Labor and revolt

Front matter

ABOR • REVOLT

Class ±ilLS.a:Zi

Book_J"_^

Chapter I Page

Civilization again faces an old enemy — The historic mirage of Communism — Its beauty, weakness and danger — Its ally, the religion of loot — Bolshevism and its disguises — Class-w^ars of the past: the Helots, Spartacus, the Jacobin period of the French Revolution — The Paris Commune — The contagion of Jacobinism in America — Other outbreaks of discontent here — The sure ebb of each flood — Problems that remain 3

Chapter II

New era coming in America — Labor Giant to dominate it — His power already apparent — His strength, weaknesses and appetite — His blindness and gullibility — His confusion of ideas — Wealth and money — What constitutes the cost of living — ^the rising standards — his demand for "the whole product" — Conflicting interests and equal rights 23 viii CONTENTS

Chapter III Page

Aspiration in the present unrest — Immediate causes of the outburst: war and its after effects, opportunities during reconstruction, high cost of living, swollen profits of blood-money, desperation at forced lowering of standard of living, curtailment of free speech, the example of Russia — Surface indications that seems to make discontent unreasonable and the deeper facts : living standards still too low, ingrained fears not met, the sense of injustice, the wider outlook and ambitions 41

Chapter IV

The bitterness of Labor, its fear and distrust of employers — Their complication of the crisis — Their share of blame : — long-standing abuses and exploitation, broken promises, manipulation of piece work prices, use of Negroes as strike-breakers, abuses that laws have stopped — The conspiracy for re-action against unionism, collective bargaining, the living wage and Labor's right to know the facts of industry — The false cry of "Bolshevism" — Labor's real struggle against the Reds 58

Chapter V

Labor shortage gives power to Labor — Immigration, its injury to Labor, its abuse by Capital, the chance of its being renewed — Co-ordination gives Labor a bigger club — Dominance of industry almost certain — Labor's growing power in politics — Small importance of the Labor Party — The borrowed Anti-Saloon League method, its strength and limitations — Political control by Labor to cement the industrial autocracy 11

CONTENTS iz

Chapter VI Page

Germans help stir unrest — The sham of German Socialism and its dominance of American Radicalism — The pro- Germanism of the Socialists — Their war record — The interlocking of Radicalism and obstruction of the War — The German corruption funds — The poison that came through Russia — Soviet "ambassador" here a German — The German motive and the pretense of her weakness and reformation 95

CHAPTER VH

Safety first for Red propaganda — ^Varied beliefs unite for mischief only — Some differences as to method — The three classes of revolutionaries: Socialists, Syndicalists, Anarchists — The various Red aims: abolition of all authority, of God, of morals, of race distinction, of advantages from brains or training — Political parties become propaganda agencies — The anti-Americanism of the Socialist Party — The Socialist Labor Party — The Labor Party — The Industrial Workers of the World — The Camouflage of Revolution — The real purpose 117

Chapter VIII

Substituting laziness for unemployment; an historical experiment — The need of spurs to industriousness — Theories that have been disproved still preached by American Reds — Excessive price fixing, fiat money, division ol

CONTENTS property, government ownership, under-valuation of brains — How Socialist economic theories failed in Belgium — How Socialist political theories failed in Germany 141

Chapter IX

The similarity in class-revolutions — Tests of revolutionary idealism — The failures : of political freedom and equality, of popular rule, of equality of reward, of freedom for labor, of free speech, of a higher status for women — The results of these failures — The inevitableness of the Terror — Terrorism as a dogma — Plans for the Terror in America — The White Terror — Class-revolution in full flower 158

Chapter X

The resurrection of Revolution — New idea behind new hope — Long failure in America — The challenge to conservative labor — Gompers' position — The sudden change in Red Strategy — The steel strike and the uncovering of the "borers from within" — Great success of the new method — Hope of bringing on Revolution through it 175

Chapter XI

Pacifists as a field for Red propaganda — The kind of appeal used — Penetration of reform organizations through paci-

CONTENTS xi

PAGE

fist aid— Attempts to use these to cultivate unrest— Exploitation of educators, of the pulpit, of rich and idle women — The interlocking directorate of Radicalism — Penetration into government services 190

Chapter XII

Suppression of free speech for Revolution, and how it aided the Reds — Allies it brought them — Suppression more apparent than real — Dangers of suppression and its small effect — Red propaganda by word of mouth — The army of lecturers — Revolutionary training schools — The great periodical press — The pamphlet press — The use of foreign languages — The "liberal" press — The mutual support of all Red propaganda — The cost of the work — The men behind it — Propaganda made in Petrograd. . . . 198

Chapter XIII

The Red attack on the "capitalistic press" — Grounds for this and reasons for those grounds — Some Red lies: about history, about economic conditions, about Labor's suffering, about American "tyranny," about the war, about current events — The flood of lies about the success of the Russian Soviets — Suppression of all news unfavorable to the Red propaganda — A Socialist tells the truth about the Red press 212

Chapter XIV

The Red Challenge to the theory and practice of Democracy — What the Reds mean by "rule of the people" — Radical Labor far from a majority — Revolution's plans zii CONTENTS

PAGE

to use force — the Red bludgeon; industrial unionism, the sympathetic strike, the "burglar" strike, sabotage, the political strike, the general strike — The contempt of public suffering — The demand for Revolution by slaughter 229

Chapter XV

The Red appeal to idealism — and to greed — Incitement to theft, to irresponsibiHty — Exploitation of real wrongs and efforts to create new ones — Stirring up of lawlessness — Stirring up of hatreds — Efforts to stimulate Negro unrest; plan of campaign, the radical Negro press, sex equality, incitement to race riot and reprisals — The cultivation of aliens and national disunity, the foreign language press — Schools of Revolution — ^Labor their victim — Opposition to all reform — The line between Red and Radical — The strategy of the Reds: strikes, panic, and misery to bring on Revolution 257

Chapter XVI

Organized Labor staggers under Red attack — Uncertainty as to degree of success of the "borers" — The geography of labor-radicalism — American Federation of Labor on defensive — Revolts among the unions — Measures taken against radicals — ^Counter-attack by the Labor press — Conservative leaders' hands forced — The steel and coal strikes — Labor as the first line of defense against Bolshevism — Its need of immediate support 281

CONTENTS xiii

Chapter XVII Tying The Hands On Industry

PAGE

The change in Detroit — Effects of Red campaign on Labor: increase in strikes, growth of arrogance, unwilKngness to arbitrate, excessive demands, increased lawlessness, breaking of agreements, refusal to accept responsibility — Political threats — Disregard of public rights — The Labor Party — Civil service strikes a challenge to Democracy — The impossibility of divided loyalty 293

Chapter XVIII

The Red drive to lower production — Some simple economic laws defied — The myth of "over-production" — ^Labor's reduction of prosperity by strikes, by excessive wage demands by too short hours, by slacking — The "just-somuch-work-to-be-done" fallacy — The cost of slacking since the war — ^Who foots the bills — The "vicious circle" of increasing costs — All progress scotched — The social and economic failure of Australian Labor 310

Chapter XIX

Soap-box financing; the Red's visior — ^What Labor receives from its product — Burdens it must always carry; distribution, replacement of machinery, enlargement of industrial plant, experiments — "Hoarded wealth" really at work — How wealth is distributed now — Labor could not increase its share more than one-fourth — Excess wages would "eat up the fat" of social accumulation and bring bankruptcy — The sure victory of mathematics over theory 332 xiv CONTENTS

Chapter XX Page

The spreading panic — Talk of "fighting it out" — Democracy's defenses: prosperity, lack of classes, individualism, the fundamental conflict between Labor and the farmers, the reserve corps in the Appalachians, the power of counter organization, the "white collar" reserves of labor power, the increasing power of women, the strength of the majority, the final resource of force — The weaknesses of Democracy: our powers not self-starting, ignorance wide-spread, the Negro, the alien, irresolution and cowardice in government — The fundamental strength 349

Chapter XXI

The Optimism of the Reds — The ever-receding revolution — The real number of revolutionaries — Greatest danger in effect on Labor — The menace of the general strike — How society can meet it — The British organization — The Winnipeg organization — The weaknesses of Revolution: disunity, poor leadership, ingrowing distrust, emotional effect of defeats — The possibility of a sudden conflagration 370

CHAPTER XXn

The lack of nutrition in owl's milk — Labor demands that must be met — Labor's political power, its menace and cure — The hope of increased prosperity — Changes in

CONTENTS XV

PAGE

distribution not enough — Means of swelling production — The price of industrial security — Democracy in industry — The margin of time 380

CHAPTER XXIII plea for the Reds; evils that lead to Revolution an inheritance of centuries — ^An excuse for the "intellectual" zealots — The great purpose and meaning behind Labor's errors — The wide need of education and counter-propaganda — The price of security more complete civilization — No need to fear result — Final outcome certain to be Progress 397

Chapter I

Civilization again faces an old enemy — ^The historic mirage of Communism — Its beauty, weakness and danger — Its ally, the religion of loot — Bolshevism and its disguises — Classwars of the past, the Helots, Spartacus, the Jacobin period of the French Revolution, the Paris Commune — The contagion of Jacobinism in America — Other outbreaks of discontent here — The sure ebb of each flood — Problems that remain.

The close of the first year after the signing of the armistice with Germany saw signals of distress flying from every political and industrial masthead in the United States. The simultaneous onslaught of Revolution and Labor, which many people believed to be a single movement, had brought a large part of the country to the verge of hysteria. The nation had wanted, and had expected, to be able to rest from its exertions during the war, to heal its sores, and reestablish its comforts. Instead it had to turn to battle with unexpected and little understood enemies, and at the same time to attempt a sudden solution of industrial problems which had been optimistically shoved into the background through many years.

The result was confusion of thought and action, hesitation, vacillation, almost panic. Vague, menacing shapes filled the air and distorted the vision of many who should have been able to see clearly and ready to lead. Real damage was being done and real menaces were arising, and the real and the fancied became inextricably entangled.

Yet by that time it had become possible to form a just and reasonable estimate of the menace — or the two menaces, for that of Labor is largely distinct from that of Revolution in spite of many seeming similarities. It had become possible, too, to see through the dangers the great and real good which they may bring, and will bring if they are intelligently met. The forces behind the two attacks, their aims, their methods, and their chances of success, all had become sufficiently well defined for fair appraisal.

UNREST A CHRONIC AILMENT

First in any such appraisal stands the fact that the menace of this acute and general unrest, though almost new to America and presenting many new features, is in fact as old as history.

Every form of society has had its human wreckage — ^men and women who have failed to win success, failed even to win ordinary comfort and safety from the struggle that is life. Some have been, and are to-day, simple misfits ; some are lazy, unruly, incompetent or unstable. The lot of all these has always been — and is to-day, the unhappy one of the failure: to hunger and freeze, and know only from envy those things which make life pleasant. And since the lack of a clear and honest vision is common, these must needs blame the world, and not themselves.

Before their eyes and also those of a certain type of idealists, generously touched by misery but unfitted to attempt its cure, there has floated through all history the mirage of a time when the strong and successful should carry the weak and imfit, when law should wipe out the difference between man and man, when society should take on the burdens that now rest on each man's or woman's shoulders and there should be no more inequality and no more want. This mirage of Communism, this dream of Utopia, has been the ideal upon which has been built every radical revolutionary scheme for centuries.

Bolshevism is, for to-day at least, the extreme of Socialistic Communism. Anarchism is a kind of Commimism without laws. Syndicalism is an anarchy of communes. Take out the Communism and Revolution has nothing left to fight for.

Yet history is full of the failures of Communism; some tragic, some comic, all complete. It has been tried from all angles, from every point of view, by persuasion, by fraud and by force, and always its history has been the same — its supporters have fallen away and have fallen out among themselves and the thing has ended for a time. But its promises are so great for certain types of minds, that always there are new prophets of the old error arising and trying to entice or drive men into it.

There is much of beauty in the communist ideaL There is only one objection to it — the story of its thousand failures.

THE WOLF INSIDE THE SHEEP S CLOTHING

But behind this idealism is a thing utterly different, yet as old. It is another vision — a vision of a time when the weak should rule the strong, when the improvident and shiftless should seize the goods of the prudent and the industrious, when there should be, for the dreamers, a life without work and without responsibilities, duties or burden. This is the other vision that is seen to-day, as always, by many.

Thus we have a religion of loot, a dogma of piracy, a philosophy of ignorance and misrule triumphant — at best a creed of utter irresponsibility. It tells the "have-nots'* to seize all from the "haves'*; women and life and opportunity as well as property; it teaches hatred and cruelty and bloodlust as the keys to "brotherhood" ; it sanctifies every manner of force and violence, and makes no call on its disciples for any virtues other than voracity and ruthlessness.

Yet it hides behind the words and formulae of the idealists, steals their dogma and phrases, and can claim their support and use them till it has gained strength enough to throw off its mask — of which they are a part.

This is the spirit of Bolshevism — a mixed, incongruous, inconsistent spirit. Technically "Bolshevism"

is a slang name, like "Bull Moose,'' for the extreme radical wing of the Russian socialist groups, and is only a small part of the day's revolutionary menace. But practically, since Bolshevist leaders are the present incarnation of this age-old combination of plunder and idealism, the name has come to represent to the world the whole spirit of Red Social Revolution, of class hatred and of greed, whether or not that hatred and greed give formal allegiance to the flag of Bolshevism.

ALLIES OF THE WOLF-PACK

Neither Communism nor Bolshevism would be dangerous, however, if they had to stand alone. But at recurring times and in various places, they have had powerful help from the outside. Misrule, exploitation, tyranny in all its forms, the ever-reaching greed and heartlessness of those who have held power — ^these have been their allies. They have often and again driven great masses into such conditions of life that misery turned to desperation, and sufferers became for a time the supporters of the born Bolshevists. This was true of France in 1789, it was true of Russia in 1917.

Bolshevism has had other allies as well. It can, under the sheep's clothing of its idealistic partners, appeal powerfully to the spirits of reform and of ambition which are shared by all good men. Reform and ambition must always fight, and often they fight against terribly unfair handicaps and grow weary in the struggle. To them Bolshevism whispers its vision of perfection at a stroke, of the destruction of every evil and every handicap at a blow and in a bundle; or it merely promises help to attain the ends which reform and ambition have already set. It need not be too explicit nor too scrupulous in its promises, if only it can for a moment substitute violent revolution for reasoned progress.

MODERN WOLVES TRUE TO BREED

The outbreak with which Civilization is fighting to-day differs in no important aspect from those of the past. Not all who have joined in it wish to go to extremes, and, as has been said, not all admit allegiance to Bolshevism in name. But all are agreed on the first steps toward Bolshevism, and since that is to-day the clearest, best defined and most vigorous of the revolutionary movements, it may fairly be taken as having given the keynote to the present outbreak.

Here are the principles of to-day's Revolution, taken from the Constitution of the Soviet Republic:

To fight everywhere and without sparing their strength for the complete power of the working classes. ... In order to put an end to every ill that oppresses humanity and in order to secure to labor all the rights belonging to it, we recognize that it is necessary to destroy the existing social structure, which rests upon private property. . . .

Lenin, the greatest of the Bolshevists, says: "The proletarian state is the apparatus by which the proletariat suppresses the bourgeoisie." And, as showing the unity with Communism — "the workers in various countries have gone over to Communism and Bolshevism." In his use of the words "proletarians" and "bourgeoisie" it may be assumed that Lenin, trained in the school of Karl Marx, founder of modern Socialism, follows Marx's definition: "By bourgeoisie is meant the class of modern Capitalists, owners of means of social production, and employers of wage-labor. By proletariat, the class of modern wage-laborers who, having no means of production of their own, are reduced to selling their labor power in order to live."

Thus the object of Revolution, stripped of jargon, is clear: The wage workers are to be inspired through class-hatred to class-war, are to seize all wealth, and rule the world, excluding all but themselves from any share in power.

It is often stated that Bolshevism is a foreign product, too foreign to American spirit and temperament to be a danger here. But it is already a danger and it is not wholly foreign. Its formulator was Daniel de Leon, a Venezuelan of Spanish family, for years a member of the Columbia law school faculty. His teachings have transformed the philosophy of Marx from a political theory to a violent revolutionary scheme. Moreover the essence of Bolshevism, in all important particulars, is found coloring all American lo LABOR AND REVOLT

Radicalism. Even the comparatively moderate Socialist Party declares that "ours is a dying social order/' that there must be "a complete transformation of Capitalist society/' and that "the main struggle of the masses is to secure control of these basic institutions/'

Starting from these principles, mild only in comparison with some others, and less mild in actual intent than in their careful and ultra-diplomatic phrasing, Radicalism goes to every extreme in America to-day. Agitation is sweeping the country, and such occurrences as the strikes in Seattle, Winnipeg, and Boston, and those of the miners and steel workers show that our whole social fabric is torn, that every principle of our Democracy is challenged.

Yet this challenge is new only in America, and even here it differs from previous outbursts more in name and methods than in anything else.

BOLSHEVISM BESIDE THE PYRAMIDS

For Bolshevism is old. Go back 3500 years, to about the time when David ruled in Jerusalem, and we find Bolshevism — not under that name, of course — in Egypt. Here is a picture drawn by a priest, Apoui, about 1500 B. C:

Serfs and laborers, released from control, will thrust out their masters. They will hang gold, lapis-luzmli, carnelian, malachite, around the necks of their wives, while princesses will be thrown into the street. The son of a man of standing will no longer be preferred to him who is the son of one

BOLSHEVISM, A PERIODIC MIRAGE n

of no rank. Temples will no longer be respected. The books of the sanctuary will be taken away and the mysterious shrines will be unveiled. The archives will be opened and the titles to property stolen. Violence will rule in all places.

He who lacked bread has now a granary and his larder is full with what lately belonged to another. . . . The beggar woman who had no other mirror than the water now paints her eyes before a beautiful looking glass. . . . The laborer without one serf is master of hundreds of servants.

The fields will no longer be cultivated. Each man will say: "What is the use of it? Do we know what is going to happen to the land?"

Terrible epidemics will break out, which will attack all classes alike. The plague will lay hold. . . . There will be bloodshed everywhere.

The rich will lament, the poor will rejoice and cities will say, "Let us drive out the powerful from amongst us." The explusion will not take place without violence, and civil war will desolate. . . »

Together with this picture of Bolshevisin when the Sphinx was young, we may put a dozen others. There were the frequent revolts of Sparta's underlings, the Helots. There was Spartacus, who led what was practically a strike against the Roman government — 6000 of his followers were hanged along the road from Rome to Capua. There was Martinique, where Toussaint UOuverture led the Negro slaves in a revolt that was completely successful, and has condemned the beautiful island to a hideous savagery ever since.

But most important and most recent and clear are the French parallels, the Jacobin period of the French

Revolution, and the Commune of 1871. In the first, from the fall of the King to the execution of Robespierre, the Revolution was out from under the control of the middle classes, who began and ended it, and was dominated by the proletariat, or by what went under that name, the riif-raff of the nation gathered in Paris. This period was marked by the seizure of property, the attacks on the church and on religion, the attempt to finance the nation on paper, the confiscation of grain from the peasants for the benefit of the cities, the controlling of elections by force and fraud, the suppression of free speech and the press, secrecy of government, attempts to fix prices on food and clothing, want, misery and finally the Terror. It was marked by almost every excess that characterizes Bolshevism to-day.

The Paris Commune went along the same path, so far as its brief life gave it time.

So high an authority as Prince Peter Kropotkin, the great anarchist leader, declared in 1908 that the French revolutionary writers "were imbued with the ideas which are the very essence of modern socialism." He accuses the middle classes, who restored order after the Terror, and brought France back to sanity and prosperity, of "adroitly betraying the revolution."

CONTAGION ALWAYS CROSSES THE OCEAN

America always, as to-day, has had her share in these disturbances. Whatever excitement may be flourishing abroad finds its echo here, and in addition we develop troubles of our own. Between them there is hardly a doctrine being preached from a soap-box in Madison Square or from a stump in the Oregon woods that has not been heard before by American ears. In some ways the modern attack is the more mild.

Most violent of these earlier American outbursts was that which paralleled the Jacobin rule in France. "Citizen" Genet came to America in 1793, with the red cap of Jacobin liberty at the masthead of his ship, and started a campaign to induce America to join France in war on Britain. He was received with immense acclaim and when Washington stood firm against his demands cities, states and classes seemed to vie with one another in howling against the president, and threatening the overturn of our government.

Every excess of the Terror became the subject of tremendous approval from press, pulpit and platform. There were demands that a reign of terror on the French model should be started here, and that the guillotine should be fed with "bourgeoisie, capitalist and stock-jobber." The torch for the homes of wealth and the dagger for conservative — that is, law-abiding — officials, were openly demanded. When Washington issued his proclamation of neutrality between France and Britain he dared not use the word "neutrality," having been assured by Jefferson, the great advocate of equality, that the country would not endure it.

The Jacobin contagion in America swept away every obstacle to its progress. Genet's journey about the country was one long triumph. He was received by governors and mayors, planters and business men, while the ''proletariat" gathered in throngs around the banqueting halls and shrieked itself hoarse. In Philadelphia and throughout the country Jacobin clubs professing the principles of government which correspond to those of Russia in 19 19, were formed by the score.

So strong was the sentiment that a French warship in the harbor of Philadelphia seized a British ship, and released her only when it became evident that President Washington was about to take forcible action. Everywhere the laws of neutrality were overstepped. In Baltimore two privateers were fitted out to prey on British shipping, and when Washington ordered them back the local authorities sent his orders in vessels so slow that there was no chance of their being delivered. When Gideon Hanfield, an American, was caught serving on a French privateer, a Philadelphia jury acquitted him, and the verdict was cheered in the streets. In the Carolinas a scheme was broached for invading Florida and ousting the Spaniards, with whom France happened to be at war, and in Kentucky an expedition was planned to float down the Mississippi and seize New Orleans.

The Jacobin economic theories had their fling on this side, too. A Pittsburgh club adopted resolutions demanding that every holder of securities in joint stock companies in America should immediately be guillotined, because their owning stock proved that they had more money than they needed to live on.

An incident of the agitation was the 'Whiskey Rebellion" in Pennsylvania and parts of Maryland and Virginia. It was started for the purpose of resisting a small Federal tax on liquor, and grew to such proportions before it faded away, that Edmund Randolph of Virginia declared it was the beginning of the end of the Republic, and Washington started to send armed forces under General Lee to conquer it.

SAME accusations; same phrases

This outburst reached its height in 1795, Just after the ratification of a treaty with Britain. It was charged that Minister Jay, the president and the senators who voted for the treaty had all been bought with "British gold" — a phrase we have heard recently. It was further charged that the treaty was the work of the aristocrats and stock-jobbers, who hoped by it to prevent the new "international fraternity of the people."

As the last phrase suggests, much of the cant of that day was the same as our own, so that even the language of Bolshevism is not new. We find throughout the propaganda of the Red agitation of 1793-5 — for propaganda was used then as now, though it had not yet been given the name by which we call it — such phrases as these: "the new internationalism," "unity of the people of all nations," "antiquated and crumbling methods of a rotten society/' and ''brotherhood of men and the destruction of all Governments, aristocrats and capitalists."

But the excitement subsided even more quickly than it had grown when America learned the truth about the defeat and vanishing of the Jacobin-Bolshevism of France. Genet did not dare return to France, where under the new government the guillotine he had praised so passionately waited to give him its personal attention. He married a daughter of Governor De Witt Clinton of New York, settled down as a farmer, and later helped improve the breed of sheep and lent his eloquence to the work of getting the Erie canal started. By a strange coincidence his great-grandson was the first man killed in France in 19 17 under the American flag. Brockholst Livingston, leader of a Jacobin riot against Hamilton in New York, became a justice of the Supreme Court of the United States. In Philadelphia the Rittenhouses, the Sergeants and the Biddies, all of whom had been active among the reds, returned to support of the political system for which their names stand to this day.