Russian-American relations, March, 1917-March, 1920

Front matter

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Foreword

The League of Free Nations Association, through encouragement of research by competent scholars, through the organizajtion of study groups and open forums in all parts of the counjtry, and by means of its own publications, is working for a ' liberal and constructive American foreign policy. It stands for America's entrance into the present League of Nations with the object of aiding its development into a truly democratic and world-inclusive organization.

It m axiomatic that upon the re-establishment of normal cultural, conmiercial, and political relations with the Russian peojple depends any adequate solution of the problems of food supply I and the revival of industry and trade which involve the whole j world. In the belief that the first requisite for the renewal of (these essential relationships between the United States and i Russia is a fuller knowledge of our Government 's Russian policy during the past three years, this Association on August 2, 1919, invited Dr. John A. Ryan, Mr. J. Henry Scattergood, and Mr. William Allen White to direct a study of Russian-American relations since the overthrow of the tsar.

The result is this volume of documents which, because of its objective and non-partisan character will, we believe, contribute towards the formation of an enlightened public opinion on this most important aspect of our foreign relations.

This Association plans to conduct, as one of its activities, further investigations of similar character into other phases of our foreign policy.

James G. McDonald, Chairman of the League of Free Nations Association.

130 West 42nd Street,

New York City, Mwih 1, 1»20,

Preface

This collection of documents and papers is the result of a decision taken last summer by the Executive Committee of the League of Free Nations Association to undertake an inquiry into the relations between the United States and Russia since the Revolution of March, 1917. The responsibility for such an historical study was given to a committee of three. The general purport and spirit of the inquiry are indicated by the following extract from the letter written by the Chairman of the Association, asking members to serve on this committee:

**It is not intended that this study should go into the question of the relative merits of Bolshevism or of the forces fighting Bolshevism in Russia, but that it should be merely an attempt to make clear to the American people what the actual facts have been in our governmental dealings with the various groups in what was the Russian Empire.'*

Those responsible for the work do not pretend that even the limited objective suggested by the Chairman has been attained in any degree of fullness. The story told by this compilation is necessarily fragmentary and incomplete. Many important facts are doubtless embodied in documents which are not accessible and it is to be hoped that this collection may be supplemented by others from authoritative quarters. The documents which have been included vary greatly in value and significance — some are official and some unofficial; and the inequality in the volume of materials available for different periods gives a certain effect of disproportion to the study as a whole.

Yet it may well be claimed that these documents, here brought together for the first time, throw light on many important aspects of our recent relations with Russia. Every such piece of work, seriously and dispassionately undertaken, may be regarded as a contribution to the task of interpretation and vi PREFACE

appraisement which awaits the future historian of our Russian policy during this critical period.

The documents fall into three main categories:

(1) Documents already published in English in Senate Reports, State Department publications, The New York Times y the Current History Magazine (the monthly published by the New York Times Company), TlfW Nation, etc. ;

(2) Original translations from various Russian official and unofficial newspapers;

(3) Materials hitherto unpublished, contributed by Colonel Raymond Robins and others.

The arrangement followed has been a simple chronological one, save in a few instances where clearness and continuity could be better secured by a slight departure from that plan. The documents have been allowed to speak for themselves with only such annotation as seemed absolutely required. Uniformity in the spelling of Russian names and in such matters as capitalization throughout the book has not been attempted. A minimum of punctuation has been introduced into the cables and telegrams in order to render them intelligible to the reader.

(signed) John A. Ryan,

J. Henry Scattergood, William Allen White.

Contents

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FoBEWOBD iii

Preface v

Introduction

The documents and papers contained fti this volume cover three years. They begin wtih the first declaration issued by the Provisional Government of Russia after the revolution on March 16, 1917, and end with the statement made by the supreme Council at Paris on February 24, 1920. While they by no means constitute in themselves complete materials for the history of the relations between the United States and Russia during the three years, they suggest and illustrate many salient facts of that history. In a lesser degree they throw light on the relations between Russia and the Allies over the same period, although documents referring especially to the Allies have been included only when they supply some essential element in the background or have a real, if indirect, bearing on some aspect of American policy.

For the purpose of this short analysis we may find it convenient to divide the documents into five groups on a chronological basis: (1) from the revolution in March, 1917, to the revolution in November; (2) from the Bolshevik revolution to the peace of Brest-Litovsk in March, 1918; (3) from Brest- Litovsk to definitive intervention by the Allies and the United States in the summer of 1918; (4) from intervention to the discussions on Russia in the Peace Conference in January, 1919; (5) from Prinkipo to the announcement of a new Russian policy by the Supreme Council in February, 1920, with which the record comes to a close. These divisions are arbitrary, but useful as points of departure. The periods thus indicated are each signalized by an historic event of the first importance from which many of the documents derive. Moreover, they roughly correspond with successive stages in Russia's foreign relations, viewed, in particular, from the standpoint of the United States.

I

The first period opens with the revolution in March, 1917, welcomed abroad as adding strength to the Alliance against

xiii xiv INTRODUCTION

the Central Powers by the inclusion of a new democracy. At the outset we have the proclamations of the Provisional Government to the people.^ On March 18, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, M. Miliukov, sends a Note to Russian diplomats, defining Russia's future foreign policy in terms of loyal adherence to the pact with the Allies and the continuance of the struggle *' without cessation and without f altering. '' ^

On March 27 the Petrograd Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies issues its proclamation to **the peoples of the world, ' ' ^ thereby revealing for the first time the portentous new force behind the revolution and the existence of internal conflict. The foreign policy of the Soviet is developed along two lines. On the one hand, the Soviet strives to impress its view of the immediate urgency of a general democratic peace upon successive Provisional Governments; on the other, it appeals over the heads of all Governments to the peoples.

The successful pursuance of the first aim is reflected in the pronouncement by the Government on April 9 for a peace without annexations and indemnities, on the basis of self-determination of peoples,* and in the reaffirmation of the statement after the decisive victory won by the Soviet over the old diplomacy as represented by Miliukov.^ On May 18, the Second Provisional Government, reorganized and broadened by the inclusion of six Socialist members, once more affirms the famous formula and announces its intention of effecting an understanding with the Allies on that basis.^ Meanwhile, the Soviet pursues its second line of advance by its appeal to *Hhe Socialists of the world" (including those of the enemy countries) on May 15,^ and its call for an international Socialist congress at Stockholm sent out on June 2.^

Contacts with the United States during this period take various forms. The dominant note is one of confidence, although a qualified confidence in some instances. On March 22, the new Government is given official recognition through Mr. Francis, the American Ambassador in Petrograd.^ Mr. Gompers, President of the American Federation of Labor, sends a long cable to the Petrograd Soviet on May 7, declaring that the views of American and Russian workers on the ends of the war are

1 Documents 1 and 3. « Document 12.

2 Document 2, 7 Document 11. 8 Document 5. ^ Document 13.

5 Documents 7, 8.

INTRODUCTION xv

fundamentally the same.^ The visit of the American Mission to Russia, headed by Mr. Root, provides the occasion for two notes, one signed by President Wilson, the other by Mr. Lansing, published on June 10 and June 19 respectively,^ expressing the goodwill and friendship of the American people and explaining America's war aims. On June 15, Mr. Root addresses the Provisional Government ; ^ on July 10, while still in Russia, he issues a statement to the Press, referring to the success of the Mission and promising American help ; * on August 12, after his return home, he delivers a speech in New York on eulogistic and hopeful lines."^ The new Ambassador from Russia, appointed by the Provisional Government, is welcomed by President Wilson on July 5.® In August President Wilson sends a message of encouragement to the National Conference in Moscow.'^

In Russia the situation grows increasingly more complicated and threatening. In June Tereshchenko, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, sends a Note to the Allies suggesting a conference for the revision of war aims,^ and this suggestion frequently reappears. Throughout the summer and autumn troubles accumulate for the Government: the failure of the offensive, disorders in Petrograd, the fall of Riga, the Kornilov revolt. The note of anxiety and strain deepens.'^ The declaration issued on October 8 by the last Government under Kerensky represents the final effort to cope with insuperable difficulties.^^ It looks for hope to two things : the creation of the Constituent Assembly and revision of war aims in concert with the Allies. On November 1 Kerensky gives his famous interview to the Associated Press, with its reiteration of the fact that Russia is ''worn out."^^ In spite of its guarded terms, in spite of official denials of implications which lie plain upon the surface, this interview gives clear warning of the crisis which is close at hand.

II

The Bolshevik revolution is accomplished on November 6-7, 1917. The second period opens with the Decree of Peace adopted unanimously at the All-Russian Convention of Soviets

2 Documents 14, 16. s Document 15. sDocxmient 17. 9 Document 20. ■* Document 19. lo Document 23.

5 Document 21. n Document 24.

BMaii xvi INTRODUCTION

on November 8, proposing immediate negotiations for a peace without annexations and without indemnities and announcing the Government's intention to publish all secret treaties.^ The Government's proposals for an armistice and peace negotiations are formally communicated by Trotsky, the People's Commissary of Foreign Affairs, to the Ambassadors of the Allies and the United States on November 22.- The following day a communication on the subject is addressed to the representatives of neutral countries, requesting their aid.^ The Spanish Ambassador sends a sympathetic reply.*

A series of protests follow from the military and diplomatic representatives of the Allies against the action of the Soviet Government.^ On November 27 an American military representative addresses a protest against any separate armistice to General Dukhonin.® He is informed in a caustic reply by Trotsky that General Dukhonin has been removed by the Government from the position of Commander-in-Chief.^

On November 28 Trotsky sends a Note to the representatives of the Allies, announcing the acceptance by the German Supreme Command of proposals for negotiations, and again inviting participation.^ Armistice negotiations between Russia and the Central Powers begin on December 3. In a Note on December 6 Trotsky outlines the course negotiations have taken and announces their suspension for a week in order that the other belligerents may define their attitude.® Peace negotiations follow. On December 29 Trotsky announces a further suspension for an interval of ten days and passionately appeals to the peoples and Governments of the Allies to come m.^°

A certain impression of confusion is given by the record of Russian-American relations during this period. But the first phase of bewildered readjustment is succeeded by one in which the note of hopefulness and sympathy still predominates. On November 25 General Judson, Chief of the American Military Mission in Russia sends a letter to the Chief of the Russian General Staff, with regard to the probable attitude of his Government towards the question of the continued shipment of American supplies to Russia." Two days later, Colonel William Boyce Thompson, commanding the American Red Cross Mission,

2 Document 26. s Document 34. 8 Document 27. « Document 40. 4 Document 28 lo Document 46.

B Documents 32, 33, 35, 36. " Document 29. e Document 37.

INTRODUCTION xvii

gives a statement to the Press bearing on this point in so far as it affects the Red Cross.^ On November 28 General Judson writes again to the Chief of the Russian General Staff, referring to American sympathy for the Russian people and expressing the opinion that Russia is within her rights in bringing up the question of a general peace.^ On December 2, the Izvestia (now the official organ of the Soviet Government) gives an account of a friendly discussion between General Judson and Trotsky on the question of the negotiations, in which the former is quoted as saying: *'The time of protest and threats addressed to the Soviet Government has passed, if that time ever existed. ' ' ^

Early in December Colonel Rajnnond Robins succeeds Colonel Thompson in command of the American Red Cross Mission in Russia. On December 27 a cable goes from him to Mr. Davison, Director General of the Red Cross, then in Washington, asking him to urge upon the President the necessity for continued intercourse with the Bolshevik Government.* The cable is sent through the American Ambassador who approves its terms. Mr. Davison in his reply on January 6 reports the approval of the State Department.^ On January 2 two documents are given by Mr. Francis to Colonel Robins for use in the event of certain contingencies.^

Cabling Mr. Thompson in New York in January 23, Colonel Robins urges the ^* prompt recognition of Bolshevik authority" and the immediate establishment of a ** modus vivendi making possible generous and sympathetic co-operation."^ This view, he says, is approved by Mr. Sisson, then in Russia at the head of the Committee on Public Information. In a cable to Mr. Thompson on February 15, after the rupture of negotiations at Brest-Litovsk, Colonel Robins emphasizes the danger of German commercial aggression and the immense importance of developing by every means commercial relations between the United States and Russia.^

Three cables from Mr. Sisson in Petrograd to Mr. Creel in Washington, dated December 18, 1917, and January 3 and 13, 1918, illustrate the &etavlties of the Committee on Public Information during this period and its relations with the Soviet

1 Document 30. b Document 45.

2 Document 31. e Documents 47, 48.

3 Document 39. 7 Document 54. ^ Document 44. 8 Document 57.

xviii INTRODUCTION

Government.^ President Wilson's address to Congress on January 8 ^ with its reference to the treatment of Russia by her sister nations as ''the acid test'' is given wide publicity.

Other documents are concerned with the Government's repudiation of Russia 's debts ^ and the episode of the arrest of the Rumanian Minister.* The peace resolution, hastily passed by the frustrate Constituent Assembly on January 18, 1918, employs the old phrasing in calling on the Allies to define their terms and join in working for an immediate, general, democratic peace, but it also expresses readiness to carry forward the negotiations with the enemy which have been begun.**

III

The third period is the period of rapprochement, although the strength of the forces working in the opposite direction is clearly apparent from the documents. The Soviet Government has not been recognized by the United States, but friendly relations are maintained through semi-official channels.

In this period we may include the group of documents related to and immediately preceding the ratification of the Brest peace. Colonel Robins inquires of Lenin with regard to the signing of peace on February 28, telegraphing from Vologda to which place the American Embassy has just moved.^ Next we have the Note handed by Trotsky to Colonel Robins on March 5 for transmission to the American Government, asking what aid might be expected in the event of the refusal of ratification or the renewal of hostilities, and also what attitude would be taken by the Government of the United States in case of hostile Japanese action in Siberia.'' No reply to this Note is recorded. The same day Mr. Lockhart, British High Commissioner, cables the British Foreign Office, urging assistance and warning against Japanese intervention.^ Ambassador Francis on March 9 sends two cables to the State Department on similar lines,® and Colonel Robins informs Trotsky of the fact.^^ Tchicherin writes to Colonel Robins on March 9, expressing appreciation of the American Embassy's friendly attitude.^^j

3 Documents 55, 56. » Documents 61, 62. ■* Document 52. lo Document 63.

5 Document 53. n Document 64.

INTRODUCTION xix

On March 12 the All-Russian Congress of Soviets meets at Moscow. President Wilson sends a cable expressing sympathy/ which is acknowledged in a resolution of the Congress.^ Mr. Gompers also sends a message.^ The peace is ratified. On March 19 a statement is issued by the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of the Entente refusing to acknowledge the treaty.* About the same time an interview with Mr. Francis is published in which he declares that he will not leave Russia and that America must still be regarded as an ally of the Russian people.^

Meanwhile, on March 10, Colonel Robins has gone to Moscow with a special certificate from the Ambassador.^ During the next two months a correspondence is carried on between the two, consisting of practically daily direct wire or ordinary telegraphic communications.'^ This correspondence overlaps in point of time with most of the documents included in the period. It touches upon a great variety of subjects: the Brest peace and the attitude to be observed towards the Soviet Government; Japanese intervention; Trotsky's reorganization of the Russian Army with the co-operation of Allied officers; the American Railway Mission; the rumored German control commission in Petrograd; the investigation by Captain Hicks of the British Military Mission and Captain Webster of the American Red Cross into the armed war-prisoner rumor in Siberia ; the proposed purchase of platinum from the Soviet Government, etc., etc. Special attention may be directed to the State Department dispatch — communicated by Mr. Francis to Colonel Robins in which the United States pronounces against Japanese intervention.^

Other documents relate to the Japanese question. Mr. Balfour discusses it in the House of Commons on March 14.^ On April 6 the landing of Japanese and British marines at Vladivostok is the occasion of an official statement by the Soviet Govemment.^° In a {statement on April 16, Mr. Francis declares that the incident is of purely local significance and in no sense the result of concerted action between the Allies.^^ On April 25 Tchicherin writes to Colonel Robins alleging the implication of the American consular officer at Vladivostok in a counter-

2 Document 67. s Document 72, No. 4. 8 Document 66. ^ Document 68.

4 Document 69. lo Document 82.

5 Document 70. " Document 83.

« Document 71.

XX INTRODUCTION

revolutionary conspiracy, promoted by the newly-established Government of Autonomous Siberia.^

The story of the investigation (referred to above) made by an American and a British officer into the rumors of danger from armed prisoners of war in Siberia, is fully told in the series of telegrams recording the experiences and observations of the investigators^ and in the comprehensive report, dated April 26, in which they set forth their conclusions.^

The degree of co-operation existing at this time between the Soviet Government and at least some representatives of the Allies is also shown by such documents as the letter from Mr. Lockhart, dated May 5, in which he instances to Colonel Robins a number of specific ways in which Trotsky has shown his willingness to work with the Allies.*

Several documents refer to the work of the Red Cross. A statement signed by Lenin and Tchicherin, dated March 29, emphasizes the importance attached to it by the Soviet Government.^ In a series of telegrams Mr. Davison and Colonel Robins discuss the question of the continuance of the work, as well as other points of general policy.^ A cable from Mr. Lansing, dated May 9,^ suggests that Colonel Robins come home for consultation and the latter leaves Russia about the middle of May.

Colonel Robins takes with him a plan for Russian- American commercial relations sent him by Lenin on May 14.^ After his return home he presents his own proposals for economic co-operation which he has stressed so emphatically throughout, in a report to the Secretary of State, dated July 1.^

IV

No sharp line of demarkation separates the third from the fourth period on the face of these documents. Non-intervention seems to fade into intervention. Rapprochement is gradually transformed into alienation and hostility. In Russia, the Committee on Public Information issues on the last day of May a statement by the American Ambassador and one by Mr. Lansing, asserting that the American policy is one of friendship, non-

2 Document 74. 7 Document 89. 8 Document 75. s Document 91. 4 Document 88. ©Document 92. 6 Document 78.

INTRODUCTION xxi

intervention in Russia's internal affairs, and complete aloofness to the appeals for help from groups opposed to the Soviet Government.^ Another statement by Mr. Francis on June 1 reiterates these points.^

Towards the end of May hostilities have begun between the Czechoslovak troops and the Soviet forces. On June 13 Tchicherin sends a Note to the British High Commissioner and the French, American, and Italian Consuls General giving his version of the facts of the conflict and protesting against the protecting attitude which he alleges has been assumed towards Czechoslovak aggression.^

Later in the month the Allied landing at Murmansk takes place, the forces landed including a small number of American marines. A series of protests follow from the Soviet Government, addressed to the representatives of the Allies, deepening in bitterness with the advance of the Allied troops.* On July 12 Tchicherin appeals to the Consul General of the United States in the name of that American friendship which is "so highly valued.''^ On July 17 an agreeemnt is concluded between the Allies and the Murman Regional Soviet.®

During the month the difficulties of the Soviet Government multiply. On July 25 the increasing tension of the situation results in the departure of the Allied Embassies from Vologda to Archangel. Mr. Francis sends a statement to Tchicherin, explaining the reasons for the step.'' The American Consul General, Mr. Poole, announces the intention of himself and his fellow Consuls to remain in Moscow.® ..^

In Washington the Czechoslovak National Council issues a statement on July 27.® This refers to the great military successes achieved by the Czechoslovak forces, mentions their lack of desire to "play policemen'^ in Russia, and dwells on their complete subordination to the orders of the Supreme War Council of the Allies.

On August 3 an official announcement is made of the policy of the American Government.^" It pronounces against "such military intervention as has been most frequently proposed *' and declares military action to be "admissible in Russia now only to render such protection and help as is possible to the

3 Document 96. 8 Document 101. 4Docimient8 97, 98, 99. » Docimient 104. 5 Document 100. lo Document 105.

xxii INTRODUCTION

Czechoslovaks against the armed Austrian and German prisoners who are attacking them, and to steady any efforts at self-government or self-defense in which the Russians themselves may be willing to accept assistance." To these ends, it states, the Government of the United States has proposed to the Government of Japan that each should send a force of a few thousand men to Vladivostok. The statement issued simultaneously by the Japanese Government is entirely concerned with the dangerous situation of the Czechoslovaks.^

On August 5 the Russian Embassy in Washington (still representing the Provisional Government which fell in November, 1917) issues a statement with regard to the groups which have revealed themselves in Siberia as the result of the *' liberating" activities of the Czechoslovak forces and the disappearance of Soviets in their train — in particular, the ^'Temporary Government of Siberia."^

An uprising in Archangel on August 3 results in the overthrow of the Soviet. On August 7 a statement is issued by the Provisional Government of the Country of the North, organized under the protection of the Allies.^ British representatives at Vladivostok, Murmansk, and Archangel on August 8 publish a declaration to the ** Peoples of Russia" that the invaders come as friends to assist in the struggle against Germany.* Tchicherin on August 6 sends an appeal to Mr. Poole against the action of the Allies.^ On August 9, Mr. Francis, in the name of the Diplomatic Corps, issues an address to the Russian people, disclaiming all intention of interfering in Russia's internal affairs, but declaring against recognition of any Government ** which has not a national character, which disregards Russia's solemn bonds of alliance and which observes the Brest- Litovsk Treaty.^

A number of documents in this period reflect different aspects of the strained relations now existing between the Soviet Government and the Allies; the internment of French and British citizens and the conditions of their exchange ; ^ the attack on the British Embassy;^ the Soviet Government's charge of an Anglo-French conspiracy.^ On August 23 Trotsky makes an indignant reply to the reference to the attacks by armed prisoners of war in the American statement of August 3.^^

2 Document 107. 7 Document 112. •'$ Document 108. 8 Document 117.

4 Document 109. o Documents 115, 116.

Document 111. lo Document 113.

INTRODUCTION xxiii

The attack on Lenin's life is followed by a resolution adopted by the All-Russian Central Executive Conunittee on September 2, declaring for "mass terror" against counter-revolutionists.^ The Government of the United States sends a Note on September 21 to all the associated and neutral Governments, asking them to protest against 'Hhe indiscriminate slaughter" of Russian citizens.^

Early in November the recently-established All-Russian Provisional Government at Omsk appeals for aid to President Wilson.^ This moderate Socialist Government is overthrown by a coup d'etat on November 18-19 and Admiral Kolchak is proclaimed Supreme Ruler.

Shortly before the armistice we find the first of a long series of appeals for peace addressed by the Soviet Government to the United States and the Allies — individually or collectively. On October 24 a long argumentative letter is sent by Tchicherin to President Wilson.* On December 2 a combined protest and peace proposal is sent out to Great Britain, France, Italy, and the United States.^ On December 24 Litvinov from Stockholm sends a reasoned statement to President Wilson.* A semi-official approach is made on January 10, 1919, through a letter signed by Litvinov and Vorovsky to Dr. Meyer of Christiania, containing certain definite conditions which the Soviet Government would observe, including the abstention from propaganda in Allied countries."^ On January 12 a statement by Tchicherin, dealing especially with the grounds advanced for the sending of American troops to Russia, is addressed to the State Department.® A Note to Italy, dated February 14, very fully reviews the whole situation up to that date, from the point of view of the Soviet Government.® On December 5, 1919, the Seventh Congress of Soviets in a resolution refers to earlier appeals and **once more confirms its unchanging desire for peace" by renewing the proposal for negotiations.^^