The United States in the world war

Contents

I. The Opening of the European War .

II. Pro-German Propaganda — Belgian Relief

III. Neutral Trade

CHAPTER II PKO-GERMAlSr PROPAGANDA BELGIAN- RELIEF

That the people of the United States should be indifferent to the course of events in Europe was impossible. Their neutral rights, their sympathies, their prejudices; indignation over the brutal invasion of Belgium ; admiration for the heroism of the Belgian people ; hatred of England ; good will towards England ; grateful remembrance for French support in the War for Independence, detestation of German militarism, love for the Fatherland, ties of blood, race, nationality, a hundred motives forced them to take sides.

As the greatest of neutrals the attitude that might be taken l)v the people and Government of the United States was a matter of much concern to all the belligerents and to none more than to Germany.

Xo sooner, therefore, was the war fairly under way than Germans, Gei-man-Americans and pro-German citizens began the most remarkable propaganda ever made by a belligerent and its supporters to influence opinion in a neutral country. The press, the platform, and the mails were used without stint. Indeed a special agent, Dr. Bernhard Dernburg, late Colonial Secretary of the German Empire, was sent to do his part in the effort to convince Americans of the justice of the German cause. A Press Bureau was established at New York from which came pamphlets and leaflets, and "The Fatherland, a weekly devoted to Fair-Play for Germany and Austria-Hungary." Professors in many Universities, men who had lived in Germany, and had studied at her Universities, while declaring themselves devoted Americans, wrote and labored for the German cause. The German language press sided with the Fatherland. The English languages press though overwhelmingly pro-ally, opened its columns to the expression of opinions by both sides.

Who began the war, was hotly debated. Friends of the Allies laid the blame on Germany and denounced her for violating the neutrality of Belgium. Pro-Germans defended the invasion of Belgium, maintained that France was the first to do so, charged Great Britain with responsibility for the war and declared that her defense of Belgian neutrality was a mere pretense. So warm did the discussion become that August 18 the President appealed to his "fellow countrymen," to be neutral in speech as well as in action. He supposed, he said, that every thoughtful man in America had asked himself what effect the war would have on the United States. That depended on what American citizens said and did. All who loved America would act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, of impartiality, fairness and friendliness toward all concerned. But the spirit of the nation would largely depend on what was said at public meetings, in newspapers and magazines, by what was uttered by ministers from the pulpit and by men on the streets. Our people were drawn from the nations at war. It was but natural that there should be the utmost variety of sympathy and desire as to the issues of the conflict. He ventured therefore to speak a word of warning against partisanship, against taking sides. The United States must be neutral in fact as well as in name. The people must be impartial in thought as well as in action. Our country must show herself tit beyond others to exhibit the fine poise of undisturbed judgment, the dignity of self-control, neither sitting in judgment upon others, nor disturbed in her counsels, free to do what is honest, and truly serviceable for the peace of the world.

The appeal, coming at the time it did, was by many looked on as a reply to one made to the President by the N^ational German-American Alliance, through its President, Dr. J. C. Hexamer, to use his good offices with Japan. That country, about to enter the war, had sent an ultimatum to Germany demanding the withdrawal of her armed ships from the eastern seas and the surrender of Kiao-Chow. This act was now used by pro-Germans to frighten the people of the United States. Having seized Kiao-Chow, the next objective point of Japan, it was said, will be Samoa.

Now Samoa, it was pointed out, is but six days sail from ports in Japan and almost in line with Honolulu, in which were living a hundred thousand Japanese, and Honolulu is but five days sail from San Francisco. With Samoa in her hands and a hundred thousand of her subjects on the island and another hundred thousand in Honolulu Japan would be ready for an attack on any power she pleased. Why not the United States ? There was more behind her act than the mere seizure of the leased possessions of Germany in China.

Hoping to involve the United States in the issue the National German-American Alliance appealed to President Wilson *'to plead with the Government of Japan," in the name "of humanity, civilization and universal peace to refrain from carrying the w^ar into the Far East by demanding from Germany to abandon all her political and commercial interests in China." She should be fair and submit any grievances against Germany to the Hague Peace Tribunal. Dr. Hexamer likewise appealed to the press to "frown down upon the act of Japan in throwing herself into the European conflict." Japan menaced no other nation as she did the United States, he said. Her purpose was to acquire the Caroline Islands, then possibly Samoa and finally Hawaii.

At a meeting of Irish-ISTationalists in Philadelphia a speaker declared England had ever been the bitter enemy of Ireland, and that Redmond had assumed too much, when he pledged Ireland to fight Germany, and resolutions friendly to Germany were adopted: "We, the Irish-Nationalists of Philadelphia," said one, "recognize in this conflict that Germany is the friend of Ireland, and that she is attacked from behind by Ireland's old enemy, England." "We repudiate the so-called leaders of our race who without warrant pledged Irish courage to the cause of the assassin and the coward." "To Ireland we look to hope for German victory over the power that has destroyed our own country." "We pledge ourselves to do all in our power to aid a friendly people to repel their enemies who are also ours, and to use every effort to bring Irishmen and Germans together to fight for a common cause, the national welfare of Germany and the national existence of Ireland."

The ministers of German churches in Philadelphia called a meeting at the Zion German Lutheran Church and expressed their pro-German views. Resolutions presented by the ministers "protested against the censorship by our government of German-American wireless stations. Any so-called censorship of the cables of England and her allies is a farce, as the dispatches can readily bo introduced into our country through Canada."

Kesolutions adopted by those in the pews set forth that: "We, German- Americans,'" protest "against the common calumnies against the head of a nation friendly to us, as degrading the entire American people" ; brand as false the statement "that Germany and its Emperor have sought and forced this war" ; demand "no favor for Germany from the English- American press," but "protest against all articles which tend to incite and seek to create public sentiment against Germany. What we ask is neutrality towards all warring nations."

The Kaiser, meanwhile, on September 7, protested to the President against the conduct of the Allies. "After the capture of the French fort of Longwy my troops found in that place thousands of dumdum bullets which had been manufactured in special works by the French Government. Such bullets were found not only on French killed and wounded, but also on English troops. . . .

"I solemnly protest to you against the way in which this war is being waged by our opponents, whose methods are making it one of the most barbarous in history. Besides the use of these awful weapons, the Belgian Government openly incited the civil population to participate in fighting, and has for a long time carefully organized their resistance. The cruelties practiced in this guerrilla warfare, even by women and priests, towards wounded soldiers, and doctors and hospital nurses (physicians were killed and lazarets fired on) were such that eventually my generals were compelled to adopt the strongest measures to punish the guilty and frighten the bloodthirsty population from continuing their shameful deeds.

"Some villages and even the old town of Louvain, with the exception of its beautiful town hall, had to be destroyed for the protection of my troops.

"My heart bleeds when I see such measures inevitable and when I think of the many innocent people who have lost their houses and property as a result of the misdeeds of the guilty."

No sooner did President Poincare hear of this protest than he too, addressed President Wilson. He had been informed, he said, that the German Government was attempting to abuse His Excellency's good faith by alleging that dumdum bullets were made in French State workshops and used by French soldiers. The calumny was nothing but "an audacious attempt to reverse the roles." Germany since the beginning of the war had used dumdum bullets and had daily violated the law of nations. On August 18, and on several occasions since, he had reported crimes. Germany, aware of these protests, "was trying to deceive and make use of pretexts and lies in order to indulge in further acts of barbaritv in the name of rio-ht."

September 16 President Wilson answered the protest from the Kaiser. He was honored that the Emperor should have turned to him "for an impartial judgment as the representative of a people truly disinterested as respects the present war and truly desirous of knowing and accepting the truth." The Kaiser he was sure would not expect him "to say more." "It would be unwise, it would be premature, for a single Government ; however fortunately separated from the present struggle, it would even be inconsistent with the neutral position of any nation, which like this, has no part in the contest, to favor or express a final judgment."

That same day Belgium made her protests. For weeks past horrid stories of atrocities perpetrated by the Germans on the people of Belgium had come pouring in from abroad. The German armies had swept across Belgium and France almost to the gates of Paris. There they had been checked. The battle of the Marne had been fought and the Germans driven northward to the St. Quentin, Noyon, Laon line.

Ever}^vhere their path had been marked by murder, rapine, brutality and crime. The details of what was done need not be retold. The whole world knows it. In every village, town and little city men, women and children were shot for no offense whatever, houses and shops were looted and burned, churches were destroyed, farmsteads set on fire, peasants shot in the fields, and livestock carried away.

At Louvain the Germans, asserting they had been fired on by civilians, burned a large part of the city, some of the University buildings and the great library and shot scores of the inhabitants and carried hundreds into captivity. At Aerschot, under the pretext that the son of the burgomaster, a lad of fifteen, had killed a German officer, one hundred and fifty citizens were shot and the town pillaged and almost destroyed. Fifteen houses were burned after the people had fled from Rotselaer. Vise and a score of towns and hamlets met a like fate.

As the reports of these atrocities became known in our country, an outburst of astonishment and indignation followed. That the armies of a people such as the Germans were believed to be should wantonly destroy historic monuments, masterpieces of architecture, works of art and take the lives of noncombatants was at first almost unbelievable. Indeed they were indignantly denied or defended by the German language press and devoted friends of Germany. They were, it was said, of English origin, they came from Paris, were false and designed to prejudice America. Five American newspaper correspondents who followed the German armies as they drove through Belgium joined in a letter of denial and sent it by wireless from Brussels to Berlin for transmission to their newspapers. According to their account ^ they had spent two weeks following the troops a hundred miles, and could not report a single unprovoked instance. Stories of atrocities were groundless as far as they knew. They could not confirm one instance of mistreatment of prisoners or noncombatants. This, they said, was true of Louvain, Brussels, Luneville and Nantes. Many rumors when investigated they had found groundless.

A very different story came from the Belgians. No sooner had the Germans entered Belgium and begun the work of terrorizing the people than the Minister of Justice appointed a Commission of Inquiry to gather and examine all the facts relating to violations of the law of nations, the rights of property and destruction of human life.

The Commission met in Brussels, but after the removal of

'Mr. Roger Lewis of the Associated Press; jMr. Irvin S. Cobb of the Philadelphia Ledger j Mr. Harry Hause of the Chicago Daily News; Mr. J. O'Donnell Bennet and Mr. John T. McCutcheon of the Chicago Tribune.

the Government to Antwerp on August 18, communication with Brussels ended and no reports came from the Commission, Thereupon the Minister of Justice appointed a subcommission to carry on the work in Antwerp, and from it by the end of August came a report telling how Germany had violated the neutrality of Belgium, how in disregard of the Hague Eules of 1907, her aeroplanes and dirigibles dropped bombs on towns that were undefended and on fortified places neither besieged nor invested as Malines, Heyst-op-din-Berg, Louvain, ^N^amur, Antwerp; how the people were massacred at Aerschot, and how buildings were burned, homes looted and people killed in Liege, Louvain, Hersselt.

This report the King of the Belgians placed in the hands of a Special Envoy and sent him, attended by men of distinction, to deliver it to President Wilson as a protest against the wrongs inflicted on the people of Belgium.^

The Mission was received on September 16, an address was made, the document delivered, and a reply made by the President. In the course of it he said:

"I am honored that your King should have turned to me in time of distress as to one who would wish on behalf of the people he represents to consider the claims to the impartial sympathy of mankind of a nation which deems itself wronged.

"I thank you for the document you have put in my hands. . . . It shall have my most attentive perusal and my most thoughtful consideration.

"You will, I am sure, not expect me to say more. ... It would be unwise, it would be premature, for a single government, however fortunately separated from the present struggle, it would be inconsistent with the neutral position of any nation which like this has no part in the contest, to form a final judgment."

Ambassador von Bernstorff officially informed the State Department that the statement made by the Belgian Commission did not contain one word of truth. A dispatch from Berlin informed him that because of an attack from Antwerp the German garrison went forth to meet the enemy, leaving one battalion in Louvain ; that the priests thinking this meant retreat gave arms to the citizens who suddenly began to shoot out of '"The Case of Belgium in the Present War, 1914."

so THE UNITED STATES IN THE WORLD WAR

windows ; that a fight of twenty-five hours followed ; that parts of Louvain were burned, and civilians with arms were killed. The German army, the dispatch said, "protested against the news sent out by enemies about the cruelty of German warfare. The German troops had to take severe measures sometimes when pi-ovoked, the population making treacherous attacks upon them and bestial atrocities against the wounded. . . . The German soldier is not an incendiary nor pillager."

When the Germans were driven from Rheims in September, and the French came in, the retiring enemy turned their guns upon the cathedral. Against this act of vandalism the French Government, on September 21, made a formal protest to all neutral nations, and sent the American architect, Mr. Whitney Warren, to report on the damage done. Even the German Government at first seemed ashamed, and Ambassador von Bernstorff entered an official disclaimer at Washington and in its name denied that German artillery had purposely destroyed important buildings in Rheims, and that orders were given to spare the cathedral by all means. The report of Mr. Warren proved the destruction was deliberate.

Despite the testimony collected by the Belgian Commission and published in their report, pro-Germans denied that such atrocities had been committed and declared that what had been done was fully justified. The daily lamentations here over the atrocities, the barbarities of the Germans are dictated by English hypocrisy, said the Staats-Zeitung, published in New York. Americans who to-day profess to be so indignant over the bombardment of Rheims have plainly forgotten Sherman's March to the Sea. Atrocities ! Enough of the whining of English hypocrisy, because something beautiful has been destroyed. A Philadelphia German newspaper asserted that the Belgian Committee was being used by England to raise a cry against Germany. It had falsely accused German soldiers and the German army of gross infractions of the rules of civilized warfare and the rights of civilians. German wounded were mutilated by Belgian hyenas on the battlefield. Civilian populations had taken up arms and fired on the Germans from behind. The partial destruction of Louvain was to be attributed to an organized attack on the Germans by the civilians. Dr. Krauskopf of Philadelpliia knew that women and noncombatants had cut off the ears and noses and gouged out the eyes of wounded defenseless Germans.

Scarcely had the Belgians presented their case to the President when the case of Germany was set forth in a pamphlet entitled: "The Truth About Germany: Facts About the War." It was addressed especially to our countrymen, had been written in Germany and the correctness of its statements was vouched for by an Honorary Committee of four and thirty Germans of distinction. In the preface Dr. John W. Burgess of Columbia University vouched for them. Seventeen he had known for years. With six he had labored as a colleague in University work. "They are the salt of the earth! . . . I^o statement was ever issued which was vouched for by more solid, intelligent and conscientious people. Its correctness, completeness and veracity cannot be doubted." One article took up the question who was responsible for the war and laid the blame on England. Another reminded us of what England had done in the Civil War. Others explained mobilization and the organization of the German army and navy. Among the statements vouched for by the Honorary Committee are some as unbelievable as any that came out of Belgium. Americans were told "that the eyes of wounded German soldiers in Belgium were gouged out, and their ears and noses cut off ; that surgeons and persons carrying the wounded were shot at from houses"; that "German women were dragged naked through the streets (of Antwerp) and shot to death before the eyes of the police and the militia" and that "children were thrown from the windows of German homes into the streets and their limbs were broken."

In the light of what we now know of the activities of German spies and agents in our country against France and Great Britain, and finally against us while still at peace with Germany this complaint against espionage in Germany is worth citing. "This espionage," said the writer, "was directed from central points in foreign countries." "Kepeatedly it appeared that the foreign embassies and Consulates in Germany assisted in this work." "This espionage system was supported with large funds." But the writer did not then know of the work to be carried on in our country by Ambassador von Bernstorff, by von Papen, Captain Boy-Ed, Dumba and a host of others. The pamphlet closed with "an appeal to American Friends" ; but the appeal was made on the low plane of profit and loss.

"The American citizen who is now leaving Europe, which has been turned into an enormous miHtary camp, may consider himself fortunate that he will soon be able to set foot in the new world where he will be enabled again to take up his business pursuits. . . . But the American will feel the effects of the fate of the old world. . . . He will be affected by every victory and defeat, just as by the sun and rain in his own country. He will doubtless remember that of all European countries, Germany is the best customer of the United States, from which she purchases yearly over one billion marks in cotton, food, metal and technical products. If Germany is economically ruined, which is the wish of Russia, France and England and all the allied friends of wretched Serbia, it would mean the loss of a heavy buyer to America which could not easily be made good." . . . In forty-three years "England, France and Russia had not been able to increase their foreign trade three times, while Germany and the United States have increased theirs five times. The trade of Germany and the United States has increased from 7.6 to 38 billion marks. If these figures show nothing else, they show on which side the American sympathy will be."

That such information as Germany wished the people of the United States to have, might be spread as far and as wide as possible the Oberburgermeister of Berlin appealed to the Mayor of N"ew York to act as news agent. "The Fatherland," said he, "has the greatest possible concern that during the war in which it is fighting for life, neutral countries may not be informed of events of the war solely by the press of the enemy." The municipal administration of Berlin regarded it as a duty to make the reports of the German press on the progress of the war accessible to the authorities and citizens of the great municipalities of neutral states. The German newspapers regularly published reports from General Headquarters on the state of affairs. This information which came, plain and unadorned, from an uncontaminated source would give to the world trustworthy and clear accounts of events. He would be greatly obliged, therefore, if the Mayor would be willing to receive the reports and send them to the sources of public information in the city, and if possible bring them to the knowledge of the citizens by having them exposed in the reading rooms, or in any other suitable manner.

Ninety-three German professors and representatives of science and art now appealed "To the Civilized World" against "the lies and calumnies with which our enemies are endeavoring to stain the honor of Germany in her hard struggle for existence." "It is not true that Germany caused the war." "Neither the people, the government, nor the Kaiser wanted war." Not until "a numerical superiority which had been lying in wait on the frontier assailed us did the whole nation rise to a man."

"It is not true" that Germany "trespassed in neutral Belgium." "It is not true that the life and property of a single Belgian citizen was injured by our soldiers without the bitterest self-defense made it necessary." "It is not true that our troops treated Louvain brutally." "It is not true that our warfare pays no respect to international law." "It is not true that the combat against our so-called militarism is not a combat against our civilization, as our enemies hypocritically pretend it is. Were it not for German militarism German civilization would long since have been extinguished."

"We cannot wrest the poisonous weapon — the lie — out of the hands of our enemies. All we can do is to proclaim to all the world that our enemies are giving false witness against us."

"Have faith in us ! Believe that we shall carry on the war to the end as a civilized nation."

Twenty-two German Universities made an appeal, and twenty English scholars answered that of the German professors and men of science. Ludwig Fulda, well known as a writer of poetry and prose, addressed an open letter "To Americans from a German Friend." Fifty-three British authors came to the defense of England. Bernard Shaw's "Common Sense About the War" was published in the New York Times, and was vigorously attacked in the same journal by Arnold Bennett. After the "White Papers" of Great Britain and Germany, the pamphlets containing the correspondence that passed between them and the Powers from the close of July until the declarations of war, were made public, ''A German Review of the Evidence" was written in Germany and sent to Dr. Bernard Dernburg- who had it translated and published in the New York Times.

From Dr. Dernburg came a series of articles afterward collected and published in a pamphlet "Search-Lights on the War." One, "Germany and England — The Real Issue," appeared in the Saturday Evening Post; another, "Germany and the Powers," in the North American Revieiv; another, "Germany's Food Supply," in the Review of Reviews, and another, "When Germany Wins," in the hidependent with a hearty endorsement by the editor. "We hear a great deal about what England and France are fighting for," said the editor. "We have heard very little — except from English sources — about what Germany is fighting for. Here is a chance to read the other side.

"Dr. Dernburg stands for what we Americans most admire in modern Germany, its industries, its commerce, its technical schools and its efficient organization. . . . He is now in the country on a most important mission. As a man thoroughly familiar with American history and politics as well as finance he understands our point of view and can interpret to us the point of view of his own country."

And now the diplomatic representatives of foreign countries, resident in the United States, began to talk.

Sir Lionel Garden, Minister to Mexico, when about to leave the United States for England, denounced the Government because it withdrew the troops from Vera Cruz. Baron Wilhelm von Schoen, attached to the German Embassy at Tokio until Japan entered the war, arrived in Washington and in an interview sought to excite bad feelings towards Japan. There feeling against the United States, he said, was intense. Should Japan and England be victorious, which he did not believe could happen, the danger to the United States would be great. Japan wanted war. His meaning plainly was that the United States would do well to side with Germany.

The great offender was the Ambassador from Turkey, A. Rustem Bey. His country had not yet entered the war. That she would do so no one doubted and a report was current that Great Britain had suggested that as a massacre of Christians was likely, the United States should send warships to Turkish waters. Concerning this the Ambassador in an interview said Great Britain, following in the footsteps of France, had agitated before the eyes of the United States the specter of a massacre of Christians in Turkey, and had made this a pretext for requesting the United States to send warships to Turkish ports. Because many newspapers were siding with Great Britain and France he would say that ''the thought of lynchings which occur daily in the United States, and the memory of the water cure in the Philippines should make them chary of attacking Turkey in connection with acts of savagery committed by her under provocation." Why should the United States, not one of whose citizens had ever suffered injury in Turkey, "send warships to the ports of that country with the result that it would only cause irritation against her, and could under no circumstances act as a check ?" Bombard Smyrna and Beyreuth ? "And what more could she do ? Nothing ! Besides that would be enough to mean war. Do the people of the United States want war ?"

For these remarks von Schoen and Rustem Bey might very properly have been required to leave the country. But the administration was long suifering. The attention of von Bernstorif was called to the utterances of von Schoen, then attached to the German Embassy at Washington; the offender called at the Department of State and the incident was settled. Rustem Bey would neither explain nor retract, and, passing by the Secretary of State, he called on the President and announced that he had asked leave of absence and shortly thereafter left our country not to return.

"No sooner had Congress assembled in December than the German- Americans turned their attention to munitions of war, and sought to secure legislation to prevent the export of guns, powder, shrapnel and shells from the United States to any of the belligerents. As matters then stood Germany was cut off from such supplies from our country. Therefore they held it was unneutral to sell munitions of war to the Allies. ,In hope of arousing public sympathy for Germany resolutions were offered in Congress and bills were introduced to prohibit the sale of arms and anununition for export during the war ; to forbid the furnishing of war materials to belligerent nations ; and thousands of telegrams were sent to Senators and Representatives urging them to vote for one or the other of the bills. Attempts were made to even coerce some members, and petitions, chiefly from the middle western part of our country, were presented by scores. One from a meeting of citizens of Enderlin, North Dakota, presented on January 17, was, save for the preamble, word for word the same as the resolutions adopted on January 11 by the Philadelphia Branch of the National German- American Alliance. Ten nations, the preamble to the Enderlin resolutions said, were drawing war supplies from the United States. This tended to increase the loss of life, the destruction of property, and prolong the war. As a people we prayed for peace ; but as a nation we helped on the war by emptying our private arsenals and war supplies "onto the battlefields of Europe." Our Government had proclaimed strict neutrality. Yet, when we offer military supplies to any nation that chooses to buy, and do so knowing that for a hundred years England by her supremacy on the seas is master of all contraband goods, we are pursuing a course which diverges so far from strict neutrality that we injure "our ancient friends, Germany and Austria, by every means in our power."