical activity in Buenos Aires and the suburbs, arrested 150 "anarchists," and doubled the guards about the city, alleging that they had frustrated a communist conspiracy to set up a soviet in South America. Had they taken measures to break the river strike, they would doubtless have received more thanks from the business men of the city, and the outside world to whom they must look for financial aid.

Chile

Chile has had almost as many labor difficulties as Argentina. The development in Chile does not show, however, anything like as much foreign influence. Being on the west coast, it is more removed from Europe. Chile has always been one of the most homogeneous of Latin American lands. It has developed its own national life, which is probably more marked than that of any other country on the continent. Since the beginning of the republic there have been very few revolutions. The country has been ruled largely by an oligarchy of about a hundred families who have been both the owners of the land and the directors of the political and commercial life of the country. The Chilean "roto" has been showing a great deal of restlessness for the last decade. Many people have expected the laboring classes to lead in a revolution which would overthrow the capitalistic regime. The shedding of blood has happily been averted by a recent political uprising which is a most remarkable demonstration of the power of Latin Americans to accomplish reforms by civic means.

Due to the unsettled financial conditions throughout the world and the resulting unsteadiness of the business situation, the laboring classes joined the Liberal Party in its nomination last April, of Arturo Alessandri for presidential candidate. Their platform advocated currency reform, the income tax, protection of national industries from foreign aggression, various solutions for social evils, the education of women and children, prohibition, parliamentary reforms, and the separation of Church and State. The Conservatives, made up chiefly of the landowners and property holders, fought hard to prevent the election of the Liberal candidate. After a hot contest, in which the workingmen of the large cities gave many "demonstrations" for xMessandri and made it quite evident that there would be trouble should there be an attempt to inaugurate the opposing candidate, the election of Mr. Alessandri was confirmed by Congress.

The power to awaken a popular, interest in politics and draw the ardent support of his party must be attributed first of all to the personality of Alessandri himself. He is "fearless and resolute, generous and eloquent." From his first successful appearance in reform movement in Iquique, when he was chosen to lead the attempt to wipe out its local "Tammany," Mr. Alessandri has been marked for the great opportunity which now looms before him.

Of the reform in international politics for which the Chileans are calling, and which Alessandri has already promised to comply with, are the following: "Decentralization of the administrative power of the government, giving to the provinces the right to select their own officials and dispose of their public revenue; the stabilizing of exchange ; the enfranchisement of women ; the separation of Church and State ; extending and perfecting the protection of labor ; the creation of portfolios of labor and agriculture in the Cabinet ; the introduction of vocational education. Alessandri believes that the European war has taught that the nations of the American continent have now one more reason to unify their effort toward progress, and to draw closer those moral and cultural ties which count even more than material intercourse.