Front matter
GOGU NEGULESCO
O-
0'
Foreword
Poor Rumania! An outpost of Latin culture set up in the East, surrounded by the Hun, the Turk, the Bulgar and the Russ, has been struck a coward's blow below the belt. Betrayed, with death and starvation in her midst, she had to di^op out from the too unequal struggle. Can any land blame her?
Senator Negulesco's book explains how Rumania was betrayed after her hopeless, but valiant struggle and shows us how worthy she is of the moral and poHtical support of these United States.
The Senator's excellent book shows what are Rumania's wrongs and how America can help to restore Rumania to prosperity and give again freedom and happiness to that corner of Europe where live our friends and former allies, so that again she may be given a chance
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FOREWORD
to live and bring forth the full fruits of her Latin civilization in freedom.
The many invasions of Rumania in the past, due to her position on the road from the East to the West, have tended to preserve her Latin tongue and race consciousness, because when the invaders came the Kumanians fled into the fastnesses of the mountains and the people of the different districts met and talked and the story of the race was recited and sung in the musical Latin tongue, so that all were brought to speak in the same way and to likewise maintain the same traditions of the race.
When you come to study the popular songs, tinged with the melancholy due to their sufferings, and with the light and atmosphere of their woods and mountains, of their great plains and rushing rivers, of the Danube and the Black Sea, you are bound to be fascinated. When you remember how they have to shiver in the winter from the cold and winds coming from the great Russian steppes and how they
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FOREWORD
swelter in summer under an almost tropical sun you are bound to admire their grit and toil in having made their land into such a prosperous and rich agricultural country, as it was before it entered the war. As you see the spiritual faith with which the rites of the grand Eastern Orthodox Church are followed by the people your sympathy draws you to them. But to know them and see their generosity and their loyalty to their race, their traditions and their friends, to learn of their kind and gentle and brave qualities makes you love them.
We Americans in our young republic are further drawn to them by the very contrast of their long past history with their ties with Rome, with Bysantium, with the Venetian Republic and with Constantinople and its Phanariote colony which gave Moldavia and Moltenia so many hospodars. It is a pleasant contrast for us in our dull colored clothes to think of the old boyards in purple, scarlet, blue and green satins with pointed toed slippers of gold
xxi
FOREWORD
and silver embroidery. Of the haiducs and brigands in the mountains — often a sort of Robin Hood helping the poor from the spoils taken from the Turkish tax gatherer — ^the traditions and the tales fill us with delight.
Their struggles for liberty, for union of the two great provinces and their modern democratic constitution draw us to them. But unfortunately we know too little of all this !
The book which Senator Negulesco puts before us should and I trust will, excellent as it is, be but the beginning of a wide interest in Rumania, both past and present, which will not end without bringing the people of America to know all about Rumania, its commercial possibilities, its political needs, its people and the poetry and history of that land of plains and mountains, of rich traditions and future prosperity.
T. TiLESTON Wells, Litt. D.
XXll
CONTENTS PART I
OHAPTBK „^ „ PAGE
I The Eueopean Wae and Kumania . o
II German and French Influence • . 16
III Before the Declaration of War . 26
IV The Declaration of War . . . . 34« V The Political and Military Conventions Between Rumania and Her
Allies ^^
VI The Struggle ....... 64
VII The Causes of the Rumanian Defeat 86 VIII The Struggle with the Russians and
THE German Ultimatum . . . 127
IX Rumania and Peace 13*7
X The Union of Bessarabia and Rumania " • ^^^
XI The Causes that Determined Peace 160
Part II
XII Rumania After the War .... 177 XIII Rumania of Yesterday .... 184) XIV The Rumanian Provinces Under Foreign Domination ^"7
XV Different Estimates of the Rumanian Army ^^^
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Royal family Frontispiece
FACING PAGE
Review of Rumanian troops 8
Troops awaiting inspection by the French General Berthelot . . 9
A regiment of infantry in the Carpathians . . S2 King Ferdinand reviewing his troops ... 33 The Royal Family watching the Bishop blessing
the troops from Transylvania .... 48 The troops from Transylvania taking the oath
of fidelity 49
Rumanian soldiers building a bridge across the
Danube 64
King Ferdinand consulting his general staff
about war plans 65
A search-light at the front 80
Soldiers descending into the trenches . . .81 Rumanian soldiers at the front resting . . . 88 King Ferdinand decorating soldiers for bravery 89
Special cannon for the trenches 112
The Queen and her children visit the front . .113 Sentinel in first line trench . . . . . .128
ILLUSTRATIONS
iPAOINQ PAGE
Cooking at the front • • ^^^
Austrian prisoners yo^
Prince Carl with a French machine gun . .153 Queen Marie in peasant costume . . . .164* Artillery on the way to the front . . . .165 Rumanians from Transylvania taken prisoners
by their own countrymen 1 <^
A company of bicyclists ^ «^''
Sinai
Peasants in national costume, and means of
transportation ^^"
Poiana Tapului, a village in the mountains . . 208 ' Returning after washing new linen in the river . 209
A lake of oil at Baicioi ^^^
Oil wells in Campina ^^^
A business street in Bukharest . . . • 240
A street in Braila ^^^
Political and ethnological map of Rumania and the regions inhabited by the Rumanians . . 248
RUMANIA'S SACRIFICE PART I
Chapter I The Convention Of 1883
WHEN the great European War broke out in August, 1914, Rumania found herself, because of the political-military convention concluded in 1883, on the side of the Triple Alliance, composed of Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy.
Situated thus, between two powerful empires, Russia on the one side, Austria-Hungary on the other, it was to Rumania's interest to
BUMANIA'S SACRIFICE
ally herself with one of these two, for alone, she was always in danger of being crushed by one or the other of her neighbors.
Russia was not satisfied to see this little country of Kumania, Latin in origin, with a Hohenzollern on her throne, isolated among the Slavic masses who wished to control the Orient ; Austria-Hungary, on the other hand, aimed at the realization of her plans for the domination of the lower valley of the Danube, and at the same time looked upon Rumania as a point of attraction and even support for all those Rumanians subject to the Crown of Hapsburg. To obtain the friendship of one of these neighbors, was a means for Rumania to obtain necessary peace and work out her development and her future. She had to choose between Austria and Russia. The Congress of Berlin of 1817 had driven Rumania from the latter. The obligation which this congress imposed upon her by forcing her to yield to the exigencies of Russia and to abandon Bessarabia to her, rendered impossible a Russo-Rumanian friendship. "The antagonism toward Russia persisted and as Austria was the traditional rival of the Russian influence in the Balkans, it was Paris who showed to Bukharest the road which led to Vienna." ^
On the other hand Bismarck had done his very best to attract Rumania within the orbit of the Central powers. France, too much preoccupied with her own rehabilitation after the events of 1870, was not interested in the destiny of Rumania ; Italy sought her own security by the side of Austria and Germany ; and England did not know Rumania.
The Prime Minister of Rumania, T. Bratiano, the father of the first prime minister of 1916, went to Berlin to see Bismarck and sometime afterwards Prince Charles of Rumania went to Gastein to see the Emperor of Austria, in order to sign the political-military agreement
1 N. lorga, "Histoire des Relations entre la France et les Roumans," p. 248.
that would bind Rumania to the Triple Alliance. This agreement had for its aim the maintenance of European peace, reciprocal defense against every foreign attack, and the economical development of the contracting parties.
It had always been said that this alliance was the personal work of King Charles and that he did it of his own initiative and without consulting the men in pohtical power in his country. This is an error and an injustice to the memory of a great king. Political circumj stances and the interest of Rumania imposed this action.
The consequences of this agreement were many. "First, from that moment the national claims fell to second place, for the official world declared many times, and in a solemn manner, that it renounced all endeavor to obtain there, limiting itself from time to time by claiming in a friendly manner, but without result, better treatment for the people of the same race and of the same language living under the crown of St. Etienne." ^
Thus Rumania could no longer carry into effect any of her national claims. It is very true that in the schools thej^ never failed to explain to the pupils that a great part of Rumania was under foreign domination, but they presented their deliverance as a dream to be realized later.
The official world avoided making any allusion to the Rumanians beyond the Carpathians, in order to avoid diplomatic conflicts with an ally, and if, in opposition, a political party attacked the Government for showing weakness in its external policy with Austria-Hungary, it said nothing more, and the role changed with each party that came into power.
Too small and between enemies that were too strong, Rumania could not prepare for national unity, because any action whatsoever authorized by the officials immediately drew
1 N. lorga, op. cit., p. 249.
the intervention of the cabinets of Vienna and Berlin.
It is true that throughout the country the people had full liberty, guaranteed by the constitution, to publish newspapers and write reviews and books, to cultivate and to develop the sentiment of national unity, but this movement presented itself only in a slow and isolated way, without great influence among the masses of the people ; and even these intellectual manifestations were prevented from passing the frontier into Austria-Himgary.
THE MILITARY PREPARATION
The military preparation was yet more difficult. The convention of 1883 had foreseen, it is well understood, the conflict that was to take place between Russia and Bulgaria. Rumanian fortifications were built around Bukharest and on the line of Galatz, Namoloasa, and Tocsani, in order to prevent a possible Russian invasion, but the passes of the Carpathians m o fc were never studied by the staff of the Rumanian Army and were not provided with fortifications.
Rumania was at liberty to purchase munitions wherever she pleased, but it was very natural to address herself to the principal one of her allies. It was Germany who had furnished her with cannons, guns, and munitions, and it was Germany who had promised to procure for her all necessary armament and money in case of war.
Political circumstances had prevented Rumania from inaugurating any industry by which she could supply the necessities of her army. She was obhged to buy everything from abroad, and so she was at the mercy of Germany. This was the situation before August, 1914. After this date it became still more delicate. In times of peace Rumania could concentrate 150,000 men, and in times of war she could easily mobilize from 350,000 to 400,000 men, as was proved in the campaign against the Bulgarians; but in the two years from August, 1914, to August, 1916, the effective force grew to between 700,000 and 800,- 000 men. These needed ammunition, armament, and cannons in particular. Therefore they also needed much money. As an ally of the Central powers, Rumania could rely for money and the indispensable material of war on Germany. But, as a neutral, to whom could she apply? The German government, for various reasons, had even prevented the delivery of the orders made prior to the Rumanian declaration of neutrality in August, 1914. The Entente were not willing to help Rumania without proof that she would join their cause. To give up neutrahty required money and armament, but in order to obtain it, it was necessary to relinquish neutrality. Can any one conceive a more embarrassing situation?
The Rumanian Government found the way to cut the Gordion knot: to declare war on Austria-Hungary with the hope that the Allies would send them money and the necessary ammunition. Then, in the anxious moments which followed after the declaration of war and while the Rumanian armies, struggling with bayonets against German cannon were about to move upon Austria-Hungary, military commissions were sent to France, Italy, England, Russia, Japan, and the United States, in order to obtain supplies indispensable for the army from the various manufacturers already engaged in sending large orders to the Allies. To illustrate these facts, we will quote part of a speech made by General Rudeanu, chief of the military mission sent to Paris for the purpose of placing military orders.
"There was the most thorough mutual confidence and therefore speaking a few days after the commencement of the Austro-German counter offensive a great French statesman asked me, 'With what did you enter into the war in the way of armament?' I could n't answer except to tell him that we had very little armament. Then he repeated the question, 'But, tell me, then, with what did you commence the war?' I replied, we commenced it with the ever-increasing confidence which we had in France." ^
It is true that France was loyal. She made all possible sacrifices in order to help her ally, Rumania. But the difficulty was to ask her for munitions and materials of war at the very moment when she herself was in such need of them. The difficulty of transporting by the North Sea, where everything was watched by the German submarines or of transporting through Russia, where there was neither goodwill, administration, nor railroads, makes one easily understand the utter lack of proper military preparation by Rumania.
Scarcely by March, 1917, had there arrived a few great cannons and a part of the munitions ordered from France, also several French officers. But by that time Rumania was already invaded ; the capital had fallen, and the Ruma-
nian troops had withdrawn to the Sereth, where they had been resisting the attacks of the enemy since December, 1916. The cannons arrived, as well as the brave French officers, and they, struggling bravely with their Rumanian comrades, greatly aided the Rumanian Army in resisting the German drive. The arrival of these cannons and officers, which was called the Reorganization of the Rumanian Army, uplifted the morale of that army, which had believed itself abandoned by the rest of the Allies ; it also gave the French officers a chance to appreciate the bravery of the Rumanian soldiers. To meet the necessary expenses of the war Rumania had contracted a loan in Lrondon. In fact this loan had been one of the conditions of her entering the war, and it had been accepted as such by the Allies. The Rumanians had also the reserve of the Rumanian National Bank, Based upon these funds, the Rumanian Govermnent gave orders to a commission to purchase quickly and everywhere the articles that were indispensable to the army. The military commission sent to the United States was well received by the American manufacturers, although the United States was not at that time one of the Allies. Orders were given, and part of them were even filled, but unfortunately everything stopped here. The English Government was unwilling to send to America the money necessary to obtain the fulfilment and shipment of the orders. We do not know if in the agreement for the loan there was any clause stipulating that Rumania was to buy only from England, but we do not believe that such a clause could exist, because at this very moment England was in the midst of transforming all her industries for her own military interests; she herself bought from American merchants mihtary necessities, and sending the Rumanian Military Commission to the United States could otherwise have no raison d'etre. In Japan the same thing happened. At the same time the funds of the
,14 national bank, sent to Moscow in Russia, to assure security, had been seized by the Bolsheviki, so that Rumania found herself with no money, and her people, and even her army, had no food, no medical supplies, and no ammunition. They died of famine, of cold, of disease, and yet they were still obliged to fight.
Chapter II German And French In- Fluence
ANOTHER veiy important consequence of the political-military convention of 1883 was a great economical rapprochement between Rumania and Germany. From 1875 to 1886 there had been a commercial agreement between Rumania and Austria-Hungary. At this period, about 1875, the means of communication in Rumania were so restricted that Austria-Hungary was able to monopolize her market. This agreement, which gave great advantages to Austria-Hungary for the placement of her industries, assured to Rumania the export of her cereals and her cattle. But this neighboring empire, which needed Rumanian
GERMAN AND FRENCH INFLUENCE
cereals to transform into flour, did not have the same interest in Rumanian cattle. With a narrow policy, Austria-Hungary, alleging sanitary motives, began to prevent the introduction of cattle and ended by suppressing it entirely. This fact, and Austria-Hungary's wish to impose her authority on the navigation of the lower Danube, which belonged to the Rumanians, Bulgarians, and Serbs, greatly cooled the relations between Austria and Rumania, and in 1886 a custom-house war broke out between these two countries and lasted more than five years. In 1885, Rumanian imports were 293,000,000 lei, and of this Austria- Hungary sent merchandise to the value of 134,000,000 lei; but during this tariff war the products of Austria-Hungary fell to 50,000,- 000 lei. During this time Germany came into the Rumanian market under favorable conditions. At the same time Berlin offered to make good all the loans of her ally, Rumania. Germany studied well the wealth of Rumania and the qualities of her population, and pursued her policy of economical penetration into Rumania with great perseverance. Traveling salesmen representing the greatest German houses went everywhere throughout the country, giving long-time credits to merchants, and taking great care to see that the orders for merchandise were properly executed and promptly shipped. The German business man always found in his own country banks that were ready to discount his drafts. German commercial policy was preoccupied not only with keeping up, but specially with increasing the number of its Rumanian customers. Several great German banks founded banks in Rumania, which, on the one hand, procured for landlords and farmers capital and machinery, of which they were in need, and on the other hand, founded industries for the manufacture of merchandise that could no longer be imported, owing to the protective tariff of 1891 and 1893.
GERMAN AND FRENCH INFLUENCE
The Austrians, frightened by their dangerous competitors, tried to obtain in 1893 another agreement with Rumania, on the basis of the clause of "the most favored nation." They sought to regain their place in her market by trying to imitate the methods of the Germans, but they had no success whatever. In 1913 Germany exported into Rumania 237,819,146 lei worth, and Austria-Hungary 138,192,076 lei worth of a total of 650,000,000 lei imports.
This policy of Germany resulted in great economical development of Rumania, great profit for German merchandise, and great German influence on both the political and financial markets.
Mr. Carp, former prime minister, lately brought out this fact in Parliament. "Do not forget that it is Germany who gave us the money necessary for our development ; France gave to us only with difficulty." Replying, Mr. Take Jonesco said very justly:
Could it be possible that we might find ourselves in an alliance which at a given moment could place us in a camp hostile to that of France, and that we should expect France to give us money? I find that the few hundred millions of Rumanian revenue taken up by France constitute a miracle, since it would have been natural if all our loans had been with those [the Germans] who were to draw profit from our economical and military development. It was natural, once having entered into an alliance, that Germany should aid us in completing our economical condition in order to complete our armament and to consolidate our finances.^
Rumania was in a period of transition. She needed foreign capital to develop her riches. If it is true that Germany gave Rumania all the money necessary for her development, it is no less true that the economical and political life of Rumania fell under the influence of Germany. "We were at the mercy of Germany for everything, for our arms and for our munitions of war." ^ It is true that great benefits accrued to foreign capitalists; but at the same
iXenopolj op. cit., p. 207.
QERMAN AND FRENCH INFLUENCE
time the Rumanian workmen profited ; the state profited through the levying of different taxes, as well as the people who had at their disposal the production of a better market. The industries financed with foreign capital were again a great advantage to Rumania as they stimulated Rumanian capital, which, timid at first, finally began to show itself in the line of industry in an encouraging manner. King Charles, by his very presence on the throne, contributed also to the encouragement of this German influence. It is true that he never exercised any direct action along these lines, but during forty-eight years his attitude, which was both dignified and reserved as constitutional king and as a private citizen, drew to him the love and respect of the country, and these sentiments reflected themselves upon the country of his birth. Also great pohtical personalities like the late D. Sturdza, chief of the liberal party and former prime minister, the late T. Majoresco, prime minister of the Conservative
£1 party and one of the best-known leaders of the intellectual movement of Rumania, and Mr. Carp, former chief of the Conservative party and prime minister, manifested openly their admiration for Germany.
FRENCH INFLUENCE
Beside this German influence stood the French influence. In intellectual and social circles there was great sympathy for France. Since 1848 and even before that the wealthy families were in the habit of sending their sons to Paris to take up their studies and finish their education. Returning into their own country, these jioung men brought back from France not only their scientific knowledge, but also love and gratitude toward this hospitable land that had instilled in them all the great ideas of right and of liberty, and thej^^ tried to introduce into their own midst her ideals, and their admiration for France and the soil was so propitious that the affection for this noble country
^2
GERMAN AND FRENCH INFLUENCE
penetrated deeply into the hearts of the intellectual class, to the extent that they often replaced the Rumanian language with the French language in the salons.
The common origin of these two countries, the preponderant influence of French culture, the good political relations that have always existed between France and Rumania, the fact that France had always been the initiator of great social reforms, the bravery and loyalty of this country throughout all the events of its history, were the many reasons that augmented and even exaggerated the love of the Rumanians for all that was French or came from France.
The greater part of the institutions and the laws of Rumania were copied from the French institutions and laws. The literature was appreciated; French manufactures were very fashionable, and French taste was followed.
The Rumanians never forgot that it was through Napoleon III that they were able to
RUIVIANIA'S SACRIFICE
realize the union of their principahties, Wallachia and Moldavia, in order to form Rumania; nor did they forget that through the same support she founded her national dynasty. And when in 1912 and 1913 the conflict arose between Rumania and Bulgaria, and the French press, deceived by King Ferdinand of Bulgaria, took a hostile attitude towards Rumania, the hearts of the Rumanians, though profoundly wounded, beat none the less strongly in their love for France. This influence is all the more interesting as France has never sought to draw near or to win the soul of Rumania. Except for Napoleon III and very few others, the political and industrial men of France never gave her much thought. It is true that some French capital was invested in the country, but in general it was placed under the protection of Austro-German enterprises.
Some years ago the Rumanian minister of finances, Mr. Marghiloman, now prime minis-
m
GERIVIAN AND FRENCH INFLUENCE
ter, went to Paris to negotiate a loan, which they refused to consider. He immediately secured one in Germany, and the French bankers subscribed to this loan, which nevertheless kept its German character. In consequence, if France always held a great influence in the intellectual life of Rumania, and if she contributed without any volition to the formation of the taste of the upper classes, she had no influence over the economical and political life.
»5
Chapter III
EARLY in the month of August, 1914, King Charles convoked a crown council to determine the attitude of Rumania.
This council consisted of members of the Government, presidents of the legislative body, and former prime ministers, chiefs of the political parties. These men had only the right of discussion without voting; they met simply to indicate their views to the king, who, nevertheless, had the power to act independently. King Charles believed that Germany would be victorious, and he felt that it would not be a wise move to disregard the advantages of creating for Rumania recognition and gratitude on the part of the victor, specially as Rumania was bound to the Triple Alliance by the convention of 1883. A sharp discussion took place among the members of the council. Mr. P. Carp said that Rumania should respect the convention of 1883 in order to gather the fruits of a policy practised for forty years. "We must fight," said Mr. Carp, "in order to prevent the success of Russia." He felt that the success of Russia was the beginning of the death of Rumania. According to his views, if Russia should take Constantinople, which was her great ambition, Rumania would be forever cut off from all means of export to the West. She would then be subjected to the economical policy of Russia, who would not fail on the very first occasion to give her a death blow, in order to satisfy her greedy desire for monopoly.^
1 Rumania had two outlets for the export of her wealth: by rail across Austria-Hungary and Germany, and by sea across the Black Sea and the Dardanelles. If the straits were closed to commercial navigation, her export and import remained at the mercy of the Hungarians, which meant sure ruin for the country.
^7
After the speeches of Mr. Bratiano, chief of the Liberal party and prime minister, and Mr. Marghiloman, the chief of the Conservative party, upheld by Mr. N. Filipesco, one of the most noted members of the Consei^vative party, the majority of the council decided, nevertheless, for neutrality. Mr. Take Jonesco, the leader of the conservative Democrats, declared himself for a permanent and absolute neutrality. It was believed that the question of neutrality was imposed upon Rumania by the attitude of Count Tisza, the all-powerful statesman of Hungary, who had pushed the declaration of war, convinced that the propitious moment had arrived to solve the problem of nationalities for the profit of the Hungarians ; and in other quarters they believed that as the convention of 1883 had a defensive character it had now become void since Germany and Austria-Hungary were at war and Italy was neutral. In the midst of these discussions information was received from Rome of Italy's intention to remain neutral. This news greatly influenced the decision of the majority, as the situation of the two countries in relation to the Central powers was identical.
King Charles had the authority under the constitution to call Mr. Carp into power and to grant him the dissolution of Parliament. But the king, an ardent pacifist, earnestly wished to avoid the ravages of war for his country and was unwilling to do this. He observed loyally the state of neutrality until his death, October 10, 1914.
THE ATTITUDE OF THE POLITICAL PARTIES
Although neutrality was admitted as a fact, certain political circles began agitations for intervention on the side of the Entente. This movement, which at first was rather cautious, grew more and more determined, and when General Mackensen took command of the Austro-German armies in order to attack Serbia, the Conservative party under the late
Filipesco demanded the urgent intervention of Rumania in order to prevent the crushing of Serbia and the uniting of the German and Bulgarian armies. But Mr. Bratiano was not to be moved, specially as the cabinet of Vienna had given him all necessary assurances that Austria vs^^as not acting in a spirit of conquest, that she was aiming in no way towards territorial acquisitions. At the same time, the Cabinets of Sophia and Belgrade asked the Cabinet of Bukharest whether the violation of the treaty of Bukharest would constitute a cause for war by Rumania. Mr. Bratiano replied that it would not. Serbia, squeezed between the great Germano-Austro-Bulgarian forces, was crushed, and direct communication between the Germano-Austrian and the Bulgaro- Turkish armies was established across her territory. This event had a great influence on the Rumanian policy. Some considered that henceforth there could no longer be any question of entering the war on the side of the Allies, because Germany had become too strong in this part of the East, having under her power all the strength of the Allies. Mr. Marghiloman stood out more strongly than ever for neutrality, but Mr. Filipesco upheld, on the contrary, that Rumania should enter at any cost and as soon as possible on the side of the Entente. On account of this difference of opinion there was a clash between these two men in the midst of the Conservative party that brought about a secession in May, 1915. The Conservative party divided itself into groups of political friends.
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