The fall of Tsingtau; with a study of Japan's ambitions in China

Front matter

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Contents

I. Japan's Dream of Domination ... 3

II. Preliminabies to the Declaration of War 15

in. The Violation of Neutrality .... 40

Chapter I

The fall of Tsingtau and the wiping-out of the German colonies in Asia and in the Pacific, at any other time than as a side happening in the greatest of wars, would have attracted the attention of the whole world. With the rapid unfolding of events in Europe during early August, 1914, the nations focused attention on the continent, where the largeness of events had the effect of making minor the developments in the Far East. The passing of Germany from Asia, however, is of great international importance, for from it there may be traced the future remapping of Asia and even the dissolution of China as a nation.

Japan's participation in the European war and the events that followed may be divided into two parts; first, the "game" she played in going to war; second, the actions of her army in the overthrow of Germany in Asia.

In discussing the first of these divisions, it is necessary to note the "sayings" of the Japanese statesmen in conjunction with the actions that followed. In this way only will it be possible to reach an intelligent conclusion. It is not what we say we will do, but what we do, that really counts, and in no relation does this rule apply more positively than in diplomatic dealings. It will not be difficult to discover that Japan's part in the European war was not for the "peace of the Far East," as declared by her diplomats at the outset, but a move in her ambition to dominate China.

The opening of hostilities between Japan and Germany in August, 1914, gave to Japan another opportunity to express in words just what were her motives in going to war, and it afforded opportunity also for the distribution in publications in America and Great Britain of frequent references to Japan's "love" for China.

" We have always stood and will continue to stand for the territorial integrity" and "neutrality" of China, writes Count Okuma, Premier of Japan, at the opening of the war. By those unaquainted with Far Eastern politics, and especially those of Japan, this statement by a Japanese statesman may have been read with confidence. However, those familiar with Japanese affairs do not accept such statements as conclusive.

Many times before has Japan vouched for the territorial integrity and neutrality of China. We have followed her actions only to find that the declarations of her statesmen were mere diplomatic nothings, their actions the exact opposite of their printed resolutions. For these reasons the official utterances of the Tokyo Government, on the opening of hostilities against Kiaochow, came and went without leaving sincere impression.

"What is Japan's game.^" was the question passed among foreigners in the Japanese capital late in August, 1914. A step in the acquisition of China, was of course the answer, but many accepted Japan's statements, this time with more faith. With Great Britain as her ally, they said Japan would play with her cards on the table. Later events proved that Japan was playing her usual concealed game.

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In all diplomatic tangles in the Far East for the last twenty years, China has paid the bill, whether she has been involved in the transaction or not. All the Powers have gone on record as standing for the territorial integrity of China, and the preservation of China's neutrality, but there has been but one Power, in its dealings with China, that has always backed guaranties by actions, not words — the United States.

During the above period, while Japanese statesmen were addressing the world to the effect, as Baron Kato recently put it, that "Japan maintains to protect the peace of the Far East" and to "guard China from foreign encroachments," her Government has taken from China, first, Formosa; then the Liaotung Peninsula; next, Korea; and now — shall we say Shantung .f^

While Japan's statesmen have been proclaiming that Japan is a friend to China, that she bears no ill-will against her, their hands have been slyly going into the pocket of China, and bit by bit has Celestial territory been taken. Is it to be wondered that during the recent war in the Far East the foreigner should look with distrust upon the actions of Japan?

Sunday, August 23, the day of Japan's declaration of war upon Germany, found the Japanese fleets in a semicircle in the Yellow Sea, making preparations for running the blockade to the Bay of Kiaochow. Still farther north, off the Korean archipelago, Japanese transports had already sailed bearing three divisions of the Imperial regiments. The Japanese Minister at Peking at once started negotiations for fixing the war zone about Kiaochow, Germany's protectorate in Shantung, Tsingtau being the capital.

China proposed that the said zone should not extend farther westward than 20 li to the east of Wei-hsien, but Japan objected to this, and argued that such a boundary would be difficult to observe, as they might be considered "to have violated China's neutrality" if a few of the Japanese troops wandered beyond this boundary. China, however, declined to modify her proposal, and eventually Japan acceded to her wishes, adding that, while no troops would occupy the railroad beyond the war zone, it might be found necessary to send officers to Wei-hsien for the purchase of supplies. Upon this understanding did Japan send her troops into China to drive Germany from Shantung.

On September 2, news reached Peking that several Japanese transports had arrived at Lungkow, a port under Japanese influence in northern Shantung, and that troops were being disembarked. Just why Lungkow, a port situated one hundred and fifty miles from Tsingtau and in a mountainous district, practically devoid of roads suitable for military purposes, should have been the spot from which Japan first started war operations against Germany, remained a question that the Far East was unable to answer at the time, but events that followed after the disembarkation brought out the answer clearly.

With the German Kiaochow garrison miles away, Japan began the long, tedious journey across Shantung, where heavy rains and floods made difficult the advance of troops. Arriving at Tsimo the middle of September, the troops advanced westward, and about September 20, Peking was suddenly startled by the report that the Japanese troops had occupied Weishien, and were advancing still farther westward along the Shantung railroad and beyond the defined war zone.

By this unnecessary action Japan had violated the neutrality of China. And, though England had joined in the European war because Germany had violated the neutrality of Belgium, the British Government, for some reason unknown, did not think it necessary, when all the eyes of the world were upon Europe, to protest loudly, to her ally in China, against the very thing that had seemingly so shocked her in Belgium.

Western Shantung was now in disorder and confusion. With the Japanese troops quartered over this district there were many clashes between the native soldiery and the Japanese troops, and it required a steady hand in Peking to check a revolution or a war.

And by this same action did Japan prove to the world that it was not " the maintenance of the peace of the Far East" that had brought her into the European struggle, but rather her political ambition. /' So serious was the situation in Shantung, the Council of State at Peking was hurriedly called together to discuss Japan's breach of faith. A resolution was unanimously passed calling for interpretation of the Government's policy concerning China's neutrality. In moving the interpretation Liang Chi Chao, a member of the Council, said : —

"Since the outbreak of the European war, President Yuan Shi Kai has represented the nature of China's diplomatic relations and we sympathize with the Government's difficult situation, but the events and the rapid movements of the last twenty days leads to the belief that his reports are incomplete. Since the people are most indignant, the duty has devolved upon us to ask the Government for an explanation. When Japan declared war upon Germany, we were forced to delineate a war zone. However, Japan has violated our neutrality by occupying Wei-hsien and preparing to seize the railroad beyond the limits set forth.

" I ask, are there any German soldiers west of Wei-hsien? The westward movement of the Japanese is nothing but a geographical movement? Judging from the actions of their army, Tsingtau is not their objective, but they are trying to occupy the whole of Shantung Province, which they will turn into another Manchuria. Britain cannot be excused for violating our neutrality, because its action is taken in concert with Japan. Britain has warred to uphold the neutrality of weak nations, thus gaining our respect, but in China it has followed a different policy, using the Allies' forces to violate the neutrality of Shantung. The Japanese outrages are facts and the Government should not look upon the people's sufferings with indifference."

*' Japan, by attacking Tsingtau," said Chen Kuo Hsiang, another member of the Council, *' is following out a continental policy cherished for the last twenty years. Its purpose is to seize Tsinan-fu and the northern sections of the Tien-tsin-Pukow railways. The situation confronting us is most grave. I fear that Shantung will become a second Manchuria. If

Japan takes Shantung, what will become of the nation?"

The Council of State even discussed war against Japan, when General Choa Wei Hsin jumped to his feet and shouted: —

"Should the people of China refuse to become slaves? There is hope that this countryis becoming strong again. Should the people be abused? Then it is better for us to die than to live."

" Yes, the people must unite to prevent their own destruction," quickly responded General Wang Yi Tang. "Apparently Japan can seize anything it wants as a prize of war. This must be stopped. We are unprepared to face this emergency, but we must make immediate preparations to cope with the situation."

Looking with distrust upon Japan's actions, and regarding them as a serious breach of faith, China at once issued a protest to Japan. There followed the usual evasion by the Japanese diplomats. Japan intimated in her reply to the Foreign OflBce at Peking that she intended to go a step farther — to occupy the

Shantung railroad from Kiaochow to Tsinan-f u. Again did China protest against the violation of her neutrality, adducing legal arguments this time to back up her claim. In reply to this a note was handed the Chinese Minister at Tokyo in which the Japanese Government "announced its intentions of occupying the entire railroad from the coast to Tsinan-fu; that it had requested the withdrawal from the railroad area of all Chinese troops, and that it has declared that any opposition encountered from the Chinese authorities will be regarded as an act unfriendly to Japan and partial to Germany."

By this method Japan sought to drive the "mailed fist" policy of Germany from China in order that she could replace it with the "mailed fist" policy of Japan, which has been modeled after that of her former Teutonic tutor in arms.

In no position to resist the Japanese demands, and with everything to lose by defying her powerful neighbor, China was forced to be humiliated and accede to seeing her neutrality violated. It was but another example of how

Japan tries to promote cordial relationship between China and herself. Japan was taking another step toward realizing her desire to dominate China.

Chapter II Preliminaries To The Declaration Of War

In a war, such as Europe was thrown into, there is no neutral territory to feel so much the concussion as the Far East. With practically all the Powers holding concessions in some part of the Orient, a diplomatic eruption in any other section of the world at once throws the foreign sections of the Far East into excitement.

The rising war clouds find Americans, Britishers, Germans, French, gathered together in the lobbies of hotels or at their respective clubs, all prophesying and discussing together the pros and cons of the question. By the time the actual declaration of war is served, the Far East is already at sword points, and the once cosmopolitan gatherings have become a clique affair with the Britishers at their club, the Germans at theirs, the French at their quarters, and the Americans free to go to whichever their membership entitles them to.

And then the war starts — in the actual field of battle by the deep undertoned voices of siegers and the phut-phut of rifles; in diplomatic centers by column after column of communications for publication to the editors of the various foreign newspapers. The British Resident in Shanghai writes a communication denouncing the German and his methods, to which the Germans promptly reply. Other foreigners take sides and join in the "communication'* battle, and gradually the fight broadens. Before the battle is half over the editor finds himself swamped with mail and a truce is therefore declared. But by this time the political, the commercial, the religious, and in fact every side of life of the "warring nations" has absorbed the discussion and there is little left for the fighters to do but to hold their chagrin for distribution among their fellow nationals, and to watch and await developments from the actual field of war.

In such a condition was the Far East during the first week of August, 1914. With the European Powers at war with each other, there was a hasty call for reservists throughout the

Orient. Immediately there was a rush, business was dropped, and everybody journeyed to the railway stations or to the piers to see the farewell of departing troops. In Yokohama and Kobe were great crowds of Japanese at the stations shouting "banzai" and waving a "sayonnara" to their departing French, British, Austrian, and German friends, who were all going over to Europe on the same boat to fight each other. And Shanghai and Hongkong witnessed like scenes with the enmity showing a little more bitter by the gathering in cliques: Germans on one side of the pier or on one side of the deck — the British on the other.

It was the publication in the foreign press of Japan, on August 4, of the reported seizure of the Russian volunteer fleet steamer Riazan, by the German cruiser Emden, from Tsingtau, which first bristled the back of the Far East with talk of actual war within its boundaries. The capture, so the report stated, took place near the Korean archipelago, while the steamer was on its way to Vladivostok, and as such was considered a heavy blow to Japanese sovereign rights and neutrality.

^Vhateve^ may be the truth of this reported German interference with trade in the Orient, the fact is that the Foreign Office at Tokyo had already seen in Germany's war against Europe a most opportune time to pay back that "grudge" against Germany for the part BerHn had played at the close of the Chino-Japanese War, in forcing Japan later to renounce the definite possession of the Liao-tung Peninsula, her fruit of the war. Then, too, the European war gave Japan an exceptionally favorable opportunity to realize her ambitions for the last ten years — the domination and control of China, and with England, Germany, Russia, and France all busy at home, there would be no Power left to check Japan but the United States.

It was not, therefore, a surprise to those foreigners who resided in Tokyo to learn on August 2 that the Foreign Office at Tokyo had sent a formal note to the Foreign Office in London in regard to the Mikado's willingness at once to put in force the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, which was negotiated in July, 1911. The note from Japan specifically referred to

Article II of the Alliance, which stated: "If by reason of an unprovoked attack or aggressive action, wherever arising, on the part of anyother Power"; or, if "either of the High Contracting Parties should be involved in war in defense of its territorial rights or special interests, the other High Contracting Party will at once come to the assistance of its ally and will conduct the war in common and make peace in mutual agreement with it."

Japan's offer to London to join in the European war by banishing the German menace from the Far East, signalized the approach of exciting and busy days in diplomatic circles of the Nippon Empire.

Scarcely had the note been handed to Sir Conyngham Greene, the British Ambassador to Tokyo, than the French Ambassador, Eugene L. G. Regnault, and the Russian Ambassador, Nicolas Malewsky-Malewitch, drove up to the compound of the English Embassy in Tokyo where an exciting discussion was held with the British Ambassador as to the practicability of allowing Japan to enter the war.

The conferences of the three ambassadors 19 was continued for three or four days, but just what stand was taken by the representatives was never known, except that harmony must have been reached, for on August 7 the British Ambassador handed to the Foreign Office at Tokyo a request that Japan join in the European war.

The exact contents of the note were never made pubHc, but the rumor in diplomatic circles in Tokyo the following day had it that England had asked that Japan, in case she joined in the war, should confine her war operations to the actions of the German and Austrian warships, and to the protection of British merchantmen in Far Eastern waters, or to the negative help to British warships in Oriental waters.

Japan, it appears, was not content with restricted action, since she was to participate in the war under the terms of the Anglo-Japanese Alliance, but desired rather to play a more important part in the war operations than were proposed for the Far East.

On the same evening that the British Ambassador handed the Foreign Office in Tokyo the request from Sir Edward Grey, Count Okuma, Premier of Japan, called a meeting of the Cabinet which did not break up its session to well beyond 2 a.m. the following morning. At that meeting it was decided to go further into action in the Far East than to control the Pacific waters and aid British merchantmen and British warships; instead, to drive Germany from Kiaochow and Asia.

With this in mind, Baron Kato, Foreign Minister, proceeded the same morning to Nikko to advise the Emperor of Japan of the situation. At the same time an important conference was held at the Navy Office in Tokyo, at which Vice-Admiral Yashiro, Minister of Marine, Fleet Admiral Togo, and other prominent officials of the Navy Department conferred upon the possible part the Japanese fleet was to play in Oriental waters.

Germany at this time began to scent danger in the Anglo-Japanese Alliance and its possible effect upon Kiaochow and her other colonial possessions in the Pacific, and so on August 8 the German Embassy issued the following communique stating the relative position of the

German Far Eastern fleet with Japanese commerce : —

It will be of interest to learn that the German authorities have taken proper measures to avoid all unnecessary interference with neutral shipping, especially Japanese. Thus it is known that the German cruiser Emden, when meeting the Japanese steamship, Sakaki Maru, in hazy weather, requested her to show her flag in order to ascertain her nationality, and, when this request was complied with, immediately allowed her to proceed, observing all the usual courtesies.

Great Britain, now being advised of Japan's desires of pushing Germany out of Asia, began to hesitate in approving the start of Japan's war operations, and this led naturally to a delay in Japan's declaration to the world of her actions. The question that seemed to interest the Foreign Office in London was whether or not, if Japan drove Germany from Asia, Kiaochow should be placed under the control of Great Britain or of Japan.

Japanese diplomatists evidently decided that they should be supreme, for already their Government had mobilized an army of 25,000 men, transports had been hired, and the vessels of the Japanese navy, which were later to blockade the Bay of Kiaochow, were already at their yards at Sasebo, Kure, and Yokosuka, coaling, loading with ammunition and supplies, and preparing for the first move — in case war should be declared against Germany.

Meanwhile notes were being exchanged between London and Tokyo upon the issue at stake — whether Kiaochow at the conclusion of the European war was to be given to Great Britain to do with as she pleased, or should pass into the hands of the Japanese Empire. With Germany busy warring in Europe and unable, therefore, to offer her colonies in Asia and the Pacific any assistance, there was no thought in the minds of London officials that the little German garrison at Kiaochow could show any substantial resistance against the overwhelming odds that Japan would put against it — if allowed to carry out her desires.

The Foreign Offices at London and Tokyo, evidently being deadlocked upon the question, matters took a more favorable turn when Sir Edward Grey addressed a note to Japan in which he stated that Great Britain would grant

Japan's wish — to drive Germany from Kiaochow — provided she " would confine her war operation to the China Sea" and "eventually turn over Kiaochow to China."

In this move of depriving Germany of her Far Eastern naval base. Great Britain saw an opportunity of furthering her immense trade in China at the expense of Germany, at the same time depriving German commerce of a great asset in Asia. It sounded the death-knell of the "mailed fist" in Asia and, as Great Britain thought, would eventually see the restoration of Kiaochow to China, its rightful owner.

The British note, under the new terms, being delivered to Japan, the Nippon capital at once took on busy conferences. First, the Elder Statesmen and the Cabinet conferred, then the War Office was consulted, and at length, on August 9, Sir Conyngham Greene, the British Ambassador, was notified that Japan was ready to carry on the war against Germany according to the last note.

In the evening of the same day Count von Rex, the German Ambassador in Tokyo, was notified informally that a breach between the

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two Governments was pending. In fact, with the happenings that had occurred in Tokyo for the past several days, the German Ambassador had not been long in scenting danger, and days before had notified Berlin, as well as the Kiaochow Government, of the fast approaching war clouds in the Orient. His government had therefore acted accordingly.

On August 1, the day that Germany declared war upon England, the Norddeutscher Lloyd liner, Prinz Eitel Friedrich, which had called at Shanghai, on its voyage to Bremen, was notified by the Berlin Government to disembark all passengers and to proceed at once to Tsingtau. The following day it arrived at the Shantung port, and on August 3, Tsingtau was declared under martial law.

The British steamer, Kanchow, which was in port, was notified late that evening that she would have but two hours to leave the port or she would be seized. She moved out at once. Early the following morning Britishers, Russians, and Americans summering at Tsingtau awoke to find the city posted with proclamations. Every train running into the city brought handfuls of German reservists from Tientsin and other cities in the hinterland, and all business in the city seemed to have ceased ; instead there were preparations for war. Vice- Admiral Meyer Waldeck, Governor of Kiaochow, issued shortly afterward a note informing all non-combatants that they would be given a twenty-four-hour notice to leave. That evening, however, found the train running from Tsingtau to Tsinan-f u packed with foreigners as well as Chinese, all greatly excited and hoping to get out of Kiaochow before the war broke. During this time quite another scene was being enacted in the harbor of Tsingtau. On August 3, the Prinz Eitel Friedrich, which had rushed from Shanghai two days before with her full speed of eighteen knots, was in Tsingtau being converted into a battle cruiser. Searchlights were placed on the vessel and the gunboats litis and Tiger, which stood alongside, were quickly stripped of their guns to be mounted on the faster boat. In the greater harbor lay the gunboats Jaguar and Lucks, with sailors busy about their decks dismantling the vessels of guns and war equipment. With the exception of these ships the only other warvessel in port was the Austrian cruiser, Kaiserin Elisabeth. All Tsingtau now seemed to be preparing for war and the busy and mysterious way the German residents went about the city quickly threw into panic the Chinese coolies of Tapautau, the Chinese section of the city, and many began to leave the district. Prompt action was taken by the German authorities however, who brought back two hundred coolies under guard and set them to work helping to dismantle the gunboats and equipping the Prinz Eitel Friedrich.

Likewise were other war operations carried on about Tsingtau. Along the fortifications that skirted the woods on litis, Bismarck, and Moltke hills in the rear of the city, members of the German Landsturm stationed in Tsingtau were busy mounting machine guns and artillery. The German freighters Longmoon, Gouverneur Jaeschke, and Stattssekretaer Kraetke had been requisitioned as colliers by the Government, and after entering port and coaling had gone out upon the Yellow Sea twenty, miles to where the Emden, Scharnhost, and

Gneisenau were standing ready to fight or retire into the harbor, according to the strength of the enemy. At the same time Chinese junks heavily loaded with crates and boxes made their way down the Yang-tse River from Haicheng and interned at Tsingtau. Then started the long file of coolies from the piers to the military warehouses and fortifications with the crates on their backs.

Tsingtau was preparing for war — the war clouds had gathered so quickly that she found herself unprepared, with the result that powder, shells, and ammunition were being brought into the port from somewhere in the hinterland of northern China. British residents in Tsingtau, seeing these war preparations under way, became uneasy, and on August 7 more than sixty left the city for Peking. On the same day the Governor-General had the following notice posted throughout the city : —

All British nationals are allowed to continue to reside at the port and engage in their business as hitherto if they will give their word of honor through the British Consul not to engage in any acts which may be regarded as inimical to the German Empire.

At Hongkong quite the same warlike scene was being enacted as at Tsingtau. August 1 found the city seething with excitement over the secret preparations that were being made to guard the city against attack. Throughout the previous night British-owned launches in the harbor had been steaming to and from the naval jetty, with all lights out, and heavily loaded with ammunition, stores, and guns. In the harbor was H.M.S. Triumph and the Canadian Pacific liner, the Empress of Asia, which had been requisitioned by the Government and was mounting guns over her sides. All the British river gunboats on the Yang-tse had been recalled and the crews paid off and commissioned to the Triumph. Large red handbills placarded the naval yards announcing to service men that divulgence of what was progressing meant seven years' penal servitude. The British bluejackets were confined to the dockyard, the troops to their barracks, and none were allowed to leave the place. Sentries were placed at every outpost boundary to guard the four hundred square miles of the colony, while the Royal Garrison Artillery and the Hongkong and Singapore battalions were stationed at the posts on the Peak. Within the city the Governor of Hongkong journeyed throughout the centers of employment, addressing the workers at noon-day meetings and urging all able-bodied men to join the volunteers or reserves.

In this way, with sentries at attention armed with rifles and fixed bayonets, did the war clouds from Europe arise from the Pacific to greet the British settlement of Hongkong.

On August 10 war rumors which had been circulating throughout the Orient for the past two weeks, took decided form when Count Okuma called all journalists in Tokyo together for a conference at his home. At the appointed hour more than one hundred newspapermen were in attendance to listen to the remarks of Japan's veteran statesman. It was the writer's fortune to be one of the listeners at the conference, and to hear Count Okuma go over the war situation then existing in Europe. He broached the situation as it related to the United States and denounced as "false" the report, printed throughout the vernacular papers a few days before, in which it was stated that the United States had dispatched a note to the Japanese Government in regard to its proposition to join in the European war. The report further stated that the Atlantic fleet was being rushed through the Panama Ganal to Japan to back up the note.

"How can the United States make such an interference," said the Premier, "when Japan has practically done nothing in reference to the present war? Besides, judging from the hoHday ^ of the United States, and the traits of her people, no one will believe in such an allegation of the American intervention with Japan's attitude."

Count Okuma then laughed at the fear of the alleged approach of the American navy and advised the Japanese journalists to read Congressman Hobson's book on the United States before being disturbed by any thoughts of America.

Lieutenant-General Oshima, Vice-Minister of War, Rear-Admiral Suzuki, Vice-Minister