Preface
The author finds it impossible to list here by name all who have helped him in the preparation of this book. Such a list would be too long. There are several however to whom he is especially indebted. These are Salvatore F. La Corte, Elizabeth, N. J., Professor Paul J. Salvatore, Stevens Institute of Technology, F. R. Serri, Francis Salzano and Anthony J. Armore, President of the Italian Intercollegiate Association. The last three named have given the manuscript the benefit of their searching criticism.
The author is grateful to the Rev. Fenili and F. P. Buonora for valuable information regarding the distribution of the Italian population of Brooklyn. Mrs. Deferrari-Weygandt, Principal of the Italian School, conducted the experiment described on page 36, after the author joined the army. The author wishes to express here his deep thanks to the many officers and members alike who have so generously contributed to his information concerning both the organization and activities of their respective clubs herein described.
Introduction
The author has written a significant book. "The ItaHan Contribution to American Democracy" is not a study in Immigration as one might suppose. On the contrary, it is a study in Americanization. Dr. Mariano seeks to measure the rate of synthetization going on today between the native stock of older generations and the American of ItaHan extraction.
In order to do this the author has made a survey of the sociological and economic conditions that exist today in the largest center of Italian blood in the Western hemisphere and perhaps the world. Dr. Mariano limits his interpretations to Americans of Italian extraction. The author suggests a complete new and American type with the second and subsequent generations.
The author wisely points out the need of better housing conditions and decides that the assimilation of immigrants depends upon far better sanitary conditions that exist at present in most of the congested quarters of New York City.
The symposium in the latter half of the book is a valuable original contribution to the literature available today of the effect of Italian characteristics on the so-called "melting pot." As is natural, the points to be noted in this connection are the industry, skill and thrift of the Italians. It would not be far wrong to say that these qualities are what distinguish the first generations of all immigrant stocks that came to our shores. Next to these two traits the Latin trait of "buoyancy" is noted. The Italian's lightheartedness, bright smile and love of the artistic will be the qualities that the writer ventures will distinguish the second generation. Here is a real contribution indeed. It is something that America greatly lacks and it is the thing which the Italian has and will continue to contribute.
Ill
INTRODUCTION iv
Dr. Mariano in emphasizing the need and value of a closer and sympathetic understanding of the individual traits and qualities that this type has to give has performed a distinct service and the book ought to be read and studied by all interested in social and public problems particularly in the present time.
F. H. LA GUARDIA President of the Board of Aldermen City of New York
PART I — NATURE AND EXTENT OF INVESTIGATION Page CHAPTER I — Plan of Study 1
Purpose : A Sociological study of Italian life in New York City. Scope : Limited to Americans of Italian origin. Sources : A first hand study of the people themselves. Original survey of types of organizations and institutions prevalent. Original data gained in a symposium. Statistical reports, government data, etc.
CHAPTER II — Difficulties underlying an investigation of the Italian element 6
Difficulty of collecting data : The adult Italian is untrained and suspicious. Italian immigration : Its recency. Unsettled problems. Reasons for investigation.
CHAPTER III ~ Population and Distribution 11
Difficulty of accurate enumeration. Density. Distribution of Italian colonies in New York City: Manhattan, Brooklyn, Bronx, Queens, Richmond. Table of colonies in New York City: Age distribution. Sex classification. Conjugal relationship. Mixed marriages. Relationship between size of family and its place in the socio-economical scale.
CHAPTER lY — Occupations 31
Relation of Italian to other stocks in American industries. Distribution of Italian blood in different industries. Distribution in New York City. What the "new" generation hopes for.
CHAPTER V — Health 37
Introduction. Vital statistics. Italian health agencies.
CHAPTER Yl — Standard of Living 45
Introduction : Definition of terms. Changing standards. Incomes : Adult bread winners. Lodgers or boarders.
V
CONTENTS vi
Child labor. Housing: Average number of rooms. Housing in relation to expenditure. Savings and thrift. Thrift compared with other nationalities. Estimated savings.
CHAPTER Vn — Literacy 57
The "old" versus the "new" generation. Status in the schools at large. In the high schools. In the primary schools. Elimination and retardation: at large. In New York City. The present need.
CHAPTER VIII — Citizenship 65
Obstacles to citizenship : Ignorance of language. Tendency to return to "homeland." Relation of immigrant to native vote. Citizenship status in New York City. Place of women of Italian blood. Differences between Italy and America.
CHAPTER IK — Philanthropy and Social Welfare 71
Introduction. Dependency. Delinquency.
Part III — Psychological Traits
CHAPTER X — Introduction — Basis for Classification of Types.... 82 Difficulties of classification. Economic status. Pleasures or recreation.
CHAPTER XI — The "Tenement" Type — An Ideo-Emotional Type 87 Background: Physical; street, slums, tenement districts. Mental; subnormal. Vocational; varied and intermittent. Home conditions ; unsocial. Personal characteristics : Type of disposition; instigative, convivial. Cooperation : Perception of resemblances and of dififerences ; prompt. Attitude towards strangers; suspicion and distrust. Pleasures; motor-sensory. Type of mind; ideo-emotional.
CHAPTER XII — The "Trade" or "Business" Type — A dogmatic-emotional type 97
Background: Physical; shop or factory. Mental, varied. Vocational ; steady and skilled labor. Home conditions ; narrowing and un-American. Personal characteristics : Type of disposition ; domineering, austere. Cooperation ; Perception of resemblances and of differences ; keen. Attitude towards strangers ; unfriendliness. Pleasures; emotional ideation. Type of mind; dogmatic-emotional.
vii CONTENTS
^CHAPTER XIII — The "College" Type— A transitionol type 103 P"
Background: Physical; typically American. Mental; formal discipline. Vocational; undetermined. Home conditions ; varied. Personal characteristics : aggressive and convivial. Cooperation; Perception of resemblances and of differences ; none on racial grounds. Attitude tow^ard strangers; open and frank. Pleasures; inductive ideation. Type of mind; critical-intellectual.
CHAPTER yilY—The "ProfessionaV Type— A critical-intellectual type 110
Background: Physical; home and office. Mental; dictated by pleasure and vocation. Vocational; professions, lav^r, medicine, teaching. Home conditions; normal Americans. Personal characteristics: Type of disposition ; creative. Cooperation : Perception of resemblances and differences ; none on racial grounds. Attitude toward strangers; broad. Pleasures; dictated by choice. Type of mind; critical-intellectual.
'-- CHAPTER XV — The Italian-speaking Colony in New York City..\\% The "old" generation. The "new" generation. Relation between the "old" and the "new" generation.
- CHAPTER XYI — Recapitulation 132
PART IV — SOCIAL ORGANIZATION CHAPTER XVII — Introduction 138
Definition of terms: Basis of classification; Overlapping character of aims. Correspondence between "mental" type of mind and character of organization effected.
CHAPTER XVIll — Types of Organisation 140
The Social Club: Particular group; the "Husky" Association. Type of member; the "tenement" type, ages, 21-35; education, elementary; vocations, physical labor; pleasures, sensory. Type of activity; recreational, social. Relation and effect of "social" club to community, anti-social. The "Athletic" Club: Particular group; the "Nameoka" Athletic club. Type of member; the type. Ages, 18-35; education, elementary and high school; vocations, physical and mental; pleasures, motor-sensory. Type of activity; recreational and physical. Relation and effect of "Athletic" club to community; unsocial. The "Religious" Club: (a) The "Cath-
CONTENTS viii
oHc" Club: Particular group; The "Ozanam" association. Type of members; ideo-emotional. Ages, 18-30; education, elementary and high school ; vocations, skilled and unskilled; pleasures, of sense, idea, and emotion. Type of activity; social, recreational, spiritual, (b) The "Protestant" Club : Particular group ; The Broome Street Tabernacle club. Type of members ; Ages, 18-30; education, elementary and high school; vocations, skilled and unskilled ; pleasures, of sense, idea, and emotion. Type of activity; social, recreational, spiritual. Relation and effect of "religious" club to community; friendly, sympathetic, social. The "Benevolent" organization. Particular group ; The Bagolino Benefit Society. Type of members ; dogmatic-emotional. Ages, 18-45; education, elementary; vocations, skilled, unskilled, professions; pleasures, of sense, emotion and thought. Type of activity; social, physical, ideational. Relation and effect of "Civic" association to community; social. The "Social Welfare" League: Particular group ; The League for Social Service. The Italian Welfare League. The Young Men's Italian Educational League. The Italian Educational League. Type of mmbers ; critical-intellectual. Ages, 18-50; education, college and university; vocations, professions; pleasures, of thought. Relation and eflfect of "Social" Welfare" League to community; social. The "College" Circolo: Particular group; The Columbia Circolo. Type of members; critical-intellectual. Ages, 19-28; education, college and university; vocations, undetermined; pleasures, of sense, emotion, and thought. Type of activity; social, ideational. Relation and effect of "College Circolo" to community; friendly and social. The Professional" Club: Particular group; The Italian Teachers' Association. The Italian Lawyers' Association. The Societa Medica Italiana. The Circolo Nazionale. Type of members; critical-intellectual. Ages, 26-60; education, college and university; vocation, professions; pleasures, of thought. Type of activity; social, professional, ideational. Relation and effect of "Professional" club to community; unrelated.
CHAPTER XIX — Miscellaneous Organisations 182
Dramatic; The Marionette Theatre. Musical; The International Festival Chorus (Italian division). Educational; Verdi, Auxiliary, Italian Intercollegiate, Italian Scholarship Fund, Dante Alighieri Society, Dante League of America. Fraternal; Alpha Phi Delta, Sigma Phi Theta, Delta Omega Phi. Social Welfare; The Ital-
CONTENTS
ica Gens. Recreational ; The Italian American Scoutcraft Association. Arts and Industry; Suola Italiana d'Industrie, The Italian Industrial School, Society for Italian Women. Propaganda ; The Roman Legion of America, The Italy-America Society, The Italian Bureau of Public Information.
Part V — What The American Of Italian Extraction Contributes To American
DEMOCRACY
CHAPTER XX — Introduction 205
Reasons for phrase "Americans of Italian extraction." Definition of Democracy.
CHAPTER XXI — OW Ideas Regarding Italians 209
Incomplete knowledge regarding Italians. Type of Italian that comes to America. Recency of Italian Immigration. Friction and misunderstanding due to maladjustment; lack of proper sociological milieu.
CHAPTER XXU — The Present Viewpoint 213
Practical demonstrations of leadership and initiative visible today along agricultural, industrial, and professional pursuits. Practical experience of social economists and social workers regarding their qualities of cooperation. Testimony of "Political Leaders" regarding their place in our American Democracy. Theoretical findings ; Genetic psychologists, Anthropologists, Sociologists. Conclusion.
CHAPTER XXIII — ^ Socio-Ethnic Problem 229
The problem stated ; synthetization with other racial strains in America.
CHAPTER XXIV — Does This Type Contribute to American
Democracy? 233
He is easily assimilable. He is himself creative. He is fertile and facile with respect to both imitaton and initiation. He is intelligent and can become deliberative and rational. He is law-abiding. Ignores the institutions of adults or parents that are purely Italian (their banks, newspapers, hospitals, societies, are unsatisfactory to him). Does not retain language, religion, habits and ways of parents. His voluntary organ-
CONTENTS X
izations are of a reflection of Americanism and are largely tinged with American culture. Organizations created are various and cover every field. Where none exists the proficient American of Italian extraction has entered so fully into the life and spirit of America that none is needed. An absence of an organization does not show a lack of cooperation or ability to organize but that absorption has been complete.
CHAPTER XXV — Symposium (looo questionnaires) 237
What the American of Italian extration loses. What the American of Italian extraction gains. What the American of Italian extraction contributes. Statistical tables.
CHAPTER XXVI — Some Positive Measures of Reform 284
How to economically preserve the high powers of the raw immigrant and facilitate the process of synthetization. Abolition of "Padrone" system. Regulation and control of unemployment. Elimination of disease. Recreation. Socially prepare for a more frictionless mixing. Different attitude of mind. Education. Politically distribute a greater share of executive leadership to such as are fit.
CHAPTER XXYII — Conclusions 304
General: This is a study in Americanization. The influence of the community in determining types. Specific : Sociological status of Americans of Italian extraction in New York City. Their "contributions," "loses" and "gains." What the future has in store.
BIBLIOGRAPHY 311
Chapter I Nature And Extent Of Investigation
PURPOSE — What is there about the American of Italian extraction that distinguishes him from other Americans? Is there a real difference? The Americans of Italian extraction that are studied here form one of the largest elements numerically in our population. Before any adequate understanding of them is to be had a thoroughly modern and scientific sociological survey needs to be made with respect to their individual natures and their concerted or group reactions.
The purpose of this study is to afford a sociological evaluation of the psychological traits and social organization of this type of American, based upon a first hand investigation of the type in question. Personal experience gained through a variety of contacts with these people, supplemented by information gained in interviev\'S with people who are closest to this problem afforded the bulk of the evidence analyzed. Where personal interviews were out of the question, in many cases it was possible to get at the ideas that exist regarding these people by means of a questionnaire described in a later chapter. The information gathered from the above sources and elsewhere, as will be described later, is used to denote the sociological status of Americans of Italian extraction in New York City. These Americans, like the second generation of Americans of other racial stocks, form an integral part of our American population, distinct and apart from our immigrant population "per se." Whereas in the past in considering the status of the racial elements within our borders one's chief attention or interest centered upon a type that was either foreign or Americanized through the legal naturalization process, here the emphasis is to be placed upon a type that to begin with is AMERICAN. From a mere description, therefore, of types that have characterized studies of the past, we pass on to an attempt to analyze the character and measure the force of the contribution, if contribution there be, that these Americans of Italian blood make to our older American life, customs, and ways of doing things.
The main purpose of this study, therefore, is, (1) to intelligently interpret Americans of Italian extraction to other Americans by pointing out what the fundamental characteristics of this type of American are as reflected through their social organization and other visible activities ; (2) to interpret these activities from the standpoint of what we understand Americanism to mean and (3) to show what and how much this type of American is contributing towards the solution of the problem peculiar to America, namely, the synthetization of her composite population groups and the evolving of a stable American type.
SCOPE — This study is limited to those Americans of Italian blood that were either born here or who came here when they were very young. It excludes the adult immigrant who as a rule, among the Italian stock at least, is so thoroughly ingrained with the traditions of the "homeland" that he himself is neither able to be affected in any very radical way through his contacts with our institutions nor to contribute creatively to our American Democracy.
Likewise the activities described and evaluated here are limited to those whose origin and existence strictly depend upon such Americans as above indicated, and not upon the immigrant.
For various reasons the writer has seen fit to limit this study to Americans of Italian extraction domiciled on Manhattan Island and in its immediate environs i. e. parts of what are known as and make up the "Greater City," viz : Brooklyn, Queens, Bronx and Richmond.
The reasons for this limitation are obvious. First for purely physical reasons it has been impossible to subject to the same uniform scrutiny and thoroughness of investigation the dense colonies of individuals similar in descent and located at such diverse places as Newiark, San Francisco, Denver, Los Angeles, New Orleans, etc. ; second, the problem of investigating this type is nowhere so pressing as it is here (more individuals, taking both our type in question and their immediate parents, live here than in Naples, the largest city of Italy) ; third, practically every socio-economic problem that exists elsewhere among these people is duplicated here ; fourth, the opportunity for making comparisons with other races exists here in the most marked degree ; fifth, the nature of the "milieu" or human nature stuflf in and among which this American is reacting, is in itself a potent factor in determining the nature of his reactions, and therefore not only numbers, but diversity of races is a factor to be considered ; sixth, the numerical factor involved in making a study in New York City rather than elsewhere is a happy one, in that we have a more just basis for making deductions ; lastly. New York City combines in its outlying districts, namely in Queens and Staten Island, the looser and more spread out or sparsely settled character of the colonies composed of Americans of Italian extraction existing elsewhere.
The method used in this survey will vary. Wherever possible, the statistical method will be employed. By means of statistical data, an attempt will be made to point out, quantitative measurements permitting, the numbers of these people and their sociological position in the community. These will be evaluated sociologically in the light of comparisons made with the products of other racial stocks. For instance, it is a fact often deplored of the Italian stock that relief work among the Italians in New York City is largely dependent upon the initiative and leadership of persons other than those of Italian blood. An instance in point is the case of the numerous war relief societies that sprang up during the war and whose aim was to bring succor to the Italian portion of our war's destitute. To a casual observer, such a condition among a people numbering easily the third or fourth largest element in our population might mistakenly betray a lack either of leadership or of the power of cooperation, and as such it has not infrequently been characterized. It more truly instances, however, the uniform lack of great financial men of Italian extraction in New York City. As evidence of this witness the names Morgan, Davison and Lamont — all prominent in charity work among Italian speaking people here.
On the basis of the figures shown in the numerous tables throughout, and the comparisons that these tables afford, some deductions regarding the value of the type under surveillance will be attempted. It will be noticed that our method is not primarily that of an intensive study of individual cases ; but rather, an extensive study of the larger sociological relationships has been the end held in view throughout. Where so many are concerned one would get nowhere if the former method were tried. In fact, there are plenty of institutions where such studies can better be made. In this way only was it possible to get a perspective of the tendency towards which the type is gravitating, and to distinguish the subtypes and varieties into which, as all indications point, the Italian strain is beginning to ramify, just as the older German, Scotch-Irish, and English did some decades ago.
SOURCES — The sources for the interpretations set forth are mainly gathered from a first hand study of the people in question themselves, gained by the writer through a constant and intimate contact as one of them in their play, school, and work. Back of this similarity of origin and supplementing this original contact lies the writer's experience, extending throughout five years as a social worker for the Children's Aid Society of this city, and as "Special National Field Scout Commissioner" with the Boy Scouts of America, permitting him to do organizing and executive work among Italian colonies all over the United States. These afforded an unparalleled opportunity for studying the nature of the various kinds of organizations effected by these people as well as for observing practically all of their other activities.
The writer's position made it possible for him to come in contact with and interview many of the most prominent Americans of Italian blood in New York City who are today actually engaged in mastering this problem of social interpretation and their testimony forms a substantial part of this study. Relative to this problem, it has been deemed advisable also to insert statements of Italians who are in our midst, causing to stand out clearer by way of contrast, the information gained from those who, remaining essentially Italian in their thoughts, actions, and speech, are looking at Americanization from another angle.
Lastly, the views of representative Americans of other ancestry than Italian, whose work or studies make their ideas valuable, are utilized, and, some of them have expressed themselves upon a concrete phase of these people's activities. Many such Americans have spent their lives in a devoted service to the welfare and uplift of Italians, and the representative character of their offices can be fairly assumed to insure the widest latitude for fairness and disinterestedness in their expressions. All these facts are incorporated in the questionnaire developed on pages 238 to Z72> inclusive.
The writer has also not failed to supplement his personal experience with a prolific use of the statistical records compiled by government officials, the publications of the Census Bureau, reports from social welfare and Americanizing agencies. In all cases where such data have been used, credit has been given and the source duly recorded.
Chapter II Difficulties Underlying An Investigation Of The Italian Element
DIFFICULTY OF COLLECTING DATA— The adult Italian is untrained and natively suspicious and yet before one can fairly or adequately interpret this rising generation of Americans it is absolutely essential that the observer know something of the individual type from which he sprang. One must become familiar with the conditions that beset this problem and make it distinctive. Collecting information from the "untutored" is not without its own difficulties.
The majority of Italian immigrants who seek our shores are driven here by stern economic necessity.* The hope of securing a better livelihood, the desire for the greater individual liberty that comes from added leisure, and, with some, the anticipated savings which will make it possible for them to return and live out their remaining years in the "homeland" in comparative opulence in return for the hazards undertaken — formed in the past as in the present the greatest of impelling motives. How closely related to the phenomenon of immigration was the pressure of the population upon the means of subsistence in Italy is shown by the Italian census in 1881 when the population was 257 to the square mile, and two decades or twenty years later when in spite of the great annual afflux to both North and South America this density had increased to 294 per square mile.
* "Italy even today is in the unique position of seeing her population increase with the going on of war. This apparent paradox is easily explained if one remembers that several hundreds of thousands of Italians returned from abroad to serve under her colors ; and that had it not been for the war Italy would have lost by emigration about half a million men and women each year for the past four years. The war by preventing emigration has kept all that population at home thus increasing Italy's population at a rate far greater than in time of peace in spite of the war losses," (Statement by Dr. Felice Ferrero, Director, Italian Bureau for Public Information, Saturday Post, July 20, 1918.)
On the whole the class of Italians that comes here represents the element lowest in the socio-economic scale that Italy possesses. This is to say that the stratum of Italian life in which the margin of economic subsistence has followed most closely and pressed most heavily upon the margin of possible economic resistance, has been the class that has poured its legions into our midst. Such people have had little opportunity in life, are untrained and as a rule, offer less intelligent contact to one gathering data than would otherwise be the case. Their suspicion and distrust make it difficult to secure reliable information.
RECENCY OF ITALIAN IMMIGRATION— Another consideration is the comparative recency of Italian immigration. Emigration from Southeastern Europe began about 1880 and is the most recent of the great emigration movements from the continent to our shores. The Italian makes up a large portion of this newest wave of immigration and at the outbreak of the war in 1914 represented the country that sent over the greatest number.
With the immigrant the chief problem is to secure a position ; his next is to see to it that it is permanent. Arthur Train says in speaking of the Italian immigration movement to this country "it would take a generation for these people of the old world to get out of their systems the tradition that in some ways they are bound to the soil where they serve and cannot leave it ; a generation for them to realize that they are free to come and go and to take part in the activities, political and otherwise of the nation at large. Herein lies the difference between the old imimigrant, the adult Italian,'^ the man who seeks refuge in America for his declining years and the boy of twelve, fifteen or eighteen the American of Italian extraction** who has life all before ihim. The older man is set in his ideas. This is shown in New York City in the Genoese districts where the grandfather who came to this country took up his abode and where he still lives." Such an individual rarely hopes for much else. Leader-
* Italics are ours. ** ditto ship, if it be there, is largely confined to work in the Italian community and such individuals become semipatriarchal potentates giving advice, alleviating suffering and even dispensing justice. Cooperation is invariably confined to others who have come over from Italy with them and from the same town. The radius of their circle of cooperation is practically zero when Americans of other stocks are concerned. Their own internal cooperation serves to set them off as a group apart and they act as a community within a community. This holds true for all nationalities and is a psychical not a racial characteristic. This exclusive character of adult Italian life therefore offers great difficulty to outsiders gathering data, and information which on the surface of things appears reliable may easily lead to gross errors in interpretation. Differences in dialects, customs, habits of life, in some instances represent wide cleavages ; in other instances such differences are more apparent than real.
NORTHERN AND SOUTHERN ITALIAN — By far the majority of the immigrants from Italy have come from its southern districts ; few from the north. One cannot fail to be impressed with the wide differences that exist educationally and socially between the North and South Italian. These differences however are not inherent in the type but reflect the better economic advantages that North Italy affords.
It is not surprising therefore to find these people mentally lowest in the scale of culture among immigrants that come to our shores. Some years ago when, with a million or more of immigrants pouring into our midst, the problem had become acutest, statistics showed that seventy percent of the immigrants from southern Italy v/ere illiterate.
The great disparity in mental and material cultures between the northern and the southern adult Italian immigrant is reduced to a nullity in the case of their offspring, showing the powerful levelling influence of American democracy and systems of education.
UNSETTLED PROBLEMS — Interested as we are in ascertaining what the value of the descendants of these people is in our democracy, we shall try to center our attention upon several facts that in a democracy are of the greatest moment. First with respect to the question of "leadership." On the basis of the activities disclosed in the section on Social Organization with reference particularly to New York City, we are to raise the question, "Is the American of Italian extraction deficient with respect to the qualities that make for leadership?" So many people say that if an undertaking centering chiefly upon matters that affect the Italian is to be successful it must be organized and managed by others than those of Italian blood ! Equally serious is the charge that a lack of cooperation exists among these people and that their relative disorganization is shown in the variegated sections within the Italian colony itself where on one street lives a type that has customs and habits entirely distinct from the customs and habits of those occupying the next street. "Is this lack of cooperation more apparent than real?" Finally and most important we are interested in knowing if what the American of Italian extraction brings to us is a pro rata share towards the creation of the type of mind and character of institution that we can label as being distinctively AMERICAN.
It is not expected that questions such as those above will be settled by this study. It is sufficient, if by raising these issues, it will become more apparent than was hitherto true, that a great deal of the internal racial problems of America are due to SOCIAL MAL-AD- JUSTMENTS in immigrant localities rather than to any inherent defect of mental traits — thus raising a problem, essentially sociological rather than psychological, for the future to solve.
REASONS FOR INVESTIGATION— One may ask for the reasons of a study of this kind. There are many reasons why a study of this description is useful. The chief one is a lack of definite sociological data regarding the second generation of Americans of Italian origin. Equally important is such a study because as the writer believes, with the detailed sociological and psychological study of racial groups such as this is, there will be less of that forwardness on the part of some individuals to assert superiority for any one group. It will more clearly be seen how much is due to opportunity and environment and how little to race superiority, if such a thing exist at all. Again, with regard to the process of Americanization, it is desired that chief attention be given to aspects of synthetization.
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