The houses of Lancaster and York, with the conquest and loss of France

Front matter

V^

A'

Epochs of History

Preface

For the period of English history treated in this volume, we are fortunate in possessing an unrivalled interpreter in our great dramatic poet, Shakspeare. A regular sequence of historical plays exhibit to us not only the general cnaracter of each successive reign, but nearly the whole chain of leading events, from the days of Richard II. to the death of Richard III. at Sosworth. Following the guidance of such a master mind, we realize for ourselves the men and actions of the period in a way we cannot do in any other epoch. And this is the more important, as the age itself, especially towards the close, is one of the most obscure in English history. During the period of the Wars of the Roses, we have, comparatively speaking, very few contemporary narratives of what took place, and anything like a general history of the times was not written till a much later date. But the doings of that stormy age — the sad calamities endured by kings — the sudden changes of fortune in great men vi Preface.

— the glitter of chivalry and the horrors of civil war, — all left a deep impression upon the mind of the nation, which was kept alive by vivid traditions of the past at the time that our great dramatist wrote. Hence, notwithstanding the scantiness of records and the meagerness of ancient chronicles, we have singularly, little difficulty in understanding the spirit and character of the times.

Shakspeare, however, made ample use besides, of whatever information he could obtain from written histories. And there were two works to which he was mainly indebted, which deserve to be read more generally than they are at the present day — the Chronicles, namely, of Hall and Holinshed. Hall's Chronicle was written in the reign of Henry VIII., and gives a complete account of the whole sequence of events from the last days of King Richard II. to the time in which the author wrote. The title of the work prefixed to it by himself, or possibly by his printer, Grafton, who completed it, was " The Union of the Two Noble and Illustrate Families of Lancastre and Yorke."^ This expresses exactly the general scope of the book, which traces out very clearly the

1 The full title is as follows : — " The Union of the two Noble and Illustrate Families of Lancaster and York being long in continual dissension for the crown of this noble realm, with all the acts done in both the times of the Princes, both of the one lineage and of the

Preface. vii

story of each separate reign, first of the one family and afterwards of the other, winding up with a narrative of the reign of Henry VIII. , in whom the blood of both Houses was mingled. The style of Hall, though antiquated, is remarkably clear, graphic, and interesting. The headings that he has prefixed to the several reigns are in themselves no small help to the student to remember their general charac er. The book is divided into the following chapters ; —

" An Introduction into the Division of the Two Houses of Lancaster and York.

" I. The Unquiet Time of King Henry the Fourth. " n. The Victorious Acts of King Henry the Fifth. "in. The Troublous Season of King Henry the Sixth. " IV. The Prosperous Reign of King Edward the Fourth. " V. The Pitiful Life of King Edward the Fifth. '' VI. The Tragical Doings of King Richard the Third. " VII. The Politic Governance of King Henry the Seventh, " VIII. The Triumphant Reign of King Henry the Eighth."

This table of contents is quite a history in little. The feeling with which Hall wrote is that of a man living under a *' triumphant " king who, after a century of disorder and civil war occasioned by a disputed succession, had succeeded peacefully to the crown, uniting the claims of the two rival families in other, beginning at the time of King Herry the Fourth, the first author of this division, and so successively proceeding to the reign of the high and prudent prince King Henry the Eighth, the indubitate flower and very heir of both the said lineages."

viii Preface,

his own person and raising his country in the estima" tion of the whole world by his kingly valor. From the happy and prosperous days of Henry VIII., — for such they were upon the whole, especially the early part of the reign, when Hall wrote — he looked back with the eye of an historian upon that epoch of tragedy and confusion, and carefully collected all that he could find relating to it. In the beginning of the work he gives a list of the authorities he had consulted, among which there are one or two that cannot at this day be identified, and perhaps may not be now extant.

On the whole, those who desire to obtain a clear impression of the history of this period cannot do better than read the Chronicle of Hall, of which it is greatly to be desired that some more handy and convenient edition were published for general use. It is, however, for the most part accessible in public libraries, either in the original black-letter edition or in that of Sir Henry Ellis*

The later Chronicles of Stow and Holinshed, published during the latter part of the reign of Queen Elizabeth, add many important particulars not to be found in Hall. John Stow was a most industrious antiquary, who spent the greater portion of his life in collecting and taking notes from MSS., and in

Preface. ix

his Chronicle, or, as he himself calls it, his "Annals," he gives the fruit of his gleanings, not in a connected narrative but in a record of events from year to year, as the name of the work implies. The work of Holinshed, on the other hand, is called on the title-page a Chronicle, but is, in fact, a regular history, embodying the substance of Hall's narrative, sometimes nearly in the words of the earlier writer, with a great deal that is contained In Stow and a large amount of additional information from other sources;

Modern writers have not improved upon these admirable works in extent or fulness of information, though they have undoubtedly brought criticisms to bear on many points of detail. Of popular histories written in recent times, Lingard's is upon the whole the most careful and trustworthy ; but any one desiring really to study the period can only refer to such works as a help to rectify and to test the accuracy of his own judgments after saturating his mind with the perusal of earlier authorities. Those who have not an opportunity of referring to Hall or Holinshed, would do well ^not to take their whole view of the history from any one historian, however accurate he may be, but to jot down the simple facts for themselves, comparing one writer with another

X Preface,

to ensure accuracy, and from them form their own conclusions.

If, however, it be desired to examine the original sources from which information about the period is obtained, the student must of course go to earlier writings even than Hall's Chronicle. He must examine the authorities used by Hall himself, and a number of other chronicles and narratives besides, many of which have been only published in comparatively recent times. Of these works it would be unnecessary here to give a list j but it is right to say that the present volume has been written from a direct study of all the contemporary testimony that exists relative to the events of each particular reign.

Chapter I. Preliminary

PAGB I

Chapter II. Richard II

1 The French War— Wycliffe and John of Gaunt IL Wat Tyler's Rebellion ....

IIL The Crusade in Flanders. Invasion of Scotland

The King's Favorites ....

IV. Revolution and Counter-Revolution . V. The Struggle Continued. The Wonderful Parlia' ment — The King of age . . .

VI. The King and the Duke of Gloucester VII. The Dukes of Hereford and Norfolk * VIII. The King and Henry of Lancaster • .

Chapter III. Literature And Science

20 26

CHAPTER IV. kenr:y IV.

I. The Revolution Completed. Invasion of Scotland . 67

II. Eastern Affairs , . 72

IIL Owen Glendower's Rebellion and the Battle of

Shrewsbury ........ f6

IV. Capture of Prince James of Scotland ... 81

V. The Church. French Affairs. Death of Henry IV. 85

xi xii Contents.

Chapter V

HENRY V. PAGB

I. Oldcastle and the Lollards 90

II. The War with France and the Battle of Agincourt . 96

III. The Emperor Sigismund. Henry Invades France a

Second Time. The Foul Raid. Execution of Oldcastle 104

IV. Siege and Capture of Rouen. Murder of the Duke

of Burgundy. Treaty of Troyes .... 108 V, Henry's Third Invasion of France. His Death • 114

Chapter VI

THE COUNCIL OF CONSTANCE AND THE WAR IN BOHEMIA . II8

CHAPTER Vn.

Henry vi.

I. The Ring's Minority and the French Wa.r . .128

tl. The Siege of Orleans. Joan of Arc .... 132

III. Gloucester and Beaufort. Negotiations for Peace . 140

IV. The King's Marriage. Deaths of Gloucester and

Beaufort I46

V. Loss of Normandy. Fall of the Duke of Suffolk . 150

VI. Jack Cade's Rebellion. Loss of GuienneandGascony 155

vn. The King's Illness. Civil War 161

VIII. The Duke of York's Claim. His Death. Henry

Deposed 167

CHAPTER Vni.

EDWARD IV.

I. Triumph of the House of Yotk 173

II. Edward's Marriage. Louis Xl. . . . , 178

III. The Burgundian Alliance. Warwick's Intrigues . 183

IV. Edward driven out, and Henry VI. Restored . . 188

V. Return of King Edward 192

Contents. xiii

PAGE

VI. War with France ..••••. 198

VII. France and Burgundy 200

VIII. t ate of Clarence. The Scotch War, Death of Edward 203

CHAPTER IX.

EDWARD V 209

CHAPTER X.

RICHARD III.

I. The Royal Progress. Murder of the Princes . .218

II. The Rebellion of Buckingham 222

III. Second Invasion of Richmond. Richard's Overthrow

and Death 227

CHAPTER XI.

GENERAL VIEW OF EUROPEAN HISTORY. . 236

CHAPTER XII.

CJONCLUSJON. . , D £5C

LIST OF MAPS.

I. France at the Death of Edward III.

Opposite Title-page

II. Extent of the English Conquests in

France To face page i \-^

III. Henry V.'s First Campaign in France " loo ^

IV. England during the Wars of the

Roses « 5/2 \

V. Europe in the Fifteenth Century " 250

THE HOUSES

OF

LANCASTER AND YORK.

Chapter I. Preliminary

The reign of Edward III. may be considered the climax of mediaeval civilization and of England's early greatness. It is the age in which chivalry ^g^ ^f g^- attained its highest perfection. It is the "^^^^ ^^^• period of the most brilliant achievements in war, and of the greatest development of arts and commerce before the Reformation. It was succeeded by an age of decay and disorder, in the midst of which, for one brief interval, the glories of the days of King Edward were renewed ; for the rest, all was sedition, anarchy, and civil war. Two different branches of the royal family set up rival pretensions to the throne ; and the struggle, as it went on, engendered acts of violence and ferocity which destroyed all faith in the stability of government.

2. Even in Edward's own days the tide had begun to turn. Of the lands he had won in France, Loss of French and even of those he had inherited in that conquests. country, nearly all had been lost. Calais, Bordeaux, Bayonne, and a few other places still remained; but B

* o j-out iholder

2 Preliminary. CH. i.

Gascony had revolted, and a declaration of war had been received in England from Charles V., the son of that king of France who had been taken prisoner at Poitiers. Edward found it impossible in his declining years to maintain his old military renown. His illustrious son, the Black Prince, only tarnished his glory by the massacre of Limoges. Even if England had still possessed the warriors who had helped to win her earlier victories, success could not always be hoped for from that daring policy which had been wont to risk everything in a single battle. The French, too, had learned caution, and would no longer allow the issue to be so determined. They suffered John of Gaunt to march through the very heart of their country from Calais to Bordeaux, only harassing his progress with petty skirmishes, and leaving hunger to do its work upon the invading army. England was exhausted and had to be content with failure. During the last two years of Edward's reign there was a truce, which expired three months before his death. But no attempt was made to do more than stand on the defensive.

3. In domestic matters a still more melancholy reaction had taken place. The great King had become ^ ^ .,. . weak, and the depravity from which he and

Imbecility of .

Edward in his his people had emancipated themselves at years. ^^ beginning of his reign reappeared at the close in a form almost as painful. Alice Ferrers ruled the King and sat beside the judges, corrupting tjie administration of the law. In the King's imbecility his sons conducted the government, and chiefly John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, whose elder brother the Black Prince had, for the most part, withdrawn from public life, owing to his shattered health. But just before his death in 1376, the latter, conscious of the corrupt state of the

1377* Preliminary, 3

whole administration, srave his countenance , _, ^ ,

° ♦ The Good

to what was called 'the Good Parliament,' Parliament.' in attacking the principal abuses. They impeached, fined, and imprisoned various offenders who had been guilty of extortion as farmers of the revenue, or of receiving bribes for the surrender of fortresses to the enemy ; then, aiming higher still, not only ventured to complain of Alice Ferrers, but compelled the King to banish her from his presence. Unfortunately, the good influence did not last. On the death of the Black Prince everything was again undone. Alice Perrers returned to the King. The Speaker of ' the Good Parliament ' was thrown into prison. John of Gaunt returned to power and brought charges against William of Wykeham, bishop of Winchester, once the all-powerful minister of Edward III., in consequence of which he was dismissed from the Chancellorship, and ordered to keep at a distance from the court, while the men who had been censured and condemned by Parliament were released from their confinement.

4. One act, however, the Good Parliament accomplished which was not to be undone. Immediately ou the death of the Black Prince the Commons Richard petitioned that his son Richard might be 1^"^^^^^ publicly recognized as heir to the throne. Prince, re- The significance of this act is not at once heir to the apparent to us who are accustomed to a '^'■°^"- fixed succession. But the days were not then so very remote when it had been not unusual to set aside the direct line of the succession, either to avoid a minority or for some other reason ; and it might have been questioned still whether the right of a younger son, like John of Gaunt, was not preferable to that of a grandson, like young Richard. In this case, however, the general feeling was marked and unmistakable. The great popularity of the Black Prince made the nation desire the succession of his son ; and the unpopularity of John of Gaunt strengthened that desire still further. Hence it was that on the death of Edward III. his grandson Richard succeeded quietly to the throne.

Chapter II. Richard II

I. The French War. — Wy cliff e and John of Gaunt.

I. It was just twelve months after the death of the Black Prince that his father, King Edward III., died at Sheen. ^ jj According to what had been determined in

June 21. Parliament, Richard was immediately re-

cognized as king. He was at this time only eleven years Accession of ^Id, and could not be expected to discharge Richard. ^^e actual functions of government for many

years to come. The utmost that could have been hoped under circumstances so disadvantageous was that he might have been placed under such tuition as would have taught him to exercise his high powers with vigor and discretion when he came of age. But even of this the state of parties afforded very little prospect. His eldest uncle, John of Gaunt, was so generally disliked that his influence would not have been tolerated, and no one else had any claim to be his political instructor. No attempt was made to form a Regency or to appoint a Protector during the minority. The young King was crowned within a month after his accession, and was invested at once with the full rights of sovereignty. All parties agreed to support his authority, and seemed anxious to lay aside those jealousies which had disturbed the latter days of the preceding reign. John of Gaunt and William of Wykeham were made friends ; and the city of London, which had been much opposed to the former, was assured both of his and of the new King's good will.

2. It was, indeed, a very proper time to put away dissensions, for the French were at that moment harassing the coasts. A week after King Edward's death they burned Rye. A little later they levied contributions in the Isle of Wight, attacked Winchelsea, and ^j^^ French set fire to Hastings. About the same time ^^^"^ ^y^- the Scots were busy in the North, and burned the town of Roxburgh. These and a number of other misfortunes were due mainly to the weakness of the government.

3. A Parliament, however, presently assembled at London, composed mainly of the same persons as the Good Parliament of 1 376. In this Parliament

-. . -, -, r • ■, Parliament.

a subsidy was voted for carrymg on the war ; but to prevent a repetition of old abuses, the control of the money was placed entirely in the hands of two leading citizens of London, who were charged not to allow it to be diverted from the use for which it was intended. The names of these two citizens were William Walworth and John Philipot ; and they deserve to be noted here as we shall meet with each of them again in connection with other matters.

4. About the end of the year there arrived in England certain bulls — not the first that had been issued by the Pope to denounce his teaching — against John WycHffe, a famous theologian at Oxford, ^^' ^" whose tenets, both political and religious, had created no small stir. Wycliffe denied that the Pope, or any one but Christ, ought to be called Head of the Church. He treated as a fiction that primacy among the Apostles which the Church of Rome had always claimed for St. Peter. He maintained that the power of kings was superior to that of the Pope, and that it was lawful to appeal from the sentence of a bishop to a secular tribunal. It was one of his cardinal principles that dominion was founded on grace, and that any one who held authority, either temporal or spiritual, was divested of his power by God whenever he abused it, so that it then became not only lawful but right to disobey him. This teaching shook to its foundation the view commonly entertained of the relations of Church and State, but it recommended itself in many ways to no small section of the nation. As early as the year 1 366 it had become of value to the Court ; for the Pope had revived the claim made by the See of Rome for tribute in the days of King John, and while the papal pretensions were repudiated by the Parliament at Westminster, Wycliffe defended in the schools of Oxford the decision come to by the legislature.

5. In truth the authority of the Pope had not been strengthened in the estimation of Englishmen since the days when that tribute had been submitted to, especially not in the days of Wycliffe. For nearly sixty years the Papal See had been removed from Rome to Avignon, and in matters of international concern the Pope was looked upon as a partisan of the French king. Of the The Popes six Popes who had reigned at Avignon, at Avignon. every one had been a native either of Gascony or of the Limousin. The exactions of the Papal Court rendered it still more odious. The See of Rome had gradually usurped the right of presentation to bishoprics and prebends, and received the first-fruits of each new-filled benefice, of which it endeavored to make the

1377- Wycliffe. 7

utmost by frequent translations. At "the sinful city of Avignon," as it was called by the Good Parliament, there lived a set of brokers who purchased benefices and let them to farm for absentees. Thus a number of the most valuable preferments were absorbed by Cardinals and other foreigners residing at the Papal Court. And worse than all, the revenues of the English Church went frequently to support the enemies of England. For the Pope claimed a general right of taxing benefices, and when he required money for his wars in Lombardy, or to ransom French prisoners taken by the English, he could always demand a subsidy of the English clergy. The bishops did not dare to resist the demand, however little they might approve the object. In this way the Pope drew from the possessions of the Church in England five times the amount the King received from the whole taxation of the kingdom. And while all this wealth was withdrawn from the country, and some of it applied in a manner opposed to the country's interest, the people were so ground down with taxation that they were unable to provide effectively for defence against a foreign enemy. Statesmen therefore desired the opinion of divines whether England might not lawfully, as a Christian nation, refuse to part with her treasures to the See of Rome. Wycliffe had no doubt upon the subject. He declared that every community had a right to protect itself, and that it might detain its treasure for that purpose whenever necessity required ; moreover, that on Gospel principles the Pope had no right to anything at all, except in the way of alms and free-will offerings of the faithful.

6. Unselfish as his aim undoubtedly was, it was only natural that doctrines such as these should have recommended Wycliffe to the favor of the great. Even in the days of Edward III. he was a royal chaplain ; and in the very first year of Richard II. his advice was asked by the King's council upon the question just referred to. On the other hand, he was naturally looked upon by churchmen as a traitor to the principles and constitution of the Church ; nor could he hope to escape their vengeance except by the protection of powerful laymen. In this respect the friendship of John of Gaunt was of most signal use to him ; and it was shown in an especial manner not long before the death of Edward III. On that occasion Wycliffe had been cited before the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London at St. Paul's ; and the Duke of Lancaster not only took his part, but befriended him so warmly as to let fall some offensive expressions against the Bishop of London. But he had very soon cause to repent the indiscretion. The Londoners resented either the affront to their bishop or the stretch of authority on the duke's part in protecting a heretic, and it was only at the bishop's own intercession that they refrained from attacking the duke himself or setting fire to his palace of the Savoy.

7. The incident was characteristic of John of Gaunt, a man whose inward endowments, either of Gaunt! virtue or discretion, by no means corre-

sponded with his artificial greatness. Although only the fourth son of King Edward III., he was the eldest that survived his father, and had, as we have already shown, taken the lead in public affairs even during his father's latter days. On the day that Edward attained the age of fifty, he and an elder brother Lionel were raised by the King to the dignity of dukes — a title unknown in England till the beginning of his reign ; and having 'married the daughter of a nobleman, then de-. ceased, who had been created Duke of Lancaster, he

1377' John of Gaunt, 9

was made Duke of Lancaster himself. On the death of his elder brother Lionel, who had been made Duke of Clarence, John of Gaunt was left the only duke in England, and when the Black Prince also died, he was the greatest subject in the realm. But his ambition had not been satisfied even with the great pre-eminence of a dukedom ; for, having taken as his wife in second marriage, Constance, the eldest daughter of Peter the Cruel of Castile, he assumed the title of King of Castile. The claim was utterly futile, and served only to exasperate both France and Spain against England. For Henry of Trastamara, the illegitimate brother of Peter the Cruel, against whose pretensions the Black Prince had won for Peter in Spain the battle of Navarrete, had been since firmly established on the throne by the aid of the King of France. Moreover, at that very time the affairs of England in France were in a most critical condition ; yet John of. Gaunt, whom his brother the Black Prince had left to defend Aquitaine a year before, returned to England with his newly married wife and empty title just when his presence was most specially wanted in the south of France. After he was gone the English arms experienced a series of reverses ending in the complete loss of Aquitaitie, and a new invasion of France, which he undertook in order to retrieve these disasters, was even more unfortunate.

8. Altogether, he had shown little evidence of either military or political capacity ; and yet at the commencement of his young nephew's reign his influence was so great by the mere fact of his relation to the King, that everything was at his disposal. It was in vain even that Parliament had committed to Walworth

A "D I'^tS.

and Philipot the control of the war expenditure. The Duke of Lancaster requested that the lO money granted by Parliament should be placed in his hands, that he might fit out a fleet and drive the enemy from the shores of England. The Lords of the Council, though with great misgivings, felt it necessary to comply. They had little confidence in the duke, but durst not go against his will. Their distrust was justified by the result. The duke was very tardy in his preparations. The fleet at length sailed without him, was encountered by the Spaniards and was defeated. The commercial classes seemed to have felt that they must see to the protection of their own interests themselves, for English shipping was exposed to the attacks of various enemies. John Mercer, a Scotch captain, who was a man of considerable influence with the French king, had been taken at sea by some Northumbrian sailors and committed to the castle of Scarborough. His son, with the aid of a small force consisting of Frenchmen, Scots, and Spaniards, suddenly entered the port of Scarborough and carried off a number of ships. But John John Phiii- Philipot fitted out a fleet at his own expense, pot. which after a short time fell in with the

younger Mercer, and not only recovered the ships that he had captured but took him and fifteen Spanish vessels laden with rich booty.

9. The fame of this achievement made Philipot highly popular, and people could not help contrasting it with the supineness and inactivity of John of Gaunt. When at last the duke set to sea he unfortunately did little to retrieve his past mismanagement, but failed again as he Siege of St. ^^^ ^^ often done before. He crossed to Malo. Brittany, besieged St. Malo, and so terrified

the inhabitants that at first they were disposed to come to terms with him. But the duke insisting on unconditional surrender, the citizens held out and the siege was

1378. The Great Schism. 11

prolonged, till at length, after losing a number of men, the English were compelled ignominiously to withdraw and return home.

10. The war went on for some years languidly, with little glory to England. The national disasters, however, together with the intolerable burden of taxation imposed to avert them, had a most important effect in stimulating Parhament to in- JSresTnt? '''" quire into the expenditure, a claim which *^ expenwas not yet conceded to them by right, but under the circumstances could not be refused. The English also were deceived in their expectations of aid from the Duke of Brittany against France. John de Montfort, Duke of Brittany, had done homage to Edward III. for his duchy, and had been assisted by Edward against his rival Charles of Blois, supported by the King of France. His son John, who was now duke, with an undisputed title, had fought side by side with the English, and since Richard's accession had been placed in command of a portion of the English fleet. But he had pursued a double game from the first, and being recalled to his duchy, by the earnest entreaties of his people he soon afterwards made a treaty with France to dismiss the English from his dominion.