Spanish and French rivalry in the Gulf region of the United States, 1678-1702; the beginnings of Texas and Pensacola

Front matter

X ). ITO.r- J nuary 20, 1017

Span' I and P- - . _:; cifry in the Gulf Region of tne Unitpd States, i o7 S-l 702 he Beginnings of Texas and Pensacola

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Contents

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Preface 5

Chapter

Preface

The history of the colonial relations of Spain and France within the region of the United States may be conveniently divided into three main periods. The first period includes those events which are connected with the premature clash between the two nations as a result of the attempted founding of a Huguenot colony in Florida in the latter half of the sixteenth century. This conflict grew out of the action taken by a persecuted religious sect among the French people, and does not therefore constitute the true beginnings of formal state rivalry. The second period comprises those years during which the French monarchy itself first manifested its determination to contest with Spain the possession of the Gulf region and the lower Mississippi Valley. It may be said to have begun in the early years of the reign of Louis XIV, and to have been brought to a close with the definite and permanent establishment of French settlements in Louisiami by 1702. The third period covers the relations of Spain anci France as colonial neighbors, until the French were compelled to abandon their ambitions for a colonial empire in America. The romantic incidents of the first conflict in Florida have been told in fullest detail. No attempt has hitherto been made, however, to present a systematic and connected account of the later and more important rivalry of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It is the purpose of the present monograph to provide the first portion of such an account by covering the events of the second period mentioned above, when France was endeavoring to secure a foothold on the mainland of the Gulf of Mexico. The writer hopes, however, within the near future to publish the remainder of the study in its complete form.

In the preparation of this monograph, it has been realized that the general facts of French colonization in the United States have been set forth time and again by a great number of writers. No effort has therefore been made to repeat these familiar facts, except where brief summaries have seemed indispensable for a proper understanding of the topics under discussion. Instead, emphasis has been laid upon the Spanish side of the subject. The utilization of a large mass of new documentary material from the archives of Spain has made it possible for this neglected view to be developed for the first time. Many unknown but important phases of Spanish activities in the Gulf region of the United States have been brought out, and new light thrown upon various movements which were fairly well known, but chiefly as isolated episodes. Specific references might be given to explain this two-fold contribution. The first class includes such topics as the colonization projects of Martin de Eehagaray in Florida ; the disclosure of the secret of La Salle's Texas colony, and the impression produced in Spain and Mexico ; the Spanish search for La Salle's colony, resulting in the practical r<Hliseovery of the coast-line of the Gulf of MIexico ; Spanish diplomacy in England, as a foil to French encroachments in America; and the detailed history of the movement leading to the founding of Pensacola. All of these topics have been practically entirely unknown. In the second class, may be mentioned such matters as the Penalosa episode, the first occupation of Texas, and the attitude of Spain toward the French colonization of Louisiana. These last named topics, as well as many other minor ones which have been partially known, take on n-ew significance when brought together in a connected narrative, and studied in the light of new material and from the point of view here developed. In short, it is believed that the present study will clear up the gap which has hitherto existed in the history of the Gulf region of the United States during the latter part of the seventeenth century, and that it will show to an extent never before realized that the keynote to Spanish activities in this region must be sought almost wholly in the fears entertained by Spain in 'regard to French encroachments.

This monograph may be considered as the first fruits of an extended investigation carried on by the writer for the University of Texas and the Library of Congress in the Archivo General de Indias at Seville, Spain, since the summer of 1914. During a residence of sixteen months in that city, the writer examineJ approximately one thousand bundles {Icgajos) of documents covering all phases of Spanish activities within the United States during the period from about 1675 to 1821. The contents of each legajo were fully noted, and the more important documents bearing upon the history of the United States were copied entire. Up to the present time, more than seventeen thousand pages of transcripts have been secured of such material, copies of which have been deposited in the numuscript collections of the University of Texas and the Library of Congress. In this study, however, reliance has not been placed solely upon this voluminous collection. The writer has also examined material for the period covered in the Archiro Historico Xacioml of ^^ladrid, and in the Archivo de Simancas, and has also had access to the large collection of transcripts from Mexican archives in the possession of the University of Texas. It is therefore eoufidently believed that no important sources from the Spanish view point, have been overlooked and that little if any additional important material on the subject is yet to be made available. A number of hitherto unpublished maps have also been reproduced from among those found at Seville.

The writer desires first of all to express his deep obligation to Professor William R. Shepherd of Columbia University, under whose diroetion this dissertation has been written, for valuable criticism and friendly advice. He is greatly indebted to Professor Eugene C. Barker, Chairman of the School of History at the University of Texas, for constant encouragement and aid. He wishes also to take this opportunity of ackuowledging his in^mense debt to Professor Herbert E. Bolton of the University of California, without whose unfailing sympathy, inspiration, and patient .years of training in the past this study could never have been written. For friendly cooperation and assistance in the gathering of the materials included herein sincere thanks are hereby returned to the efficient staff of the Atrliivo General de Indias, including its scholarly director, Seiior Torres Lanzas, and the department chiefs, Senores Rubio, Navas, Lafita, and Cervera: and also to Senor Montero, the able and sympathetic chief of the Arehivo de Simaneas. Mrs. M. A. Hatcher, archivist of the University of Texas, has given much assistance in the reading of proof.

'8 Uiiiversify of Texas Bulletin

Chapter I Early Phases, 1678-1685

Introductory. — By the opening of the last quarter of the seventeenth century, Spain had begun to enter upon the lowest stage of her long period of decline. Ruled by a periodically insane sovereign, handicapped by a pernicious economic and industrial system, and exhausted by repeated wars, the once foremost nation of Europe was only saved from open bankruptcy and collapse by the tribute of gold and silver that was still remitted annually from America. Already serious inroads were beginning to be made upon her vast colonial domain. The seventeenth century had witnessed almost simultaneous action on the part of the great powers of Europe in obtaining a foothold in the new world. In the first decade of that century, the foundations were laid for the French, English, and Dutch colonies on the continent of North America. These remote settlements, however, caussed Spain far less anxiety than did foreign encroachments within her immediate sphere of influence in the West Indies. In 1625 the deserted island of San Cristobal, later called St. Kitts, was occupied by French and English adventurers. This action was merely the prelude to a general scramble by foreign nations for the lesser islands of the Antilles. The French appropriated such islands as Martinique, Guadeloupe, and Tortuga; the Dutch, St. Eustatius, Tobago, and Curagao: the English, Nevis, Barbuda, Antigua, and Montserrat. These settlements became the centers of a rapidly increasing population of lawless adventurers, who preyed upon Spanish commerce, and plundered at frequent intervals the unprotected coast towns. In 1655 the first open conquest of territory within this region was made when the English seized Jamaica. Fifteen years later England forced Spain to make a formal treaty, in which the former's right to Jamaica, as well as to the territory occupied by Engglish colonists along the Atlantic seaboard, was definitely recognized. With the conclusion of this treaty, distasteful and unsatisfactory as it was to the Spaniards, the relations between

Spanish and iFrench Rivalry in Gulf Region

Spain and England in America were considerably clarified. England agreed to respect in the future the territorial claims of Spain, and promised to assist in exterminating the pirates who were causing the ruin of Spanish commerce.^

While the English attitude toward America was thus in a measure defined, the relations betw'een Spain and Prance in the same connection were far from being satisfactorily adjusted. Indeed, it was France which inspired in Spain the liveliest anxiety for the safety of the Indies. The unscrupulous ambitions of Louis XIV in Europe had already been only too well exhibited. His plans of aggrandizement on the continent at the expense of Spain had been almost uniformly sviccessful. Spain was convinced that he merely awaited a favorable opportunity to ex tend his aggressions to the new world, and attempt to wrest away the choicest portions of her colonial domain. Under the direction of the great Colbert, a notable revival of French interest in America had been apparent. Steps were taken to foster the commerce and general prosperity, not only of New France, but of the various islands in the West Indies which had been appropriated by French subjects. The creation of the French Company of the West Indies in 1664 was a distinct challenge to the exclusive claims of Spain. At the same time Louis XIV announced in no uncertain terms his determination to secure for his subjects the freedom of the Spanish seas, and a share in me lucrative trade of the western hemisphere.

Of all the measures adopted by the French in America as a result of Colbert's aggressive policy, those which concerned the island of Hispaniola or of Santo Domingo, Spain's oldest colony in America, wer(» probably most offensive to the Spaniards. While the northern coast of Santo Domingo had been frequented by French adventurers as early as the year 1630, no claim to sovereignty over that territory had been made at first by the French crown. Although repelled at various times, the persistency of the buccaneers had outUisted the spasmodic vigilance of Spain, and they had continued to grow in numbers and in

'For an excellent account of the rise of the buccaneers in America, see C. H. Haring, The Buccaneers in the West Indies in the Seventeenth Century (New York, 1910).

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daring. Upon the organization of the Company of the West Indies, Louis XIV had placed the stamp of his royal approval on their encroachments by including in the patent of the French governor of Tortuga full jurisdiction over the settlements on the northern coast of Santo Domingo. Families were sent over from France, courts were established in the principal towns, and the region became an integral portion of the French colonial domain. .By 1675 it was estimated that the French population in northerii Santo Domingo numbered several thousand inhabitants, while Spanish settlements in the south contained only a scant fifteen hundred souls.-

This action on the part of Louis XIV seemed to indicate clearly the pplicy that he intended to follow in regard to Spanish rights in America. Spain confidently believed that the French settlements in Santo Domingo would be but a stepping-stone to more formidable aggressions on her mainland colonies, and that in such aggressions the pirate host of the Caribbean regie n would be utilized in hiding the true designs of the French until the desired usurpation should be successfully accomplished.

Spain's solicitude for the integrity of her insular possessions in the West Indies was in sti'oug contrast to the comparative indifference with which she regarded that portion of hei colonial domain which is now included within the limits of the United States. The islands of the Antilles commanded the approaches to the heart of Spain 's most productive colonies. They lay within the beaten track of travel and commerce. The mainland of the continent north of Mexico, however, was valued chiefly as a great barrier region providentially erected for the i)roteetion of the rich mining provinces from which Spain secured a large part of her revenues.

-Report of the fiscal of the Council of the Indies, .Tune 28, 1740, summarizing French activities in Santo Domingo from the earliest times (Archivo General de Indias, Seville; Santo Domingo, 55-1-12, 28 pp.) Throughout this study, citations will be made to transcripts in the collection of the University of Texas made from the original documents. These transcript are classified according to their original archive designations. Where the citation is given in "folios" (ff.), the documents are available in manuscript only. Unless otherwise indicated, all references will be to documents in the Archivo General de Indias.

Juan Jordan's Map of French Settlements in Santo Domingo.

(Tracing from photograph of original in A. G. I.,

Indiferente General, 147-5-28.)

12 Universiijj of Texas Bulletin

In the first flush of energy that followed the discovery of America, while the spirit of romance and mystery hovered oveithe entire new world, there had been no lack of interest manifested in the region of the United States. Repeated expeditions were made within this territory during the first half of the sixteenth century, but no ciuick and easy road to fame and wealth was found within its vast extent. Interest gradually wane J, and the geographical knowledge secured through the efforts of such pioneers as Narvaez. Alvar Niifiez Cabeza de Vaca, De Soto, and Coronado was soon forgotten, leaving only vague rumors of great riches to excite the imagination of later generations. In 1565 the first permanent Spanish settlements within the present boundaries of the United States were planted in Florida, as an answer to the attempted Huguenot colony that had been sent out by Coligny. Fifteen years later the next advance into the territory north of New Spain began, and by the end of the century Spanish dominion had been established over the pueblo groups of New Mexico. With the occupation of these two widely separated regions, Spanish expansion within the United States seemed to have spent its force. Proposals were made by various individuals from time to time for an advanc^e into new fields, both from the region of Florida and from that of New Mexico, but little official interest was aroused by such petitions. As long as there was no pressing need for the occupation of new territory, the exhausted Spanish monarchy was content to allow the deserted region that lay between New Mexico and Florida to remain in a state of nature. It was not until a definite scheme of conquest by a foreign power threatened Spain's claim to this region that attention was turned in earnest to a consideration of its defence and development. Such a menace arose in the year 1678, just at the close of another of the periodical struggles between Spain and France. It took the form of the wellkno"s\Ti proposals of Diego de Penalosa at the court of France. This famous scheme was to lead to the reawakening of Spanish interest in the region of the United States, and was to signalize the beginning of the long struggle between Spain and France for the possession of the unoccupied coast line of the Gulf of Mexico, and the vast interior of the Mississippi Valley.

SiMiiisli and French Bivalry in Gulf Region 18

The Penalosa scheme, and the royal cedula of 1678. — A few weeks before peace was made between Spain and Prance by the treaty of Nimwegen, in the antnmn of 1678, news reached Madrid that a renegade Spaniard, who called himself the Count of Penalosa, was endeavoring to interest the Prench monarcli in a project to conquer certain provinces on the northern frontier of New Spain. Pefialosa had already been the source of much trouble to the Spanish government. A native of Peru, he had fought for many years in the wars of the southern viceroyalty ; and later going to New Spain, had been made governor of the frontier province of New Mexico in 1660. After serving in that capacity for several years, he had become involved in a controversy with the Inquisition, as a result of which he was fined, exiled, and debarred from holding further office in the Spanish dominions.^ Failing to obtain redress for his grievances, he had gone to England in 1670, and had attempted to enlist the aid of Charles II in some aggression against Santo Domingo or South America. Reports concerning his activities were sent to Spain at that time, and the Spanish ambassador had been instructed to try to get Peiialosa out of England before he succeded in causing any injury to the interests of Spain.* Shortly after this.

•''The Inquisition's sentence against Peiialosa, dated Feb. 3, 1668, may be found in the ramo of "Inquisicion," Tomo 16, Archive General y Publico, Mexico, D. F. (Citation furnished by Mrs. A. F. Bandelier. )

'Consultas of the Council of the Indies, Aug. 29 and' Dec 10, 1671, cited in consulta of Nov. 18, 1678 (Archive General de Indias, Seville: Indiferente General, 141-3-1).

The writer has found a number of documents in the Archive de Simancas relating to Penalosa's activities in England. On June 12, 1671. Marcos de Ofiate, of the Spanish embassy in London, wrote the king that Penalosa was still trying to promote his schemes; that money had been furnished him; and that he had gone to Dunkirk for an audience with the king of France. Oiiate said that an effort would be made to seize Penalosa, and send him to Flanders, but that it would be a difficult undertaking (Letter of Oiiate, cited in consulta of the Council of State, July 31, 1671; Archive de Simancas, Legajo 2546). In a dispatch of August 31, 1671, the Spanish ambassador. Count of Molina, reported that he had been unable t© arrest Pefialosa, and that he had resolved to ask the aid of the English king in apprehending the adventurer (Consults of the Council of State, Sept. 23, 1671, ihich). Such a step was opposed by the Council of State as contrary to the practice of nati(ms.

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Penalosa had gone to France, and no further attention had apparently been paid to him by the Spanish government until his presence in Paris was reported in the autumn of 1678. This news was contained in a letter of a high official of Flanders, which was sent by the king to the Council of the Indies on October 16, 1678. Few details were given as to the nature of Peiialosa 's proposals to the king of France. It was merely stated that he had offered to effect the conquest of the provinces of Quivira and Tagago (Teguayo), which he said were fabulously rich in precious metals, and with which he claimed to be familiar through expeditions made to those regions during his term as governor of New Mexico.^

In obedience to the king's decree, the Council of the Indies gave its attention once more to the threatening activities of the troublesome Peiialosa. The ignorance of the Spaniards in regard to the region north of Mexico is well illustrated by the fact that the supreme governing body of the colonies as then constituted had apparently never heard of the province which Peiialosa had offered to conquer for the king of France. After a vain effort to find some one who could throw light upon the location of Quivira and Teguayo, the Council began to search through its archives for a possible clue. There was finally unearthed among the "papeles curiosos" of the Council a memorial presented in 1630 by a missionary of New Mexico, which made ref(^rence to the provinces in question. This was the now well-known "Benavides Memorial,'' drawn up by Father Alonso Benavides, cnstodian for many years of the Franciscan missions in New Mexico. The object of the memorial had been to call attention to the work of the Franciscan order on the northern frontier of New Spain, and to obtain royal support for the evangelization of the unoccupied territory to the north and east of New Mexico. With this end in view Father Benavides had given a glowing account of the wonders and riches of that region. Among other things

•'Consulta of the Council of the Indies, Nov. 18, 1678, 141-3-1, pp. 1-2.

Molina was instructed to say nothing to the king of England, but to endeavor to seize Peiialosa secretly (ibid.). Cf. Daenell, Die Spanier in Nordamerika, 1513-]S2'f, pp. 99-103, for an account of Pefialosa's activities in England and France.

Spanish and French liivalrij in Gulf Region 15

he told of the reports oiven hy the Indians concerning the great kingdoms of Quivira and Aixaos, which were said to be thickly populated, and rich in silver and gold. In order to facilitate the occupation of this rich territory, Benavides suggested that a nev; way of approach should be opened up by way of Espiritu Santo Bay, which he believed to be situated between Apalache and Tam- })ico in latitude twenty-nine degrees, and only about one hundred leagues from Quivira. The occupation of this famous bay, long reputed to be the best harbor on the Gulf of Mexico, would shorten the distance to New Mexico and Quivira by more thf^ji eight hundred leagues (the usual route being o\(rlanJ via I\Lexico), and would lead to the conquest of a vast new kingdom, with corresponding benefits to the royal trea'^ury Such were the points in Father Benavides 's memorial to which the Council of the Indies now devoted its attention after a delay of nearly fifty years.*'

With the foregoing information in its possession the Council ])roceeded on November 18 to discuss the question of Peiialosa's activities in France. It did not believe that the king should be greatly disturbed as to the safety of the provinces of Qinvira and Teguayo. One of two things, the Council said, must be true. Either those provinces were not as rich as Penalosa reported them to be, or their conquest was a very difficult undertaking: for otherwise the English from the nearby region of Virginia would have attempted to gain possession of them many years before. With its usual caution, however, the Council thought that no chances should l)e taken in the matter, especially since it was reported that Penalosa had been assured by the French king that his proposals would be carefully considered as soon as France should again be at peace. This condition had recently been met by the conclusion of the treaty of Nimwegen. The Council was of the opinion, therefore, that some steps should be taken to guard against a possible invasion of the region threatened by Peiialosa's activities. It recommended to the king that the colonial officials of New Spain should be instructed

"The Memorial is translated in the Land of Sunshine, vols. XIII and XIV. A separate de luxe edition based upon this translation has recently been published by Mr. Edward E. Aver of Chicago.

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to report as to the feasibility of occupying Espiritu Santo Bay, and of opening up a new route to New Mexico and Quivira, as suggested by Father Benavides in his memorial. In regard to Penalosa himself, the Council said that such a pernicious character might do much harm to the interests of Spain if allowed to remain among her enemies, and urged that some means should be devised for spiriting him away from France."

The king concurred in the opinion of the Council, and the corresponding royal cedilla was issued on December 10. It was addressed to the viceroy of New Spain, but copies were also ordered sent to the governors of Havana and Florida. The cedula, which contains, a good summary of the causes for its pro mulgation, instructed the viceroy to make a detailed report in regard to the advisability of opening up communication with Quivira and Teguayo by way of Espiritu Santo Bay. He was to tell what means were available for the undertaking, and for the conversion of the natives of those provinces; whether there were priests^ in New Spain who might be sent as missionaries to the new region, or whether it would be easier to carry on the work from Florida ; and, finally, whether or not on account of the proximity of the English and French any injury was to be apprehended from the proposals which Penalosa had made to the king of France.^

The cedula of December 10, 1678 marks the tirst definite step in the reawakening of official Spanish interest in the deserted Mississippi Valley and Gulf region of the United States. The indefinite rumors of foreign encroachment had done more than the repeated petitions of soldiers, settlers, and priests. Th;it the action taken by the crown at this time was not more vigorous was due largely to the fact that it was not yet fully aroused to the seriousness of the .danger. The whole matter was merely shifted to the shoulders of the viceregal officials of New Spain.

'Consulta of the Council of the Indies, Nov. 18, 1678; Indiferente General, 141-3-1, 6 pp.

'Real cedula, Dec. 10, 1678: Archive General y Publico, Mexico, D. F., Reales Cedulas, Vol. 16, ff. 189-190. (Transcript in the collection of the University of Texas, 4 pp.)

SpmiisJi and French Rivalry in Gulf Region 17

and further action postponed until the requested reports could be secured.

Continued rumors of French designs. — While the Council of the Indies was evidently not greatly alarmed at Penalosa's proposed conquest of Quivira and Teguayo, there is much evidence to show that the strongest fears were entertained in regard to French aggression in other parts of the Indies. The records of the Council from 1678 to 1683 indicate a growing suspicion of the designs of Louis XIV in America. The situation in Santa Domingo continued to excite the greatest anxiety. Frequent reports from that island told of the rapid growth of the French settlements on the northern coast, and of the danger that the whole island would soon be lost to Spain.^ The voyage of the French admiral d'Estrees to America aroused much alarm. It was believed that he had been sent to investigate conditions in the Spanish colonies, and to make a report as to the feasibility of their conquest. The Spanish ambassador in Paris, the Count of Fuentes, reported the return of d'Estrees from a recent voyage in 1681, and gave an alarming account of rumored French designs. The Council of the Indies, in discussing the letter of Fuentes, agreed with him that the frequent voyages of French squadrons to America foreshadowed some attack upon .Spain's colonies. ^*^ In 1683 it was reported that a French engineer had made two voyages to the West Indies, and had visited several Spanish ports under various pretexts. Upon his return to France, he had announced, it was said, that France could easily conquer any island belonging to Spain with a fleet of twenty ships and an army of six thousand men." Mjany rumors also reached Spain during these years of increased activit^^ in the French naval yards at Brest, Rochefort, and Havre. All of these reports merely served to confirm the general conviction that

°An excellent report on conditions in Santo Domingo was made by- Governor Francisco de Segura on April 15, 1679 (MS. in the Archive General de Indias, Santo Domingo, 53-6-6).

^"Consultas of the Council of the Indies, May 8, May 20, and May 29, 1681 (Indiferente General, 141-3-3).

"Consulta of the Council of the Indies, Feb. 20, 1683 (Indiferente General, 141-3-4); consulta of the Junta de Guerra, Nov. 2, 1683 (Indiferente General, 147-5-27).

li^rance was preparing for some aggressive move in America. Spain was kept in a constant state of alarm, and yet feared to take any conspicuous steps to guard against an invasion of her colonies, lest such action might lead to a renewal of war with France. The most that she could do was to send a few additional troops to the more important posts in the Indies, endeavor to maintain a scant number of ships for the punishment of pirates, issue repeated warnings for vigilance, and give orders for the prompt remission of subsidies and supplies to the points that were most likely to be attacked. While the Council of the Indies realized that the only sure safeguard against foreign aggression was the maintenance of a strong naval force in America, the impoverished condition of the royal treasury made such a measure out of the question.^- In spite of Spain's efforts to maintain peaceful relations with France, ^^ however, the aggressive policy of Louis XIV in Flanders led to a declaration of war by the Spanish king in October, 1683. The resumption of open hostilities now brought to their height the fears of French aggression in America, and a revival of the rumors concerning the do signs of Pefialosa upon the northern frontier of New Spain.

The new rumors reached Spain by way of England, and came from no less an authority than the king of England himself. The Spanish ambassador, now Pedro Ronquillo, was informed by the king that Peiialosa was again trying to persuade Louis XIV to undertake the conquest of certain portions of New Spain, this time with apparent success.^* The renegade was said to be