Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar

Preface

This life of Mirabeau B. Lamar was begun while the writer was a graduate student in the University of Texas, and at the suggestion of Professor Eugene C. Barker, Professor of American History. It was continued and completed at the University of Pennsylvania, where it was accepted as part of the requirements for the degree of doctor of philosophy.

The excuse for such a study need hardly be expressed. The history of Texas and the Southwest is just now beginning to be written as a result of special investigation in different fields of Southwestern history. And with all the monographs, mostly dealing with pre-revolutionary days, very few have been devoted to a study of the few years when Texas was an independent republic. Stephen F. Austin is known for his sterling character and his masterly work as a colonizer and transplanter of American civilization ; Sam Houston is known for his spectacular military achievements; and that is about as far as the general knowledge extends with regard to the "Critical Period" in Texas history. Many people in the East have no realization of the fact that Texas was one time an independent republic. And the ignorance with regard to Texas even among Texans is enough to justify one more liistorical study with a view to eliminating that ignorance.

It seems that Lamar has been allowed to suffer more than others by the general tendency of people to forget their notables. Colonel of Cavalry at San Jacinto, Secretary of War in the provisional cabinet immediately after San Jacinto, appointed by the president and cabinet as commander-in-chief of the army, elected vice-president in 1836, and president in 1838, Lamar was not less important in establishing Texan independence than other characters who have received more notice.

It is not intended that this shall be a complete biography. The interest of the writer was more along the lines of the connection of Lamar with public affairs until the close of his administration as president in 1841, though for sake of clearness and completeness, the early life and the life of the subject of the paper is sketched briefly.

In the preparation of a paper of this nature, there are many sources and many individuals to whom one is indebted. Tlie chief obligation of this writer is to Professor E. C. Barker, at whose suggestion the paper was undertaken, and to whose scholarly example it owes whatever historical merit it may possess. He not only advised with the writer, but read the whole in manuscript, and superintended the publication of the paper in the Southwestern Historical Quarterly during a protracted illness of the writer. An acknowledgment of indebtedness is also made to Mrs. Mattie Austin Hatcher, archivist in the history department of the University of Texas, for her aid and counsel in the use of material and for reading of the proof. Mr. E. W. Winkler, reference librarian in the University of Texas, was also helpful in his suggestions, and his wide knowledge of the literature of the field. Miss Elizabeth West, at present State Librarian, prepared the excellent calendar of Lamar's papers, w^hich the writer found so helpful. The citations to the Lamar Papers are made in the serial numbers of Miss West's calendar.

Professors Herman V. Ames, John Bach McMaster, and Albert E. McKinley kindly read the entire manuscript and made valuable suggestions as to plan, and saved the writer from possible errors. Many others I have been indebted to for specific details, and I have tried to indicate that indebtedness in the footnotes.

Lastly, I am under particular obligations to my wife for assisting me in the original writing of the paper, in criticism of form and structure, and for constant aid in preparing it for the printer.

MIRABEAU BUONAPAETE LAMAR

A. K. CHRISTIAN

Chapter I EARLY LIFE IN GEORGIA

When Mirabeau Buonaparte Lamar arrived in Texas just before the battle of San Jacinto to cast in his fortunes with the new republic, he had already achieved some prominence in his native State of Georgia. He was born at Louisville, Warren County, in that State, on August IG, 1798, the second of a family of nine. The family from which he was descended, tradition says, being Huguenots, left France during the persecution of Protestants under Richelieu and settled in Maryland. On November 17, 1663, Lord Baltimore granted certificates of nationality to Thomas and Peter Lamore, and ten years later to Jolin Lamore. Peter Lamar left a will dated in 1693. Thomas Lamar also left a will, dated October 4, 1713, leaving to his wife and two sons, Thomas and John, considerable estates in Prince George's County. The second Thomas also left a will, dated May 11, 1747, in which he distributed a large estate among his six sons and two sons-in-law. In 1755 three of these sons, Robert, Thomas, and John, and one of the sons-in-law, sold their estates and moved down into South Carolina and Georgia. The father of the subject of this paper was John Lamar, grandson of the John Lamar who settled in Georgia in 1755. He was bom in 1769, and married his first cousin, Rebecca Lamar.^

To John and Rebecca Lamar were bom four sons and five daughters. With the family lived Zachariah Lamar, a brother to John, an eccentric, self-taught man, who is supposed to have given to the sons their names. He afterwards married and his daughter became the wife of Howell Cobb, prominent in Georgia history. The eldest son, Lucius Quintus Cincinnatus, became a member of the Superior Court of Georgia in 1830, at the age of thirty-three. He was the father of L. Q. C. Lamar, who was a prominent Southern statesman before and after the Civil War, becoming Secretary of the Interior in Pro^:ident Cleveland's Cabinet, and later an Asso-

^Edward Mayes, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, 13, 14.

date Justice of the United States Supreme Court. Other sons were Jefferson Jackson and Thomas Eandolph."

It is probable that Mirabeau availed himself of the opportunities offered by the schools in his locality, though he never went to college. "Though not a rich man," wrote Joel Crawford, a contemporary, and the law partner of L. Q. C, the elder, "Mr. John Lamar, by dint of industry and good management, found means to give his children the best education which the schools of the country afforded. None of them had the benefit of a college course, nor were they (it is believed) acquainted with the ancient classics or any other language but English."^ A close application to the rules of good English is indicated in all his writings, though how much of this was due to training in school it is impossible to say. It seems, however, that he was chiefly self-taught, as in all his writings there is evident a lack of system which is likely to come with self-education. That he acquired a great mass of information is certain, and his native ability in expression caused him to be rated by his contemporaries much above his merit.

In 1819, at the age of twenty-one, he established a general merchandise business in Cahawba, Alabama. Being unsuccessful in this business, we find him in March, 1821, announcing his purpose to publish a humorous paper, "Village Miscellany to be written in a series of niimbers by Lanthornbalvon,"* On January 1, 1822, he had printed a broadside in verse entitled, "New Year's Address to the Patrons of the Cahawba Press." When he became editor of this paper, if he did, does not appear. A few days later he sent a copy of this address to his brother in Georgia. In a note on the back of the broadside he wrote:

Dear Brother

I am here in Cahaba, without any business, or likelihood to obtain any, shortly — You need not be disappointed if you see me back in Geo. again in few weeks ; in great haste Yours &C.

M. B. Lamar.''

x\t the same time he explained tliat he had Avritten the address

^Bench and liar of Georgia. Quoted by Edward Mayes, Lucius Q. C. Lamar, 16.

*MSS., Lamar Papers, No. 34. ^Lamar Papers, No. 44.

Early Life in Georgia 3

"with a running quill," and apologized for the errors. It seems probable that the verses were contributed by Lamar to the Cahawba Press, and that he had no official connection with the paper.

In 1823 George M. Troup became Governor of Georgia after a four years campaign, and Lamar acted as his private secretary during the stirring times of his administration. He was recommended for the appointment by Joel Crawford, law partner of his elder brother, as a "gentleman not more distinguished by the loftiest sentiments of honor, than by mental Superiority & devotion to republican politics.® It was during this period that the struggle between Georgia and the Federal Government over the removal of the Creek and Cherokee Indians took place, and Lamar is credited with activity in raising the militia to resist the efforts of the Federal Government to coerce Georgia.^ It was probably at this time that he conceived an enmity towards the Indians that went with him throughout his life. It was during this period, also, that he adopted the principles advocated by the extreme States' Eights party.

On January 1, 1826, his term as secretary to the governor having expired, he married Miss Tabitha B. Jordan, of Perry, Alabama, and for the next two years lived in retirement on the farm. On January 1, 1828, he announced his purpose to publish a newspaper in the town of Columbus, "if sufficient patronage can be obtained to warrant the undertaking." The Columbus Enquirer, he announced in the prospectus, was to be attached to "the Eepublican creed as exemplified in the administration of Thomas Jefferson; and in State politics, adhering to the principles that characterized the late able administration of Governor Troup, it will defend 'the Union of the States and the sovereignty of the States.' " Its influence in the ensuing presidential election was to be given to the democratic candidate most formidable to the men in office. "But it will not be wholly devoted to these matters," he stated. "A large portion of its columns will be filled with such miscellaneous selections as are calculated to please and to instruct; — to gratify fancy and to increase knowledge — making it a literary as well as a political paper." It was to be printed

'Henry S. Foote, Texas and the Texans, II, 285.

on a large sheet, with new type, once a week, at three dollars a year.^

He continued the publication of this paper alone until 1833. During that time he wrote editorials on the questions of the day. A number of them were in defence of the Troup administration. Others defended the Federal Government for the removal of the Indians west of the Mississippi, defended the doctrine of state rights, and discussed in a learned and heavy way various constitutional questions. There are also book reviews written by him. At the same time he was getting practice in public speaking by delivering addresses to various boys' and girls' schools.'*

In the summer of 1833 Lamar became a candidate for Congress. It was the custom for the legislative caucus to nominate the candidates for Congress. The caucus met at Milledgeville and nominated the nine candidates, passing over Lamar, and appointed a committee of seven to fill any vacancies which might occur. There was a vacancy, but the committee of seven refused to endorse the candidacy of Lamar, and nominated another, making ten candidates for the nine seats. Under these conditions Lamar was defeated. During the campaign he came out in an address denouncing the caucus system, and stating that he would submit his candidacy to no seven men. He complained that the Troup party was not represented, and that there was hence inequality. "If my political bark cannot sail upon the sea of correct principles," he wrote in his bombastic style,

let it founder, — it shall never float upon the waves of triumphant error. ... If my political course has been equivocal or treacherous — warm when honors were to be distributed, but cool if not bestowed on me — if I have either in public or private life been more cunning than candid, more selfish than serviceable, or more ilHberal than just — if I have made Patriotism subordinate to a love of promotion; demanding much, but performing little, fattening upon offices, yet with cormorant appetite still asking for more, and threatening desertion if more is not given — in a word, if I have been one of those hollow-hearted politicians, who hold with the hare and run with hound, . . .

then, he did not deserve the office that he aspired to.^''

"Broadside, Lamar Papers, No. 168.

Early Life in Georgia 5

After his defeat for Congress in 1833, Lamar became active in the organization and propagation of the States' Eights Party of Georgia. On November 13, 1833, a States' Eights meeting was held at Milledgeville and adopted a preamble and resolutions. It denounced Jackson's proclamation in connection with nullification in South Carolina; adopted "the Virginia and Kentucky Eesolutions as triumphant in 1825, 6, 7," and denounced the Force Bill as a glaring infraction of States' rights. A few days later a prospectus announced a new series of the Columbus Enquirer to be edited by Mirabeau B. Lamar and William B. Tinsley in support of the principles of the States' Eights Party." About the same time Lamar delivered an address upon the doctrines of the States' Eights and Union parties in Georgia. He stated that the union was a union of sovereign and independent States bound together by a written compact, and the general government was the agent of the States. He defended the right of nullifying an act of Congress as the agent has no power under the Constitution to coerce a State. "But if the agent, feeling might and forgetting right, shall attempt to enforce her mandates by military coercion, then the State thus menaced must determine for herself whether she will submit to the objectionable acts — meet force with force — or retire peacefully from the Union. Such I believe to be fundamentally the doctrine of the Party with which I have the honor to act."^-

He continued his connection with this paper until some time in 1834. The death of his wife in 1833, together with an impairment of his own health, and a naturally restless disposition, led him to sever his connection with the paper in 1834, temporarily, if not permanently. In January, 1835, we find him in Alabama on his way to Texas,^^ He arrived at Nacogdoches in July, and immediately proceeded to Coles's settlement, where he made known his intention to become a citizen of Texas. He paid Captain Horatio Chriesman a fee to run off a headright of land. He also announced in a public address, at Washington his intention to become a citizen of Texas, and said that he desired in the event "of a revolutionarv^ struggle, to made her destiny mine for good

^^Lamar Papers, No. 178.

"Lamar Papers, No. 177.

"Lamar Papers, No. 194.

or ill.'' It seems that these declarations were the result of a more or less sudden impulse. A biographical sketch, published in the Nacogdoches Chronicle in 1838 states that he came to Texas to collect material for a history of Texas.^* This seems a likelyreason for his trip as is indicated by the nature of his literary collections during that period.

From Washington he went to San Felipe, but he found the land office closed on account of threatened hostilities, and was unable to get a certificate for his headright. He was told by Stephen F. Austin that he could return to the United States to settle up his business there before emigrating, and sailed for Georgia in November, 1835. He arrived in Georgia late in the year, but almost immediately learned that there was danger of a serious war in Texas, and returned to Texas before he could attend to his affairs in Georgia,^'' arriving at Velasco in the latter part of March. During his brief stay in Georgia he had succeeded in interesting several men there in land speculation, and he brought back with him $6,000 to invest for them in Texas land.^*'

^*Telegraph and Texas Register, April 14, 1838; June 23, 1838.

^^Telegraph and Texas Register, June, 23, 1838.

"M. B. Lamar to J. J. Lamar, April 10, 1838; Lamar Papers, 351.

As a Texas Revolutionist, 1S36-1S38 7

Chapter II AS A TEXAS EEVOLUTIONIST, 1836-1838

When Lamar arrived in Texas in the latter part of March, 1836, the affairs of the Texas Eevolutionists seemed well nigh hopeless. After a period of successes during November and December, 1835, their fortunes had undergone a change. In January-, 1836, Santa Anna had begun the invasion of Texas with a force of six thousand men. On March 6, the Alamo fell, while the convention at Washington on the Brazos was declaring Texas independent, and framing a provisional government. The Goliad massacre had taken place on March 27, and the Texan army under General Houston had begun a retreat from Gonzales which took them to the San Jacinto battlefield. And not only the army, but the whole populace was in a panicky flight. The civil government under David G. Burnet had first fled from Washington to Harrisburg, and thence to Galveston Island. It was under these circumstances that Lamar joined the army just before the battle of San. Jacinto.

On March 25, 1836, Alexander E. Patton of Velasco wrote to a man named Kilgore at Brazoria, asking that his horse, which Kilgore had been keeping, be turned over to "Mr. M. B. Lamar . . . just arrived on the Schooner Flash . . . anxious to visit the army."" Whether the horse was turned over to Lamar does not appear. One biographer states that Lamar walked from Velasco to Harrisburg in order to get there in time for the expected battie.^^ On April 10, he wrote his brother at Macon, Georgia, stating that he was expecting to go into battle, and giving directions as to the disposal of his effects in case of his death. "I shall reach Houston day after tomorrow, a distance from this place about 50 miles," he wrote.

In the event of my falling in Battle, you will find my trunks, papers, etc., in the possession of Mv». Jane Long, who has temporarily fled from Brazoria to Boliver point at Galveston Bay. The money brought by me to be laid out in Lands, I have of course,

"Patton to Kiltrore, March 25, 1836, in Lamar Papers, No. 348. "Thrall. Pictorial Ristory of Texas, 581.

in the present confused state of things, not been able to lay out. Govt, has no authority to sell lands, and from individuals no purchase can yet be made with safety. I have therefore been much embarrassed to know what to do with so large a sum of money; it is dangerous to keep it about me, especially as I am going into Battle. After due consideration, I have placed it in the hands of Lorenzo Zavala, the vice-President of the Government, the most responsible and probably the most honest among them. . . . My health at present is good. I feel much solicitude for my mother; If she was well and cheerful and could bear affliction with more fortitude, I should be happy — Tell Kebecca Ann that she must learn to write read and spell well, and that is the best education. . . .^^

Some time between the date of this letter and April 20 he joined the army on the Brazos, as a private. On April 20, in a preliminary skirmish at San Jacinto, he rescued a comrade at the risk of his own life, and for this gallant conduct he was elected to the command of the cavalry.^" On the following day he was in command of the cavalry, and was officially commended by the commander-in-chief, Sam Houston, and the Secretary of War, T. J. Eusk, who was present and took part in the battle. Houston in reporting the battle said :

Our cavalry, sixty-one in number, commanded by Colonel Mirabeau B. Lamar, whose gallant and daring conduct on the previous day had attracted the admiration of his comrades and called him to that station, placed on our right, completed our line. Our cavalry was first dispatched to the front of the enemVs left, for the purpose of attracting their notice, whilst an extensive island of timber afforded us an opportunity of concentrating our forces and deploying from that point, agreeably to the previous design of the troops. Every evolution was performed with alacrity, the whole advancing rapidly in line and through an open prairie, without any protection whatever for our men.^'

The same sentiments were expressed by Eusk in his report to the President.^^

As is well known, the battle of San Jacinto resulted in over-

"M. B. Lamar to J. J. Lamar, April 10, 1836, Lamar Papers, No. 351.

"Thrall, Pictorial History of Texas, 581; Texas Almanac, 1858. p. 110. Brown, History of Texas, II, 20.

"Brown, History of Texas, 11, 20; Yoakum, History of Texas, II, 500. Lamar Papers, No. 355.

"Brown, History of Texas, 27; Yoakum, History of Texas, II, f04; Lamar Papers, No. 354.

.4s a Texas Revolutionist, 1S3G-18S8 9

whelming victory for the Texans. Practically the whole Mexican army under Santa Anna was captured, including Santa Anna himself. On April 22, General Houston and Santa Anna entered into an armistice until a treaty of peace could be drawn up, and Santa Anna ordered his subsidiary forces to return io Bexar for further orders.-^ It was thought by General Houston, President Burnet, and a majority of the Cabinet, that an excellent opportunity presented itself while Santa Anna was in their power to form a treaty guaranteeing the independence of Texas. Lamar, who had become Secretary of War on May 5, in place of Kusk, ■who had assumed command of the army, and Potter, Secretary of the Navy, opposed any treaty with Santa Anna, and favored his execution for the crimes he had committed.

In his letter to the President and Cabinet on May 12, Lamar said that a majority of the Cabinet considered Santa Anna a prisoner of war, but he considered him a murderer. "A chieftain battling for what he conceives to be the rights of his country,'* he continued,

however mistaken in his views, may be privileged to make hot and vigorous war upon the foe ; but, when in violation of all principles of civilized conflict, he avows and acts upon the revolting policy of extermination and rapine, slaying the surrendering and plundering whom he slays, he forfeits the commisseration of mankind by sinking the character of the hero into that of an abhorred murderer.

Some would assent to the justice of the sentence of death, but were willing to waive its execution for certain advantages which might flow to the country from a wise and judicious action. He asked what surety had they that any stipulations would be carried out.

What he assents to while a prisoner, he may reject when a freeman. Indeed, the idea of treating with a man in our power, who views freedom in acquiescence, and death in opposition, seems to me more worthy of ridicule than refutation.

He said that it was doubtful if Santa Anna would liave the power to fulfill his engagements, even if he had the will to do so. He expected that as soon as the news of the defeat should reach

"Yoakum, History of Texas, II, 150.

Mexico, Santa Anna would lose all his authority, and would be powerless for good or ill.

I am therefore decidedly opposed to all negotiation or arrangements with him ; — first, because he is a prisoner and not free to act; secondly, because he is faithless and therefore unworthy of confidence; and thirdly, because of the great certainty of his inability to fulfill his promises even with the desire to do so.

He stated further that even if negotiations should be entered into and prove successful, he would regret the miscarriage of vengeance and justice. Finally, if any negotiations were undertaken, he thought arrangements should be made for transferring the prisoners in exchange for Texan prisoners in Mexico, holding Santa Anna till the end of the war.'*

In spite of the opposition of Lamar, and the strong reasons given for retaining Santa Anna, the Cabinet entered into an agreement with him on May 14. By the public agreement, which was more in the nature of an armistice, Santa Anna agreed not to take up arms, nor use his influence to cause them to be taken up during the war for independence. He agreed on withdrawal from Texas, and an exchange of prisoners. The Texan authorities, on their part, agreed to send Santa Anna to Vera Cruz as soon as it should be judged proper. By the secret agreement entered into the same day, besides the points mentioned in the public agreement, he agreed to prepare the cabinet of Mexico to receive the mission which the government of Texas might send, so that "hj negotiations all differences may be settled, and the independence that has been declared by the convention may be acknowledged." He agreed, further, that a treaty of commerce, amity, and limits between Mexico and Texas, should be established, the territory of Texas not to extend beyond the Eio Bravo del Norte. Texas agreed that "the present return of General Santa Anna to Vera Cruz being indispensable for the purpose of effecting his solemn engagements, the government of Texas will provide for his immediate embarkation for said port."-''

The Government was on the point of sending Santa Anna to Vera Cruz in accordance with this agreement, when, on June 3,

"Lamar Papers, No. 361 ; Brown, History of Texas, II, 56-60. ="*Yoakum, History of Texas, II, 526-528; Brown, History of Texas, II, 62-64; Lamar Papers, Nos. 365, 366.

As a Texas Revolutionist, 1S36-1838 11

Thomas Jefferson Green arrived at Velasco with two hundred and thirty volunteers from New Orleans, and on account of their opposition prevented his release. At that time, and after, Lamar supported the civil against the military authorities, and joined with the President in resisting the demands of Green and his coadjutors for the execution of the prisoner.

General Houston had been severely wounded in the battle of San Jacinto, and found it necessary to go to New Orleans for treatment. Consequently, he surrendered the command of the army, May 5, 1836, to Brigadier-General Rusk, who had resigned as Secretary of War. The army under Rusk followed the retreating Mexicans as far as Goliad, where they collected and buried the bones of Fannin and his men, and then established headquarters at Victoria,-*' Here they were joined by volunteers from the United States, increasing the army to about twenty-three hundred by July 1.-" Among these volunteers were Green, who had prevented the sending of Santa Anna to Vera Cruz, Felix Huston, and others who felt themselves specially fitted to command the army. The army undoubtedly fell into a state of mutiny. Each of the leaders of volunteers was intriguing for the chief command. Some of the soldiers held that Sam Houston was still in command though absent, and refused to obey the orders of Rusk, It was under these circumstances that Rusk appealed to the President and Cabinet to appoint a commander-in-chief of the army. Acting on this request the President and Cabinet, on June 25, appointed Lamar, who had resigned as Secretary of War a few days before, to be Major-General and Commander-in-Chief of the army.

It was not until July 14 that Lamar arrived at the camp. In the meantime he had been at Brazoria making preparations for supplies for the army, and preparing to resist the invasion which seemed threatening. He had received numerous letters of congratulation, and was unprepared to learn when he reached Victoria on the 13th that there was considerable opposition to accepting him as comm.ander-in-chief. When he arrived at the headquarters of the army at Guadalupe the following day, he was met by a committee which had been appointed previously, and requested not to

"Yoakum, History of Texas, II, 177. ^Ubid., II, 183.

assume authority as commander-in-chief until the subject could be more fully considered by the officers.

Felix Huston, who had arrived in camp on July 4, according to his account, was one of the leaders in the refusal to receive Lamar, though he pretended to be acting only as an agent for the others.-^ At a meeting of the officers shortly after he arrived in camp, Huston said, all present were willing to acknowledge the merits of Lamar, but that they denied the power of the Cabinet to supersede General Houston and they would not consent to the destruction of General Rusk. He suggested the appointment of a committee to meet General Lamar and acquaint him with the desires of the officers. The committee was appointed, and resolutions drawn up as follows :

Resolved, That this meeting highly appreciate the gallantry and worth of General Lamar, and will be at all times ready to receive him with the cordiality and respect due to his personal and military acquirements.

Resolved, That Colonel B. P. Smith and Colonel H. Millard be appointed a committee to wait on General Lamar, and tender him the respects of this meeting, and inform him that, there being some question of the propriety of his appointment by the President as major-general of the Texan army, by which he is directed to assume the chief command of the army, he is requested by the officers present not to act in his official capacity of major-general until the subject may be more maturely considered by the meeting of the officers of the army.^^