Recollections of a Russian diplomat; the suicide of monarchies

Preface

The preparation of Mr. de Schelking's manuscript for publication has been an interesting, if somewhat arduous task. When I was able to secure the manuscript from the hands of the censor, in Ottawa, I discovered that what Mr. de Schelking had meant and what the translation said were two different things, owing not to the fault of the translator but to the extreme difficulty of following the trend of another man's mind. In consequence, it was necessary to rewrite the whole manuscript and then to go most carefully through it with the author, all of which took considerable time. But the more familiar I became with the manuscript, the more fascinating the matter appeared to me. In fact, when the final copies were dispatched to the publishers, I quite regretted that, for the time being at least, my connection with the work was over.

I think any one who reads the book will agree with me that it is one of the most fascinating human documents which has been published in recent years. Through it all there runs the personality of the author who throughout his diplomatic and journalistic careers, seems to have had a premonition that the weaknesses of the men who by birth or caprice vi PREFACE

held the destinies of the world in their hands, would bring about a terrible catastrophe.

Naturally, as a good Russian, Mr. de Schelking was not altogether in favour of the Eussian entente with England. The greater part of his diplomatic career was evidently passed during the period when Russia and England were constantly clashing in the East. It must be admitted that in England for years, the instinctive sentiment of the politicians and public was to regard Russia as an enemy just as France had been regarded as an enemy. Thus Russia's natural policy was to oppose England with Germany, while remaining friendly with France, although even her friendship with the latter seems to have been tinged with autocratic regret for an alliance with a republic.

Metternich's idea of an alliance of the three Emperors of Austria, Germany and Russia naturally made its appeal to an autocratic government, but Mr. de Schelking evidently very soon came to the conclusion that the archaic anachronism known as the House of Habsburg, was a pillar in this structure which must inevitably crumble under the storms of national passions.

The gradual federation of the Balkan nations inevitably brought about the resurgence of Polish, Czech, and Jugo-Slav aspirations. Intensely Slavic in his sentiments and constitutionally democratic in his instincts, Mr. de Schelking had no patience with

PREFACE vii

the vacillating policies of the statesmen who refused to face facts, but took refuge in expediencies. The dynastic interests of the Hohenzollerns, Habsburgs, and Eomanoffs, sooner or later, would inevitably clash with the progressive tendencies of the various European nationalities. Therefore like many others, Mr. de Schelking regarded the personal interests of statesmen, whose power came through the favour of their rulers, as utterly opposed to all progress. He does not hide his contempt for those statesmen who tried to retain power at the expense of the interests of the nations over which they ruled.

No man who has a definite constructive policy and who has the gift of analysing the logical results of expediency, can avoid arriving at Mr. de Schelking 's conclusion, when he realizes the folly of these men. Intimately acquainted with the characters and personalities of the two principal actors in the European drama, the Emperors Nicholas II of Russia, and William II of Germany, Mr. de Schelking is ruthless in exposing their weaknesses. In these pages, men make their entrance and their exit from the European stage, not as the historical characters they have hitherto represented in the eyes of their audience, but as human beings, with all the weaknesses and foibles of ordinary every-day people.

I know no book which gives a better proof of the value of democracy than this one. Not because it deals with democratic principles but because it exviii PREFACE

poses the weaknesses of autocratic government. One of the most fascinating things about the book is the manner in which the most trivial affairs become the direct source of a tragic aftermath.

L. W. Makovski, Vancouver, B. C.

June, 1918.

NOTE BY THE AUTHOR

It is difficult to relate with any degree of clearness those events which culminated in the Russian Revolution and the great tragedy of the European War. Hundreds of books have been written about the policies of the various governments involved. History has dealt with Germany, Russia, France, Italy and the Balkan Powers and with their relations to the British Empire. Many of these books have been written by men intimately connected with the governments of what has been known as Continental Europe. They have dealt with the dangers of militarism and from another point of view, with the so-called danger of British sea power. To the student of history, these books have been admired but nevertheless they utterly failed to convince the world of the inexorable outcome of these policies.

The tragedy of the European War has been ascribed to many different causes. It is, of course, the natural outcome of policies deliberately pursued, but it will be admitted that behind the policy lies the personality of the men in whose hands have lain the destinies of nations. In the following pages, I have endeavoured to deal with many of these personalities as I knew them, more especially with

X NOTE BY THE AUTHOR

those men whose personalities guided the destiny of Eussia and Germany. Moreover, to thoroughly understand matters that may seem absolutely trivial but which were of themselves much more important than the widely advertised and published treaties with which history deals, it is necessary to know something of the reign and character of Alexander III, the predecessor of Nicholas II, and of Bavaria's position in the federation of Germany.

I have commenced my book, therefore, with a short chapter reviewing the reign of Alexander III. After his death. Emperor William of Germany became the dominating figure around whom the whirlpool swept.

I have given the name of The Suicide of Monarchies to this book because it was the feebleness of Nicholas

II which brought disaster to Russia and eliminated the Romanoffs from that throne, just as the insensate, egoistical and dynastic policy of William will inevitably eliminate the Hohenzollerns from among the monarchies of Europe, when the people of Germany realize the role he has played in deliberately plotting the tragedy.

The manuscript of this volume was originally dictated by me in French to Mr. Lawrence Mott, correspondent of the New York Herald in Yokohama, Japan, where I, after leaving Petrograd nineteen days after the final revolution broke out, stayed for about a year before coming to Canada. The book was practically re-written in Vancouver, B. C, by

NOTE BY THE AUTHOR xi

me in collaboration with Mr. L. W. Makovski of the Vancouver Daily Province whose knowledge of the European situation which led to the war, proved of inestimable value to me, who hereby desire to acknowledge the assistance I received from both Messrs. Mott and Makovski. The latter placed the manuscript in the hands of the publishers.

E. DE SCHELKING.

BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR

Mr. E. de Schelking was born in Petrograd in 1858. His family, which belonged to the ancient order of Teutonic knights, migrated into Courland from Austria, and there became Polish subjects receiving the title of Baron from the King of Poland, Sigismund III. When Courland, under Empress Anne, Duchess of Courland, became a Russian province during the latter half of the eighteenth century, Mr. de Schelking 's family went to Petrograd, retaining the title of Baron in Courland but not taking out the necessary papers to make the barony Russian.

His father was a Russian General — Nicholas George Schelking — who distinguished himself in the Hungarian Campaign of 1848 and in that of Poland in 1864. His mother was a Baroness Fersen, and one of her ancestors accompanied Louis XVI of France and Queen Marie Antoinette in their flight from Varennes.

Mr. de Schelking finished his studies in the Imperial College of Law at Petrograd and entered the Diplomatic Service of his country in 1883, and has held the following Diplomatic Posts :

First Secretarytin Greece, France, Spain and Gerxiv BIOGRAPHY OF THE AUTHOR

many, — both in Berlin and Munich — and he was for a time Legation Councillor at The Hague.

Leaving diplomatic life in 1903 he went into political journalism, and was correspondent in Paris for the well known Liberal Organ — ;the Rouss, and later for the Novoie Vremya.

After that again he was for six years in the Foreign Politics Department of the Birjevia Wiedemosti — the largest of all the papers in the Russian capital. While in this position he was officially asked on several occasions to undertake delicate missions for his government, and in consequence, travelled a great deal in Europe, but more especially in the Balkans. For a time he was the Petrograd Correspondent for the Paris newspaper — Le Temps.

During his actual diplomatic career, Mr. de Schelking spent fourteen years in Germany, with Count Osten-Sacken as his Chief.

During the last four or five years, Mr. de Schelking has been a member of practically all the Slavic Societies in Russia, and also a Member of their Councils. He was especially popular in the Slavophilist circles, and the representatives of the Czech peoples in Russia honoured him with an Address of Thanks for the work that he did toward the liberation of the Czechs from the oppression of Austria.

Contents

CHAPTER PAGE

Preface v

Note by the Author is

CHAPTER I ALEXANDER m

Personal Life — Polities Interior and Exterior. Greatness of the Empire beyond its Confines

Emperor Alexander II was assassinated on March 13th, 1881. His son, Emperor Alexander III, ascended the throne under most tragic circumstances. Two paths were open to him, reform or reaction: reform would of necessity entail the proclamation of a Constitution ; reaction, suppression of the tendency towards Liberalism encouraged by his father.

General Count Loris Melikov — the all-powerful Minister of the Interior during the last days of the reign of Alexander II — ^was credited with being a Liberal. Reaction had as its leader and devoted adherent Monsieur Pobiedonoszeff, the Procurator of the Holy Synod, and as its public exponent Monsieur Katkoff, the famous Moscow journalist.

The Emperor finally decided on reaction, and persisted in following this path for the fourteen years of his reign.

As I was a young man at the time, and held but minor official positions, I will only touch on a few of the Sovereign's better-known characteristics, which were quite the opposite of those of his successor, Nicholas II. I will also endeavour to give a clear idea of his foreign policies, which I was able to obtain from men who were his intimates.

Alexander III was undoubtedly very populai* throughout the nation : among the masses he had the reputation of integrity, loyalty, and firmness. The people felt sure of him and this won him their universal sympathy and understanding. Furthermore, he created for Russia an exceptionally brilliant position beyond the confines of her own domain, which naturally greatly flattered the amour-propre of the nation as a whole. Even the turbulent Liberals did not escape this benign influence and popular sentiment, thus making the reign of Alexander III one of complete political calm. It must be noted, however, that the favouritism and Court intrigue so overwhelmingly present in the last year of the reign of Alexander II were non-existent during the reign of his son.

Alexander III had his favourites ; foremost among them were Count Vorontzow-Dachkow, Minister of the Imperial Household, General Tcherevine, Prince W. Obolensky, and the Cheremetiews. But these intimates of the Sovereign had no political influence over him whatsoever. The Emperor dealt exclusively with his Ministers in matters of state and he chose these in person with the greatest of care. The Emperor disliked any changes : for this reason he had but one Minister of Foreign Affairs — Mr. de Giers — whom he inherited from his father ; and only one Minister of War — General Vannowsky, who had been his Chief of Staff during the Turkish Campaign of 1877-78.

In choosing collaborators he did not rely on old family names and traditions. Mr. Pobiedonoszeff, Procurator of the Holy Synod, was the son of a poor, country priest ; and Mr. Witte — later created a Count of the Empire — and world-famous at the age of forty-two years — began his official career in the modest position of a station-master. If was not until he was forty-one that the latter 's integrity and acumen attracted Imperial notice and he was placed at the head of the financial affairs of the Empire. Soon after a political intrigue of doubtful character was started against him, and he would have lost both his position and his public prestige if it had not been for the powerful protection and support of the Emperor, who explained his action by stating that he not only felt sure of his Minister but felt certain that at heart he had acted solely and to the best of his ability for the good of his country.

Mr. Witte, after the death of his Imperial master, preserved the greatest loyalty and pious affection for him. In speaking to me of the deceased sovereign he always referred to him as ''My Czar." But Alexander III could be severe when he deemed it necessary. If he discovered that the men whom he trusted were not worthy of his confidence and that his trust was misplaced, he rid himself of them forthwith. This happened in the case of the two powerful dignitaries, Prince Lieven, Minister of Domains, and General Kryjanowsky, General Governor of Orenburg. Both were deprived of their positions at a day's notice, the Emperor having personally found out that they were illegitimately trafficking in state lands.

As a husband, Alexander III was a model ; also a generous, kind and considerate father. He married the Princess Dagmar of Denmark (who had previously been the fiancee of his elder brother, who died very suddenly at Nice shortly before the wedding). Everywhere in the salons of Petrograd it was whispered that the young Empress was the first woman the Emperor had ever known intimately, and this was probably quite true, as he was never known to have an intrigue of an amorous character all his life. He surrounded his wife with the greatest tenderness and care, but would not permit her to interfere in the slightest way with matters of State. Neither would he allow her to interfere with his personal habits of living, which were rigidly exact and somewhat austere.

I quote an anecdote that was told me on this matter by Count Golenistcheff Kutusoff, Master at the Imperial Court:

The Emperor shared a large double bed with the Empress. Being a man of huge physique he was the exact opposite of the Empress, who was thin and delicate. Owing to his massive weight, the mattress had sunk on his side of the bed and when he was away this made sleeping uncomfortable for the Empress. One day, while he was absent on a tour of inspection in a distant part of Kussia the Empress could stand the discomfort no longer and sent for the Household Minister, Count Kutusoff, and asked to have the mattress changed at once. This was hurriedly done. The Emperor returned late one evening, but when he came to retire for the night discovered the new mattress. Notwithstanding the hour, and the fact that the Empress had already gone to bed, he sent for the Household Minister and ordered him peremptorily to return the discarded bed equipment. "You are to take orders from me personally," said he, "and no one else." Then turning with his delightful smile to the Empress, who was in tears, he said: "Since that is thoroughly understood, Marie, let us now go to bed!"

The Empress was passionately fond of dancing and, although fetes of all kinds were a nuisance and a bore to the Emperor, the Court held many gay functions of diverse kinds. But, as Alexander III worked twelve hours out of the twenty-four and was therefore very tired after his day's duties, it was generally the rule that all Court entertainments finished not later than two a. m. Sometimes, however, the Empress, carried away by her enthusiasm for dancing, would forget the hour, and the Emperor then made use of various ways of bringing the function to a close. For instance, on the occasion of a ball at the Peterhof Palace, where the Imperial couple were then in residence, he made use of the following unique method. Having finished his game of cards he signalled the Empress — who was dancing — that it was time to finish, but as she was too engrossed to notice him he quietly told Prince Obolensky, who was his favourite A. D. C, to have the music stop instrument by instrument. Not until only two instrum.ents were left still playing did the Empress leave the floor, and the Emperor laughed uproariously at his bit of fun.

The Emperor's tastes were of the very simplest kind. At Gatchino, his favourite winter residence — a huge palace built by Emperor Paul I — Alexander III only used the smallest of all the Imperial apartments, and the Czarevitch had to be content with three very small rooms. The Dowager Queen of Greece (an ex-Grand Duchess of Eussia) of whom the Emperor was extremely fond, told me that once, while visiting the Emperor and Empress there, she expressed the desire to be located somewhere near her Imperial hosts, and was given a cot in the bathroom adjoining the Empress's bedroom!

As I have previously stated, Alexander III was a model father of a family ; he entered with avidity into the most trivial details that concerned the education of his children. Especially was the Czarevitch his care and the object of his deepest affection and interest.

After having studied very hard as a boy, Nicholas — the Czarevitch — went into the Navy for a course of training, and later into the Army ; but his father permitted him to rise in rank but very slowly, and when Alexander III died the Czarevitch had only attained the rank of Colonel.

When Nicholas reached his majority the Emperor sent for the Grand Duke Alexis, the Grand Admiral, and a prince notorious for his laxity of morals. To him the Emperor said with the utmost composure and frankness, ''Alexis, go find some charming young woman for Nikki. You understand all about these matters. But on no account say a word to my wife!" The Grand Duke hastened upon his commission and his choice fell upon a young dancer, Labounskaya by name; Nicholas, however, soon changed her for another artiste — this time from the Imperial Ballet — the now famous Kchessinskaya, whose magnificent residence has but lately been seized by the Maximalists; and who became — after

8 RECOLLECTIONS OF A RUSSIAN DIPLOIVIAT

the marriage of Nicholas — the mistress of his uncle, the Grand Duke Sergius.

With regard to the foreign policies of Alexander III, his motto was ever the conservation of the peace of Europe. The Russian people gave him the nickname of ''The Pacifist" because of his well-known antipathy to war, and he thoroughly deserved the affectionate title, as he so managed his foreign affairs that not the smallest thing disturbed the diplomatic quiet of his reign.

His relations with Germany, while not so intimate as they had been during the reign of Alexander II, were nevertheless absolutely exact and correct, and the Alliance of the three Emperors was renewed for a term of three years at the Meeting of Skjernewice in 1884. In 1887, however, it was not renewed. The rapprochement with France was beginning to be felt which was later consummated under Nicholas II. M. de Giers, Alexander's Minister of Foreign Affairs, had but to take the orders of his master, who knew exactly what he wished done.

The Emperor, though friendly to France, was rather sceptical as to the possibility of a lasting rapprochement between a Monarchy and a Eepublic — finding little to justify it. As a fact, the gradual ''growing together" of Russia and France was effected without much aid from the Emperor. Two men of obscure birth and of subservient positions played very important parts in the Russo-Franco relationship, namely M. Ratelikowsky, Chief of the Russian Secret Service abroad, and Mr. de Hansen, a Dane by birth.

Ratchkowsky lived in Paris, and was on most friendly terms with M. Gustave Flourens — then Minister of Foreign Affairs in the French Government, who was, on his side, an intimate friend of our Ambassador in Paris, Baron Mohrenheim, ex-Minister to Copenhagen, at which place Alexander III liked to pass what he called his "vacations."

In the summer of 1886, on one such vacation, the Emperor, accompanied amongst others by Ratehkovsky, confided to him the extent of his very friendly feelings towards France. Very naturally Ratchkowsky — who was an enthusiast on the subject — hastened, upon his return to Paris, to inform his great friend, M. Flourens, and also Baron de Mohrenheim, about this conversation. The two latter at once set to work to such good purpose that the Emperor consented to visit a French battleship in Copenhagen harbour, and by this act laid the first stone in the edifice of the future Franco-Russo Alliance. A curious incident related to me by Baron de Mohrenheim is worth recording :

When the official ceremonials for the reception of the Emperor had been concluded, some one in the entourage of Alexander III suddenly remembered that the French national air had been forgotten! But the "Marseillaise" played in the presence of so decided an autocrat as Alexander III, seemed an exceedingly tactless thing to attempt. A careful question was asked the Sovereign in words as well chosen as possible. ''What do you wish me to do about it?" the Emperor laughed. ''I am not a sufficiently good musician to write another national air especially for the occasion." In this easy way the matter was settled, and the ''Marseillaise" was played, the Emperor standing at salute the while.

Mr. de Hansen had been in Danish diplomatic life for some time, and had earned the illwill of Bismarck, who insisted upon his resignation. Hansen retired, proceeded to Paris, and, becoming a French subject under the name of M. de Hansen, was soon made an Honorary Embassy Councillor at the Quai d'Orsay, and, as he knew the workings of the German Chancellery at Berlin from the bottom upward, became most useful to the French Foreign Office. He soon made an intimate friend of Eatchkowsky — became his alter ego almost — and through the courtesy of Baron de Mohrenheim sent several memoranda to Copenhagen which the Danish Court did not fail to bring to the attention of the Eussian Emperor. These memoranda were much liked by Alexander, the proof being that an annuity of 12,000 roubles was granted to M. de Hansen from the Emperor's privy purse.

At the proclamation of the Eusso-Franco Alliance, Nicholas II did not forget the aged Danish diplomat, and conferred on him the Grand Cordon of the Order of Ste. Anne.

I knew de Hansen very well indeed, and he had a most interesting personality. This was during my stay in Paris during the years 1905-08. Despite his advanced age — he was at least eighty years old then — de Hansen had preserved all his great clearness of mind and lucidity of thought, and worked harder than ever at a new political combination — his dream being an alliance between Russia, France and Germany. His ancient and most mortal enemy, the Iron Chancellor, having disappeared from the scene, his hatred of Germany had likewise vanished.

Hansen had great faith in his experience and, further, he did not lack supporters for his ideas, having won over such French statesmen as M. de Constans, Ambassador to Constantinople, and M. Etienne, the Vice-President of the Chamber of Deputies. Later, however, the occurrences at Tangiers put an end for ever to his hopes, and disappointment was the real cause of his death.

Our rapprochement with France notwithstanding, our relations with Germany maintained their correct character until the death of the German Emperor, William I, who, in dying, especially recommended his grandson, William II, to continue these relations as they then existed.

In this connection an mteresting incident was told me by a secular witness at the deathbed of the German Emperor. His son, Frederick, the Emperor to be, was away at San Remo and was unable to return in time, so Prince William stood in his father's place at his grandfather's bedside. The aged Emperor had lost his power of vision and spoke earnestly to Prince William, believing he was the Crown Prince Frederick. He said several times, "Fritz, my son, above all things keep on good terms with Russia."

As soon as he had ascended the throne in 1888 William II began his visits to allied and friendly courts, and came to Petrograd first, notwithstanding the very intimate relations between the Hohenzollern and Habsburg Empires.

At the Russian Court William II was gushing and almost servile, while Alexander, on the contrary, was cold and very reserved, never overstepping the line of demarcation required by strictly formal etiquette. This was because the young Emperor had ever been most decidedly distasteful and antagonistic to him. Admiral Lomen, in charge of the Imperial Pavilion where the meeting of the two Emperors was held, told me of this incident :

When the German Squadron arrived off Cronstadt, William expected to receive the Russian Sovereign on board his yacht; but Alexander was also in his yacht, and carefully watched the evolutions of the German ships through his glasses. .By him on the bridge stood the Grand Duke Alexis, and Ad-

COUNT WITTE miral Lomen. **Well," said Alexander, turning to the Admiral, * ' why does he not make a move ? " * ' He seems to await your Majesty," answered the Admiral. ''He will have to wait a long time, then, Alexis, you go over there and bring the little German to me." The Emperor's orders were promptly executed, and William II was forced to acquiesce — although he did so with the worst possible grace and arrived on the Kussian Imperial yacht in a regular schoolboy's sulks.

The return visit of the Russian Sovereign to the Court of Berlin was delayed for many months, and Bismarck's pride and amour-propre were hurt by this. In revenge, on the very day that Alexander III reached the German capital, an order was given to suspend all quotations of Eussian stocks and bonds on the German Stock Exchange. Hence it was but natural that Alexander was not in the best of humours, despite all the attention and pomp with which William II surrounded him, and his personally enthusiastic reception of the Russian monarch. But a delicate situation of this kind was an opportunity for Bismarck to show his great diplomatic skill, and in the conversations that ensued he gained every point he wished to make ! Alexander received him at our Embassy in Berlin, and the interview lasted for more than an hour. At the beginning of this interview (so Count Chouvaloff, then our diplomatic representative in Berlin, told me afterwards)

matters began very badly. Our Sovereign did not attempt to disguise his ill humour, and broke a silver match stand between his fingers. But little by little he succumbed to the charm of his famous and clever adversary and when saying "Au revoir" to Prince Bismarck he gave him his hand, saying: ''You have convinced me and I believe you. But can you guarantee that the Berlin Cabinet will not have a sudden change of heart and that I shall not be left in the dark as to any alterations in conditions?" "Sire," Bismarck answered gravely, '4n order that this should come to pass, I should have to be in another world. ' '

At the gala dinner afterwards Alexander lifted his glass to the health of the Chancellor of the German Empire, who beamed with delight, having come off victorious in a delicate and near-dangerous struggle of wits, and also having triumphed over his enemies who accused him of gambling for his own profit with immensely vital political and diplomatic questions which existed between Germany and Russia.

After the fall of Bismarck the two Emperors maintained mutual relations of sentiment and respect, notwithstanding the terror with which Alexander inspired the young German Emperor. The political world of Russia, however, had implicit faith in the well-known pacifist ideals of their monarch and the conviction rapidly gained ground that the Franco-

Eussian Rapprochement, far from being a danger to the peace of Europe, would act as a restraint on France should she evince a desire to create dissension.

Our relationship with Great Britain suffered a severe strain in 1885. The Afghans became obstreperous and threatened our frontiers in Central Asia. General Komaroff, who commanded our forces in Turkestan, put them to flight, but in following up his advantage he crossed the Afghan frontier and the British Government became greatly excited. An exchange of diplomatic notes followed and the language of the British Foreign Office became more and more abrupt, Lord Salisbury insisting upon the recall of General Komaroff and his discharge from our army. The action of the British Cabinet was supported by a partial mobilization of the fleet, and war was in the air. M. de Giers was in a desperate mental condition of excitement and worry. The aged statesman had taken as his political device that of the Duchess of Offenbach, "Above all things, no scandal in my Castle." Naturally he pleaded for a reconciliation, but having no success with his sovereign, sent him — as his personal representative — Baron de Tominy, First Councillor in the Foreign Office, and one of his chief aides, a man in whom he had the utmost confidence.