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The Non-partisan League vs. the home

Aloysius Anthony Vissers · 1922 · Scanned text · Free in the US

51,757 words · about 3 h 37 min to read

Period artwork: Interior of the Bodleian Library, 1845
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About this book

Author
Aloysius Anthony Vissers
Language
English
Published
1922
Length
51,757 words · about 3 h 37 min
Sections
15 reader sections
Text
Scanned text, read from page scans by OCR; may contain errors
Rights
Public domain in the United States

 

Contents (15)

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Preface

It is time for the American farmer to ask himself the questionwhither are we tending? Meditating upon farm movements as they have come and gone are we, as farmers, ascending higher in the scale of real progress comparatively, or are we so to speak standing still! The farmers clubs of Illinois way back in the late Sixties and early Seventies — the Cooperative Movement in Kansas and Nebraska in the Seventies — the Farmers Alliance of the North and West and of the South in the Eighties — the wonderful though sporadic movement of the Grange North and South and East and West from the Seventies into the Eighties — the Farmers Mutual Benefit Association — the Farmers League, which stupidly undertook to play politics for all the other organizations and then the Patrons of Industry which followed during the late Eighties and the early Nineties, all of which seemed to culminate in the Peoples Party Movement and then subside, taught the same general doctrines and all failed in about the same way. The Equity Society came along later with the prospect of eclipsing them all when, failing to grasp the full import of pending events they failed and the leaders of Marxian Socialism, seeing the opportunity grasped it to take the harvest unto themselves. We are face to face with another situation that is not unlike those which the farmers faced in the past. There is no organization, not even the Farm Bureau Movement that offers a single remedy for the amelioration of the American farmer that has not been proposed as readily and volubly by all of the other organizations hereinbefore mentioned. The superiority of the method proposed in presenting the educational program to the farmers themselves rests with the early organizations. Each and every organization that has ever made a remedial proposition to the farmers of America has placed cooperation as the cornerstone of its teachings. In no case do we find any attempt made at Coordination. There is nothing new under the sun. A reading of the history of Agriculture 2500 years ago among the Latins outside the walls of Eome, even to this day appears to be much the same. Farming is the primitive condition of mankind and whether working to dig his own living out of the ground or to dig his and the other fellows living out of the ground makes very little difference as the centuries go by. The serious question is — shall the tillers of the soil be owners of it and whether owners or tenants, shall they supinely stand by to be exploited? Of all the movements in the history of this Country the Non-Partisan League beats them all when it comes to the matter of exploitation of the man who tills the soil. This little book purposes in a general way to tell the story intending later to follow it up with a more extensive work on the history of agriculture and the general farm organization movement in Wisconsin.

Foreword

The object of this little book is to give the farmers of Wisconsin some idea of what the Non-Partisan League stood for in the home of its birth. True, it modifies its program in other states to meet the political hue and cry, or in other words it sets its sails to catch all the political winds. Its methods are those of a political panderer.

Had North Dakota been as fertile ground as Wisconsin, for the propagating of Scientific Socialism under its own name, it is doubtful if Socialism would have needed the Sugar-Coated name the Non-Partisan League. Because Socialism was so far advanced in Wisconsin, the League Movement was "adopted" by certain LaFollette Progressive leaders and in order to placate the Socialists and at the same time deceive the farmers as to the name, they "sugar-coated their Socialist pill in Wisconsin" with the name "LaFollette Progressive" and placed Senator Zumach of Milwaukee, a Socialist, in charge of their Political Movement. The superintendency of the Educational organization was under Beecher Moore, but Senator Zumach was selected to manage the first political campaign in Wisconsin. Later he moved to another state, like a potato beetle, carrying his blight with him.

Socialism is contracting a migratory habit. It is just now masquerading — like a fugitive from justice — under many names. It is represented by the Soviet Movement in Russia, the Independent Movement in England, the Marxian-Socialist Movement in Germany, the Non-Partisan League in Dakota, the Lafollette Progressive in Wisconsin. Under such a riot of nom de plumes almost any bad political nostrum may be imposed upon an unsuspecting people. This subject demands very grave consideration on the part of the electorate. It looks very much as though we must return to party obligation and responsibility, as necessary to bring about correct political action. Unless this can be brought about, we may deteriorate into mere factionalism multiplied until it becomes as hereinbefore suggested, a veritable political curse. Responsible partyism has been quite abolished in England. If it were not for the tremendous outstanding ability and preeminence of the Premier of that country, it looks as though political anarchy might prevail. We should therefore, begin to take stock of our political affairs, here, at once.

Madam Roland, passing to the place of execution, seeing the statue of Liberty exclaimed : "Oh Liberty, how many crimes have been committed in thy name !" So one, knowing the political situation in the Northwest and the deceptions which have been practised on the people, can rightfully exclaim : "Oh Progress, how many crimes have been committed in thy name!" Even the Non-Partison League, with its program of Sovietized Reactionaryism made its advent among the farmers of Wisconsin in the name of Progress. Progress is the onward march of the human race towards a better and a higher civilization. Everybody is justified in trying to attain that end. In reaching that much desired goal, however, the individual must be alert and vigilant, "Eternal vigilance is the price of Liberty!"

The pages of this little book are arranged in subheadings and under subjects affording the reader an opportunity to judge as to whether or not the League was undertaking to plant Scientific Socialism among the farmers of the Northwest. If they come to the conclusion that that was the object of the League, then both the League program and persons connected with the conspiracy should be severely condemned and public credence withheld from them. If such deception, as has been practised upon the home loving farm people be encouraged, it is not possible to estimate the damage that may ultimately be done. The object of this deception was to overturn the free owned home system in this country and to displace it with State Socialism, thus disrupting our American civilization. Such deception is on a par with the action of the Rebel Government, when during the Civil War, they conspired to scatter the deadly germs of scarlet fever and smallpox in the Union Camps to kill off the Boys in Blue.

Let us take a momentary glance at what was in store for Wisconsin if the League program had unfortunately been pressed to a successful conclusion. Bear in mind that the program was adopted here by the leaders and by the very thinnest majority was prevented from being successful. The Home Builders Association of North Dakota was to usher in an era of cheap homes to be paid for upon easy terms by the people. Predatory Landlordism was to be given a permanent ticket of leave from the state. An auditing committee finds that 53 houses, constructed by the state under the Industrial Commission, cost approximately $175,000 or about 65% more than the estimates. Instead of the houses costing an average of about $5,500.00, they cost nearer double that amount. Fine prospect for a laboring man to purchase a home at that figure !

The same Auditing Committee finds that the Drake Flour Mill lost from 76c to $2.00 per barrel on the flour manufactured. The first year they lost approximately $18,000.00 and the second year approximately $22,000.00. The credit item, approximately $19,000.00, with the exception of an item of less than $200.00, was held to be worthless and was ordered charged off; at least this is the news that we now have from North Dakota. News now is at hand that "ouster proceedings" have been entered against certain Non-Partisan State officers who have been guilty of "misconduct, malfeasance and misdemeanors." It is related that the charges are founded upon fraudulent contracts for state supplies, etc., etc.

Some of our Wisconsin farmers may recall the cheap North Dakota flour that was to be given with each League membership. As we have it in mind, this was the offer made to farmers in Dodge and Jefferson Counties by an organizer for the League, a farmer now on the State payroll.

Each and every activity of the League — each and every principle of administration pursued by it — as shown in this little book and as evinced by the general literature of the Northwest was to promote a Scientific Socialist State. The cost so far, as authentically fixed, of this experiment in Socialism to the people of North Dakota is approximately equal to the value of one year's average total wheat crop produced in the state, basing the price to the farmer on $1.00 per bushel of wheat raised. This estimate will, no doubt, be exceeded. Does this not show the need of circumspection before accepting or adopting nostrums placed before us by those who cannot reinforce their ideas or recommendations with concrete examples of successful experimentation? Farmers oftentimes compel leaders to resort to expediency in order to successfully hold their lines in action. Clear thinking and just action upon the part of the farmers themselves would prevent this thing. The experience of the Non-Partisan League farmer indicates, too, that there is a great risk in turning over an entire state, or even a society to the arbitrary control or management of one or two men, or even of a small group of men. Perhaps a good rule to follow is the old Yankee one of "making haste slowly." In any event, we may safely accept the admonition of Holy Writ "in the multiplicity of counsel there is wisdom" as being a sound doctrine to follow. The experience of the League farmers in the Northwest proves the necessity of careful examination of all proposed schemes to prevent swindle. Honestly proposed, though impractical in application, many schemes in effect do swindle the farmer. A recent financial publication estimates that the people of this Country have been swindled out of more than One Hundred Million Dollars in the past two years and that a great percentage of this was taken from the farmers. Other swindles are now headed towards them. It must be expected, because these things usually follow as camp trailers, in the wake of War.

The cloven hoof of Socialism was obtruded from under the skirts of the Non-Partisan League in Wisconsin in the Spring of 1919. The National Union and the State Union Boards of the American Society of Equity met in joint session in Madison in May of that year. Nearly all of the organizers of the Wisconsin State Union attended. It transpired that the League had heard of the meeting, so their State Manager, Beecher Moore with Glen Turner and one or two others got together and determined to begin the traditionally disruptive work of Socialism and of the League. They offered at least seven of the most effective Equity workers positions with the League at salaries running from $250.00 to $300.00 per month. In addition, the League was to furnish an auto and all expenses were to be paid by the League and the service was guaranteed for a period of time. The "Equity" boys saw the "hoof" and none of them capitulated.

From that time on — all summer and until the Equity Convention in the fall — the League worked like demons to spread discord and to disrupt the Co-operaUve Movement and displace it with Socialism. Up to within a month of the Convention the League was badly beaten. They made one convert about that time that nearly turned the trick for them. We now know how the conversion was brought about. This convert was told that unless he supported a certain League man for President of the State Union, that a certain criminal transaction that was known to a few would be revealed to all. They were flushed with the recent victory over Wilkinson in Minnesota. When this Equity traitor who was President of an important County Union went over he carried conviction to others who had been standing right and the work of disintegration began to take place. This man was afterwards convicted of the crime. Fully a dozen of the leaders against Equity that summer have served time in jails or penitentiaries, or are out under suspended sentence.

The Milwaukee papers this morning, February 17, 1922, carry headlines that a certain prominent upstate Socialist has resigned from the Party, alleging Socialism to be too close to the Russian Sovietized product. During that summer this man issued a catechism on Socialism, spoke to the farmers of the state and made a considerable number of converts, especially in Shawano, Marathon, Wood and Clarke Counties. This man is to be congratulated on reversing his position. The statement he makes with regard to Socialism and the farmer is an honest one and we are glad to note the position he now takes. Would that others would follow his example.

What the farmers must look out for now is that the "Left wing snakes" or leaders do not simply change their skins to meet a situation, that grows out of the discredited Non-Partisan League. This man, — never a left winger, — is sincere, but there are those who are not sincere — and are apt to change their skins only as a matter of political expediency. They are still wedded to Scientific Socialism.

We have taken pains to prepare this little book as a reminder that the most sacred obligation and duty of our citizenry is to keep in mind that our Country confers "equal rights" on all and protects no one in the right to "special privileges/' Just now we need the clearest kind of political thinking and then sound action without passion will follow, — action coming as a result of the light of the wisdom that is born of clear thinking. In this Country we have no special laws for "the rich" or for "the poor/' but we have a constitution, founding our Republic, and born of the spirit of suffering and travail of the ages — as Lincoln said : "the only real Eepublic that has ever existed on earth" — and its Aegis reaches out to protect all alike. The Government may be very helpful to distinct sections of our people in times of emergency if we know how wisely to ask for such help and to hold our requests within the scope of the spirit and the letter of the constitution. Farmers have generally paid dearly because of following after some Socialist will o' the wisp rather than hold firm to the precepts of our constitutional rights and guarantees.

In conclusion, this little book, is offered with — "malice towards none, and charity for all," — itself a declaration of perfect justice, but, so far as Socialism and the League program are concerned — or any person who preaches it — NO! They should get no quarter! With Roosevelt we say: "Our spear shall know no brother."

Chapter 1. History

A BRIEF OUTLINE OF THE NON-PARTISAN LEAGUE. THE PRO- GRAM OF THE LEAGUE, ATTEMPTS TO APPLY MARXIAN SOCIALISM TO THE FARMER.

| HE ADVENT of the National Non-Partisan League into the Farm Movement of the Northwest took place early in 1915. Its national membership is about 250,000. North Dakota was its birthplace. It is now operating in thirteen states. Its machinations in Washington, Montana, South Dakota, Minnesota and Wisconsin held out hope of achieving ultimate success. Kansas, Oklahoma and Texas are now in process of organization. Iowa, Nebraska and Colorado constitute another group, where the work is being prosecuted. Walter Thomas Mills is now organizing California. Minnesota and South Dakota partly defeated the League by the dominant political party promising more than they may be able to deliver. It is time for honest dealing and no deception. Let us hold out no hopes to the farmers that cannot be fulfilled in fair degree. No matter how it is viewed, the State of Wisconsin is the fairest field they have for present success. It will be the spawning water this year for the propagation of the species. Through a very stupid piece of political work the League is in possession of two-thirds of our Wisconsin State Government, not represented so much in the personnel as in the aggregate power they possess. The campaign is on and the question must be decided, as to whether or not this is a healthy situation for Wisconsin.

The League started ostensibly as a farm organization. It now turns out that this was a camouflage. Prom the outset its founders proposed to bring the farm movement under the sway of Socialism. There had been a prevalent notion in the minds of some earnest farm leaders that there was a platform upon which the working man and the farmer could stand side by side. As this movement gained momentum, certain Socialist labor leaders began to intrude themselves into it. From the first this was viewed with suspicion by the farm leaders. Their suspicions proved well grounded. Where it was desired to increase the power of both the farmer and the labor ing man, in the field of economy and politics, for the good of the public and in the universal public service, they found their influence trammelled by these Socialist leaders. Townley and his cohorts, early scenting the trend of this movement, undertook to divert it and to guide it into the Socialistic camp.

The causes which lead up to the formation of the League were varied — some economic and others political. The geographic position of North Dakota contributed to it. Its situation is unique, in that it has no harbors and no great railroad centers or terminals. It has a fine system of railroads, a large proportion of the mileage traversing the State as Through Lines, the Western terminals being either in Montana or along the Pacific Coast and the Eastern terminals at Duluth, St. Paul, or Minneapolis.

North Dakota is a purely agricultural State. It is quite the opposite of Wisconsin in that regard. Contrary to the accepted idea, it holds a high rank in point of prosperity, wealth, and in the intelligence of its people. Herein no doubt lay a great deal of the trouble. Revolts, so history testifies, do not come from the illiterate or unintelligent but usually from the intelligent. The average intelligence of the people of North Dakota is high. North Dakota being a purely farmer state, with all important terminals outside its borders, the control of its grain market was unfortunately developed outside of it. North Dakota is also one of the first in rank in the production of small grains ; wheat, for instance. The rules and laws controlling the marketing of these small grains and by-products were beyond the reach of the farmers themselves and were centered in these great terminal markets.

Quite contrary to popular opinion, politics arise directly out of economic situations. You can no more segregate public economy from politics than you can the iris from the pupil of the eye. Economy and politics are completely enmeshed in the public weal or woe. The terms are in a way synonymous. As a result of this situation, the leadership of political thought became centered in small groups or cabals and in time the headquarters of these different groups were also located outside of the State. To such an extent was this so, that it is said with some truth that the real capitol of the State was located in Saint Paul. The Non-Partisan League, it is said, removed the Throne Boom from the Merchant's Hotel in St. Paul, only to transfer it to their own National Office in the same city.

Out of these conditions a political situation developed, managed by different groups of leaders on the one hand, and, on the other, was a determined and militant farmer electorate bound to overthrow not only the leaders but the system they represented. There were many real grievances. But no doubt there were also fancied grievances, and the latter ofttimes are the most apt to create trouble,

In the pioneer days capital was scarce in the Northwest. Development capital was largely drawn from the European centers of finance. British capital was potent in this section. James J. Hill was its principal representative. He worked in conjunction with Lord Mount Stephen. It was this capital that developed the Great Northern Eailway System. Henry Villard and Jay Cook & Co. financed the promotion of the Northern Pacific. This was an earlier and more difficult job. Dutch and German capital was drafted more or less into this great project, which at all times had the support of the United States Government in some degree or other. General Washburn finally completed his Soo Line project with British capital.

The tracks of these roads pushed into grain lands for several hundred miles. It became a problem of farm development. The quickest money for the settler, was the money that was received for his annual grain crop, garnered from the first turn-ups of the rich sods of these Northwest prairies. Land was cheap ; in fact, the lands taken by the settlers were bought cheaply from the railroads themselves; were homesteaded or pre-empted from the Government. Stores and banks extended credit and carried the farmers for months and years at a time. There is no gainsaying that the pioneer economic structure of the Northwest was as ideal and happy as any hitherto known in the world. It was not perfect by any means, but it was, by comparison, very good.

From the beginning the railroad companies provided depots and stockyards. The first was a requirement, and the other was furnished because it took, comparatively, but a small expenditure and was a mutual necessity. It was different with the problem of small grain. It required millions of capital not only to construct elevators but for storing, holding and marketing the crops. It was, moreover, a question of exporting a large surplus production. The problem required a capital in order to meet it adequately, nearly equal to that put into the first railroad projects themselves. There can be no question that it put these pioneer railroad magnates to their wits, to provide the capital. As a result a co-ordinated system developed.

To meet these unusual pioneer situations, separate companies were formed, TO CONSTRUCT ELEVATORS AND TO PURCHASE, STORE AND MARKET THE CROPS. The banker, at the local point, at the American terminal or at the European point of consumption, was the first element in the general success of the system. This is obvious.

The farmers appreciated and understood the situation. They greeted these elevator companies as saviors. Woe be to that man who wanted political office in the real early days who dared oppose them. In hundreds of instances these corporations were invited by farm petitions to locate their plants at these country stations. These petitions were intended to bring in additional elevators to develope competition and in a way had the effect of finally overdeveloping it.

The railroad companies not only granted the best sites to these elevator corporations, but also contracted to do all of those things then necessary and legal to be done. Many things were done in the pioneer days that had to be done, that are considered abuses now, but were considered Supreme blessings then. Preference in car distribution, preferential rates were the custom. The only question was — did our station or owr elevators get the preference? Farmers understood that this was to be done and they knew that it was done. They knew that millions of capital were invested in these country elevators and that millions more of capital had to be invested in the terminal elevators; then billions of money and credit were necessary to aid the general grain marketing business, and they knew that unless it was adequately protected under the ethics and customs of that time, new capital would not be forthcoming. The service from the viewpoint of the capitalist was a co-ordinated service, and it was a mutual service as between the capitalist and the farmer. It was so viewed by everybody. It was beneficial to the farmer, to the local community, to the bankers and their clients, to the railroads and to general commerce. It was — taken as a whole, — a great public wealth producing machine . All ideal arrangements sometimes run amuck. The sphere of activity and interest of the railroads became transcontinental rather than local. The elevator companies became rich and powerful and many of them grew into a world influence. In the meantime, the Falls of St. Anthony were grinding out more flour than any place on earth. Herein entered another great controlling factor. Foreign capital also largely developed this pioneer industry. The farmer became richer, more independent and the old, helpful ways became more or less distrusted and fell into disuse. The pioneer democracy of the business system was vanishing; modern business took on a more scientific and dictatorial attitude. This had its effect on the temper of the farmer, who began to grow suspicious that this early co-ordinated system of helpfulness was growing into a monopoly of power. Mutual interests are always best maintained by mutual service, which begets mutual confidence. This pioneer democracy in business was finally greatly modified. As time went on, the old managers, who had deftly held the stage for years, passed out and, as the farmers would express it, "the new-fangled red tape ideas" were ushered in. Vicissitudes, for a time at least, follow in the wake of changing order.

For some years, the Northwest Canadian farmer had also been agitating along these same lines. The Canadian government had acceded to many of their requests, thus removing some of the dangers that threatened their economic structure. This example added some fuel to the flame here. In any event the unrest among the Northwestern grain growers became general, acute and militant. The cause of the political eruption or the advent of the League was the culmination of a long drawn-out fight. The warfare had centered around the problem of the storing, grading, and the transportation of small grain grown in the State, especially that of wheat. The farmers came to the opinion that they were in a vise. They believed they were the victims of a monopoly controlled largely in the offices of one or two railroads with headquarters in St. Paul. They believed also that they were the victims of not only the railroads but that the elevator companies and the banks were in a conspiracy with the railroads to defraud the farmers of the Northwest.

As a result of these changes in the old order of things, the farmers interpreted the obstinacy of the opposite side, as evidence of their intention to monopolize the grain business. Grave dissatisfaction ensued, and a warfare between these one-time friends became the tragedy of the Northwest.

It seems strange that such a situation should be permitted to develop. Why should there be a warfare between the coordinated branches of our business structure, the producer on the one hand, the distributor in the middle, and the credit system on the other? There must have been some grave misunderstanding. Herein lies the great danger to the future. No more sacred duty can devolve upon our citizenry than that of bringing about a better understanding for the future between these different groups. Unless it can be done, this Nation is just entering into the most extended economic warfare, backed up by political forces, that it has ever known. It were well if men of substance and of intellectual acumen could somewhat change their attitude towards political matters. Politics is a sacred obligation devolving upon every American citizen. We have heard business men say, "We are business men and not politicians." Every citizen should be a politician. Unless each and every citizen of this Country feels this great responsibility and acts up to a high and generous standard in political affairs, there are serious breakers ahead of our cherished institutions. We now — altogether too much — treat politics as we would a game of poker.

It is obvious that we need reformers, not men who will tear down but build up; who will exalt not lower the moral standards, who will make this country a better, not a worse place to live in ; men who have a deep rooted love of and faith in Almighty God, not ranting infidels who imagine they can leave God and His commandments out of the equation and build up a new order of things on the principles of Marx and Lenine. Such reformers have only one ideal; how much money, how much power, how much self glory or personal aggrandisement they can get out of it. All too often, righteous zeal is struck down by business men because of not being posted and they act according to misinformation and thus act unjustly.

All economic questions are purely political in the last analysis and they are vital to the people's welfare. They must be treated in that way. We often fail in meeting situations effectively because we dislike to admit this truth. If one visits the Northwest at this time, hundreds of the very best business men will testify that they are reaping the storm as a resuit of ignoring this fundamental fact. Up to the advent of the League, North Dakota was overwhelmingly Republican. At one time a Democrat was elected as a protest. Finally , Socialism conquered the State and wiped out both parties just as it is now attempting to do in Wisconsin. The League, however, just now appears to be passing into what may be called the Liberal party, which is backed by the Committee called the 48.

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