Party politics and English journalism, 1702-1742

Preface

A study of eighteenth century periodicals lies on the borderland between literary and political history. Most of the papers printed from 1700 to 1750 were inspired by political events; consequently they are in many ways valuable for students of party government. The materials of such periodicals as well as the causes behind their production are of interest to the political historian. An investigator of the literary taste of the period will likewise turn to the periodicals for facts regarding the vogue of such essays as first appeared in the Review, the Tatter, and the Spectator. He will find also in the popularity of the news journals ground for broader conclusions as to the economic conditions of all literary production during the eighteenth century, and will inevitably realize that a constant demand for partisan and factional newspapers led many writers into channels quite unnatural for men of literary tastes. The student of politics is the one most interested in the partisan periodicals that these men produced, but the student of literature shares his regard for the economic phases of journal production in an age of literary dependence as well as of party development.

In the course of the present study reference is made to many facts of eighteenth century social practice. Literature and politics were both subjected then to the pressure of new forces, chief of which was the tendency to exalt the common good of society at the expense of special privilege. In 1700 "divine right" was a failing principle. Men were taking the place of a lifeless theory. Yet the transformation was not made without cost. The bloodless Revolution of 1688 marked the turn from a full trust in kings to the doctrines supporting modern modes of government, but that was only the preliminary to a grievous civil struggle.

To win the prize of political domination offered to men of remarkable individuality, Whigs and Tories fell upon one another with the greatest fury. Greed for power possessed individuals. Leaders were ruled by their ambitions, for the new constitutional provisions seemed to afford unlimited opportunity for self-advancement. Such intimate friends as Oxford and Bolingbroke worked together for a time in order to win political power, only to fall soon into suspicion, then into open hostility, and at last into a struggle that brought one to political ruin and the other to loss of everything excepting his intrepid resolution. The situation of Oxford and Bolingbroke in 1714 represents the worst state possible for individuals to reach under an unregulated system of constitutional

VIII PREFACE

government: that of Robert Walpole ten years later displays the possibilities of such conditions for a politician strong enough to dominate the minor actors in the play of statecraft. The three embody much of the eighteenth century theory and practice in political matters, and their acts show what a spirit of opportunism possessed the age.

The men striving for a livelihood through a use of their pens were naturally affected by such conditions. In some cases reasons are found for a complete change in their interests. Such data, which may be counted proof of the spirit of opportunism pervading English society in the eighteenth century, must likewise be considered important for literary history. The partisan acts of various writers were merely the consequences of economic laws. The economic conditions of literary production determined what should be their field of activity. Consequently, literary periodicals gave place to party journals, private patronage languished because of new publishing conditions, and personal opinions were sold out to the leader or group willing to pay. The changing status of professional writers has long been counted one of the most distinctive facts of eighteenth century literary history, but very little has been done to show how completely the literary craftsman was a creature of his age. Addison brought philosophy out of closets to become an active force in English life, but he and the lesser essayists brought forth their individual talents for use in party service for no such altruistic purpose.

This assumption the following pages should establish. The present work has as its chief end to present proof of political influence in the literary world of Queen Anne and the first two Georges. This proof is offered, both as new fact in itself, and as a partial explanation of current literary standards. It should show why men of letters then wrote with reason rather than emotion, and why their demonstrations of feeling were restricted largely to acrid satire and personal abuse. In short, it is hoped that to disclose the ends sought by politician and writer will be to enforce the obvious truth that in determining literary vogues current demands must be considered of quite as much importance as any critical rules.

I am under obligations to many for assistance during the course of my work. Attendants in the British Museum and the Public Record Office showed me every courtesy. George A. Aitken, Esq., whose life of Steele has been more useful to me than any other single work, also made highly profitable my stay in England by suggesting sources of material and by giving me the benefit of his broad knowledge of eighteenth century literature and politics. Professor C. N. Greenough of Harvard University

PREFACE IX

and Professor Conyers Read of the history department of the University of Chicago advised me on specific points. I wish to express my thanks to the attendants in our own University library and to Mr. A. W. Shaw of Chicago for helping me to secure copies of scarce books needed from time to time. My greatest obligation, however, is to members of the English department of the University of Chicago. Professor Myra C. Reynolds, Professor W. D. MacClintock, and Dr. G. W. Sherburn have made many valuable suggestions. Professors Robert Morss Lovett and John Matthews Manly have been of similar service, and have also read the manuscript repeatedly during its preparation. To Professor Manly I am particularly grateful for the training gained in his classroom and for the encouragement given in private conference.

Chicago. D. H. S.

Chapter I The Conditions of Literary Production from 1702 to 1710

The new interest in politics — growth of the book trade after 1695 — the 1709 copyright law — popularity of subscription editions — number of journals in 1709 — Defoe's Review and Steele's Tatter — effect of politics upon Steele, Defoe, and minor writers — government prosecutions 1

Chapter II The Political Importance of Addison after 1712

Addison's earlier political work — the significant events of 1712 — minor writers under his control — his relations with Pope — the dependence of Steele — party measures of Addison and Walpole 15

Chapter III Swift's Relations with the Tory Ministry

The new measures of Oxford and Bolingbroke — foundation of Bolingbroke's Examiner — prosecution of the opposition — the Tory political club — Swift as director of party journalism — the patronage offered to competent writers — rewards to Swift for his services 30

Chapter IV Defoe and the Earl of Oxford

Oxford's interest in party journalism — the Review and Defoe's news organization — secret service journeys — the Mercator — intrigues against Steele and the Whig journals — Defoe's rewards — A n A ppeal to Honour and Justice 47

Chapter V Party Journals and Journalists from 1710 to 1714

General condition of English journalism before 1710 — the London Gazette — journals founded under the Tory ministry — Defoe's Review and the Examiner — minor Tory journalists — Matthew Prior — opposition offered by the Whigs — the Whig Examiner and Medley — the Flying Post — Steele's Guardian and Englishman — minor Whig journals — the Stamp Act of 1712 — effect of party influence upon journals and writers 61

Chapter VI Whig Rewards under George I

Expectation of rewards to writers — Steele's employments — in high favor with the King — his Hanover Post and second Englishman — his theatrical difficulties — Steele and Addison on the Peerage Bill — Steele's relations with Walpole — Addison and Lord Halifax — Addison's petitions and state grants — his influence as literary advisor — Budgell and Tickell rewarded — Nicholas Rowe — Congreve — Ambrose Philips — Cibber, Hughes, Odell, Ridpath — disappointed petitioners 81

Chapter VII Defoe and Walpole in the Service of George I

Prosecutions before 1721 — Defoe's stratagems on the side of the ministry — his supervision of the press — administration journals in circulation between 1715 and 1721 — the London Journal — Walpole's subsidy plan — the Briton — The Negus investigation of 1723 104

XI

XII CONTENTS

Chapter VIII Political and Literary Importance of the Craftsman Group

New political methods — the secret investigation of 1742— Walpole's papers and editors — Swift and Gay turned to the opposition — Savage and Young — foundation of Bolingbroke's Craftsman — Pope's interest — Prince Frederick's group of disaffected politicians — minor opposition journals — Nicholas Amhurst — gains in freedom for the press — Thomson and other dependent writers — general consequences of literary patronage 118

Index 147

Chapter I The Conditions Of Literary Production From 1702

THE NEW INTEREST IN POLITICS — GROWTH OF THE BOOK TRADE AFTER 1695— THE 1709 COPYRIGHT LAW— POPULARITY OF SUBSCRIPTION

editions— number of journals in 1709— defoe's Review AND Steele's Tatter— effect of politics upon Steele, defoe, and

MINOR WRITERS — GOVERNMENT PROSECUTIONS.

When Anne became queen of England in April 1702, party lines were definitely drawn on many points, and men were finding in political controversy matter for violent disagreement. Popular concern over state affairs had grown gradually after the conclusion of the Revolution in 1688, an event that had given men new reason for studying the conduct of government. Thereafter the reign of William III had been a period conducive to free speech and individual thinking, and as a result wellorganized parties began to displace in power the small groups of autocratic nobles. This was not accomplished by 1702, but the effect of changing conditions had appeared in all social and literary activity. The London clubs and coffee-houses, more and more numerous after 1700, became centers for political discussion, and all social groups dealt freely in political gossip. As a result, men of letters adapted their work to suit current demands, so that the interest in popular government may be said broadly to have permeated all the cultivated groups of the city. With these facts in mind one cannot examine the literary products of the reign of Anne without watching for political allusion. It is often necessary to do so if one is to get a fair understanding of implied meanings. Yet the existence of partisan material proves nothing directly regarding the economic causes behind this production. Unless one can see what inducements led writers of the eighteenth century to burden their works with political materials, he cannot properly estimate the economic condition of literary production during that period. After 1700 the intrusion of political matter into all kinds of writing was steadily increasing in a way not attributable to unfostered partisan zeal. Very obviously a writer of the time may have been on the Whig side; but why should his works show these partisan marks when devotion to literary pursuits normally excludes such utilitarian matter as political argument? As a rule, the Queen Anne writer chose political topics because to do so was profitable, and the matter of profit must consequently be considered a powerful determinant of literary vogues.

To be sure, politics afforded but one means to a livelihood; other fields of endeavor were opening up after 1700. New conditions in the book and newspaper trades seemed to foreshadow better days for the professional writer, wherein he would attain true independence. In opposition to these favoring circumstances there still existed the deadening force of private patronage, as well as the rapidly developing subservience to party leaders that was to bring about a new but similar bondage. It is, therefore, with the clash of these opposing tendencies that a student of literary conditions before 1710 must concern himself: he will usually find that political interests seem to have overcome all others in the minds of the men of letters.

Though in 1702 the book trade was not flourishing, recent occurrences had led publishers to expect greater prosperity. In February, 1695, parliament had allowed the Licensing Act to lapse, so that henceforth English printers were freed from the close surveillance that for years had restricted their freedom. The immediate consequence was a greater number of newspapers, and an equally important result was a marked stimulation of the book trade. With the relaxation of state checks upon production, new publishing houses were organized, and a few strong firms began projects requiring heavy investments. When the demand for translations led such firms as Tonson's and Lintot's to make plans involving large expenditures for the sake of long-deferred profits, the new freedom from state restrictions as well as the safeguards of the subscription mode of printing gave them a sense of security.

A sign of the progressive methods in use soon after 1700 is to be found in the projection of a work by several London publishing houses because it seemed too expensive for a single firm. In 1705 thirteen booksellers banded together in order to bring out A Compleat History of England. Proposals bearing the names of all the "undertakers" were sent throughout the country, and booksellers in the provincial districts were urged to obtain subscriptions from their customers. 1 The London dealers in this way spread the responsibility over an entire group of houses, and then utilized their country connections as a further means to success. Possibility of failure was reduced to a minimum and the cause of letters was greatly aided. Until particular firms were strong enough to specialize upon one sort of work the London publishers found it best to pool their interests in this way whenever a large project was to be carried to

1 Professor Arber has reprinted the proposals in his Term Catalogues, etc., Ill, 459. In the Preface to the same volume (p. ix) he refers to the new manner of publication then coming into vogue.

completion. This arrangement entered into in 1705 was, therefore, only one of many such plans to be used throughout the century.

By such means the London firms made the city market fairly stable and also enlisted country dealers everywhere as their advertising agents. These two changes in procedure put the book trade into better condition than it had enjoyed during former years. It was still necessary, however, to prevent by some means the constant pirating of expensive London editions by printers in Dublin and elsewhere throughout the kingdom. To this end in 1709 the leading houses appealed to parliament for better laws governing book publication, an appeal that gained weight through the vigorous efforts put forth in its behalf by all the interested publishers. The Stationer's Company fathered the new proposals, and every influential firm in London lent some assistance.

The results of their campaign demonstrated how powerful the book publishers had become. The copyright law passed by parliament in 1709 was distinctly advantageous to the London houses and enabled them to act with still greater assurance. It was provided by the terms of this act that after April 10, 1710, a book might be copyrighted for fourteen years. In case the author should be living at the expiration of that period, a renewal might be obtained for fourteen years more. Such publications as had been issued before the date mentioned, were to be protected for twenty-ohe years. The act further provided that titles should be registered with the Stationer's Company, and that infraction of this rule subjected the offender to a fine. With this definite, though not always effective, check upon piracy the book publishers attained a measure of security utterly impossible under the Licensing Act or during the unregulated years from 1695 until 1709. 2

A subsidiary effect of the growth of the book publishing industry appeared in the new popular attitude towards all subscription editions. Since this change affected the possibilities of return to the writer, chiefly as to private patronage, its evolution formed an element in the economic development of the writing craft. Before 1700 the subscription method of publication had given both writer and publisher needed assurance for their more ambitious undertakings. With a long list of sponsors for a new work, and with a part of the selling price paid in before a volume was published, every one concerned felt sure of his returns. Books were thus brought out that never would have appeared under the ordinary

8 Birrell's History of Copyright gives in historical sequence an account of the important acts regarding literary property. See also Nichols' Illustrations of Literature, VIII, 460, and Timperley's History of Printing, passim.

4 PAKTY POLITICS AND ENGLISH JOURNALISM

conditions of popular sale. As for the subscribers, they were drawn into such projects by a readiness to enroll their names as being patrons of culture, often undoubtedly when their actual interest in particular editions was very slight. The subscription list of a well-advertised work was a sort of social register wherein every English nobleman wished to see his name entered. Consequently, among the upper classes of society this method of publication was well received merely for its social value, but it gratified the nobility far more for another reason; the subscription edition afforded a cheap method of meeting their class obligation of giving private patronage to needy authors. Many men instead of one thereafter patronized the English man of letters, to the general satisfaction of those who had before borne the burden.

So far had the subscription edition developed before the opening of the eighteenth century. Private patronage was then clearly declining, and instances of such support became fewer during every decade after 1700 3 as better forms of support became available. The active promotion of the subscription method through the syndicate system brought on the end of even the cheaper forms of private patronage possible through such editions; for when the London syndicates advertised everywhere for subscribers, the class privilege immediately disappeared. In former days the author himself or an indulgent lord had asked the aristocracy for signatures : now every small book dealer in England was an agent of the publishing syndicate, and his appeals were directed to wealthy tradesmen and nobles alike. It was in such fashion that the Englishman of little social importance became a subscriber for the sort of books sold before 1700 chiefly to the aristocracy, and many a man thus increased his self-esteem by subscribing for important works.

By 1725 the names of men of common birth on subscription lists are very nearly equal in number to those from the nobility — at least this is true in many instances. For example, John Dart's well-known work, published in 1730, 4 shows this balance between titled and untitled sub-

3 The distressing case of Chatterton in the third quarter of the eighteenth century gives an illustration of the stupid injustice possible under the wornout methods of private patronage. A pleasing contrast to Walpole's neglect of Chatterton appears in the generosity of Burke to Crabbe several years later. These furnish the best illustrations of how private patronage had fallen off as a class obligation before 1800.

4 Comparison with specific publications dated earlier than 1700 would be useless without the most complete information regarding conditions of publication. Rather than attempt to establish thus conclusions that seem fully warranted by my personal observation, I have stated only the facts regarding Dart's book. From this account it is clear that in 1730 tradesmen were well represented on subscription lists.

scribers. The W estmonasterium, or The History of the Abbey Church of St. Peter's, Westminster, etc., was brought out for four hundred and forty-six subscribers. Two hundred and seven of these ranked as members of the noble orders, and two hundred and thirty-nine were of no station whatever. Of the forty-eight tradesmen on the list, such names and designations as the following were printed out in full: Mr. John Watts, Operator of Teeth; Mr. Samuel Tusnell, Mason; Mr. John Tusnell, Joiner; Mr. Robert More, Writing Master; and Mr. John Holland, Herald Painter. Quite evidently in 1730 lack of rank was no bar to enrollment with the aristocracy on a subscription list; on the contrary prosperous tradesmen were then considered fit game for the aggressive publisher. The same conclusion is reached upon examining other subscription lists of the same decade; one, for example, bore the names of thirty-three gentlemen above the rank of esquire, of one hundred seventeen esquires, and of sixty-three men without rank. 5 From such evidence one can derive an explanation for the decline of private patronage 6 and for the rapid growth of strong publishing houses under the improved conditions following the lapse of the Licensing Act.

The activity in the book trade was paralleled in other branches of the printing industry. News journals became increasingly plentiful and some, founded after the press had been freed in 1695, persisted throughout Queen Anne's reign. Such was the case with George Ridpath's Flying Post; yet it, like many others of partisan tone, drew upon artificial means of support. All such periodicals probably had secret subsidies from political leaders, and so their prosperity was due to something else than popular demand. 7

Apparently the number of periodicals in circulation attracted general attention in 1709. Political journals had multiplied since the foundation of Defoe's Review, while the immediate contemporary success of Steele's Tatler was encouraging imitators of its style and matter. Addison made some amusing comments on the current journals in the Tatler

6 Proposals for Publishing by Subscription A Curious Impression of Heads, etc. This list, dated 1732-33, is in the possession of Mr. A. W. Shaw of Chicago.

* An interesting instance of the decline of private patronage even before 1710 appears in the case of Elkanah Settle. Before the accession of Queen Anne, and shortly after, he continually solicited favor by means of dedications. How small was his income from this source has been shown by Dr. F. C. Brown, Elkanah Settle (Chicago 1910), pp. 20-44.

7 Without seeking at present to analyze individual cases, one finds several general accounts that prove the newspaper industry to have grown remarkably between 1700 and 1710. The several causes for this growth will be presented later.

for May 21, and a more significant account appeared in the General Postscript for October 21 of that year. In what purported to be an accurate list of the London newspapers, the Postscript presented the following data for the use of the government. The papers then appearing regularly were said to be these: daily, the Daily Courant; Monday, Wednesday, and Friday, the General Remark, the Female Taller, the General Postscript, and the Supplement; Monday and Friday, the British A polio ;Tuesday , Thursday, and Saturday, the London Gazette, the Postman, the Postboy, the Flying Post, the Review, the Taller, the Rehearsal Revived, the Evening Post, the Whisperer, the Postboy Junior, the City Intelligencer; Wednesday and Saturday, the Observator. These totalled fifty-five issues each week, and in addition there were said to be many "postscripts and other scandalous and seditious papers hawked in the streets." 8 The investigator made no estimate of total circulation, but it was probably not far from the weekly output in December 1710, when another government investigator put the total at 44,000 copies. 9

Although after 1702 party organizations constantly fostered their journals, the number of papers issued in 1709 was made possible only through the added encouragement of a popular demand for news. Even the London Gazette, 10 a government organ open to subsidy, in 1710 was supported wholly by advertising charges and public sales. Surely at the same time others were also winning independent support by satisfying genuine public needs. Thus quite clearly the English people read intelligently and eagerly before Addison and Steele improved public taste with their Taller s and Spectators. The theory that to these two belongs all credit for bringing England to her books, has been used simply because it is conveniently explanatory of a recognized change in literary forms. But it is idle to credit the new periodical essay with so abrupt a creation of public taste, 11 when natural courses of development very obviously were being followed before 1709.

8 Quoted by Nichols, . . . Anecdotes . . . of James Bowyer, etc., p. 493.

8 Col. of Treas. Papers, 1708-14; entry for December 2, [17101. There is possibility that this undated paper was written a year earlier.

10 For full data regarding the profits from the London Gazette, see my article in the Nation, C I, No. 2610 (1915), 69-70.

11 Of many such comments that might be quoted, one from Henry Morley's 1891 edition of the Spectator will suffice. Page xx of the preface reads: "It was through these [the Ta tiers], and the daily Spectators which succeeded them, that the people of England really learnt to read. The few leaves of sound reason and fancy were but a light tax on uncultivated powers of attention."

It is far more logical to look for natural causes behind the instant success of the Tatler — for such evidence as that given above regarding the sales of periodicals before the Spectator appeared. Then the contemporary comments upon the popularity of Mr. Bickerstaff become more interesting, 12 and Gildon's assertion that the Tatler "ravished the Town, and almost reconciled Parties in its Praise, that were opposed in everything else," 13 intensifies belief in the existence of true literary taste before 1709.

In general, an examination of conditions outside the sphere of politics proves that before 1710 the book and journal trades were encouraging men to independent literary endeavor. The improvement in the public market and the consequent decline in private patronage would eventually have brought freedom of action and proper income for professional writers had not new forces changed the natural course of events. In 1709 non-partisan journalism was in a healthy state, and the popularity of the Tatler was increasing the possibilities for similar projects. As in the book trade, release from government surveillance had led writers and publishers to make new ventures. But party demands were soon to offset all such advantageous conditions, until at the end of Queen Anne's reign English journalism was to be virtually in the hands of party politicians to use as they saw fit. Long before Addison finally gave up his new series of Spectators with the issue of December 20, 1714, almost every other competent writer in London had preceded him in entering completely the service of a political party.

*

The hindrances to a normal development of the book and newspaper trades arose, as stated above, from political sources. At the outset Queen Anne's reign assumed its settled division into hostile camps with eager partisans constantly trying to outwit their opponents. It is not strange that they turned to newspapers and pamphlets as party instruments, or that in consequence the trend of literary activity was determined by the increasing ardor of the contests. The traces are to be found in the life stories of writers then living.

The first and most important act of the administration in this newspaper war was to make plans for Defoe's Review. Its editor had demon-

12 One interesting proof appears in Lady Marow's letter to her daughter, Lady Kaye. On January 5, 1709-10, she wrote: "All the town are full of the Tatler, which I hope you have to prepare you for discourse, for no visit is made that I hear of but Mr. Bickerstaff is mentioned, and I am told he has done so much good, that the sharpers cannot increase their stocks as they did formerly. . ." Dartmouth MSS, III, 148.

13 Art of Poetry, p. 117.

strated during King William's reign his power in political satire, particularly through his 1700 pamphlets and his True-Born Englishman (1701). It was, therefore, natural that Harley in 1702 chose Defoe as the writer best suited to the needs of the government. Records do not show when the negotiations between them began, but it clearly was soon after the crowning of Anne. This much is proved by Godolphin's letter of September 26, 1703, in which he put Defoe's case wholly into Harley's hands. 14 After securing Defoe's release from Newgate, Harley, who " was shrewd enough to see the use that might be made of his peculiar talents," 16 at once provided for the foundation of the Review. This journal was at first intended as a moderate guide to public opinion, but quite naturally its tone became more and more openly favorable to all administration measures.

The circumstances attending this newspaper venture have two significant relations to the literary activities of the time. First, the establishment of the Review marked the beginning of the serious political journalism for which Queen Anne's reign was distinguished. Harley's message to Godolphin, that it would be "of great service to have some discreet writer of the government side," 16 was prophetic. Thereafter Whig and Tory constantly advanced their causes through the aid of party journals. In the second place, upon beginning the Review Defoe abandoned all other interests that he might more effectively perform his duties as secret service agent and editor. To be sure, his experience previous to 1704 had given admirable training for party writing, and it is probable that he took up his new work willingly. Yet the literary qualities of his later writings show how much Defoe might have accomplished through purely literary endeavors. From 1702 to 1715 he conformed so completely to the demands of the age as to draw his themes almost exclusively from current events. No one except Swift adapted himself more completely to contemporary demands. In doing so they both gave up individual freedom for the sake of uncertain political spoils.

Swift's life from 1701 to 1709 may be characterized as a time of inactive expectation. He had first ventured into political service in 1701 with his Discourse of the Contests and Dissensions between the Nobles

14 For quotations from the Oxford correspondence see the detailed account of Defoe's work, pp. 47-61.

16 Sir George F. Warner, "An Unpublished Political Paper of Daniel Defoe," Eng. Hist. Rev., XXII (1907), p. 131.

18 Add. MSS 28,055: quoted by E. S. Roscoe, Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, p. 72.