A political history of the state of New York 1865-1869

Preface

This monograph results from the author's interest in the politics of the United States and from Professor William A. Dunning's suggestion that a study be made of the political conditions in New York State corresponding to the Reconstruction period in the South. Although the immediate effects of the Civil War had their direct manifestation in the disturbed social, economic and political conditions of the South, with the resulting Reconstruction legislation of the Radical Congress; it is also true that the reflex action of the War and of the Reconstruction movements produced a disorder which, while more political than social or economic, nevertheless caused a general wave of disturbance to sweep over the Northern States. This wave was especially noticeable in the reorganization of political parties in the North. In no Northern State was the reconstruction of political parties more marked than in New York, and as it, then as now, was the pivotal State of the Union politically, it is deemed to be not only of interest but of peculiar importance to understand the political forces at work in the Empire State during the time corresponding to the early Reconstruction period of the South.

In the development of this study it has been necessary to rely almost wholly on the newspapers of the period, as there is a dearth of other published material. The few memoirs, biographies and autobiographies which cover these years contain but little of direct value for New 7] 7

8 PREFACE [8

York politics. Interviews with former politicians offer an untrustworthy source of information, due to the fallibility of memory, prejudice, and the natural failure to tell the whole truth, if detrimental to the person interviewed. The papers of the day thus become practically the sole source.

Eight New York City and fourteen up-State papers have been carefully studied for the period. Statements of fact have been compared in two or more papers of opposite political faith. Where a serious divergence has appeared the consensus of statement of all the New York City papers has been ascertained. Special attention has been paid to editorial bias ; and causes for animosities, local or general, have been taken into consideration. The attempt has been made, at least, to give a reasonable interpretation of the facts, and assign to Republicans and Democrats their just due.

Relative to the up-State press it has been my aim to have the northern, southern, western, eastern and central sections of the State represented by their leading editors, in order to balance New York City with the State politically. In many cases it was found that the up-State journals, aside from local political currents, largely reproduced the editorial opinion of their favorite New York City organ. But in a refreshing number of cases, able and independent editorial opinions were found. This statement is especially true of the following editors : Carroll E. Smith, Syracuse Evening Journal; Charles E. Smith, Albany Evening Journal; Ellis H. Roberts, Utica Morning Herald, (Republicans); and of William Cassidy, Albany Argus; and William Purcell, Rochester Daily Union and Advertiser^ (Democrats). I wish to extend appreciation and thanks to Dr. Joseph A. Mosher, of the College of the City of New g] PREFACE g

York, for friendly criticisms in reading the manuscript, and likewise to my wife, Elizabeth Tredwell Stebbins, whose unfailing sympathy during the progress of the study, and aid in clerical details, as well as in proofreading, have been invaluable. My thanks, however, are chiefly due to Professor William A. Dunning, who, in reading the manuscript and proof, has given me the benefit of his scholarly grasp of the Reconstruction period.

Homer A. Stebbins.

New York, April 3, 1913.

Table Of Contents

CHAPTER T

rAGE

Introduction 23-28

Chapter II

Social and Economic Survey of New York at the Close of THE Civil War

New York to be proud of its war record 29

Advance of New York. 30

Congested conditions in New York City 31

Sanitation 3^

Inefficiency of the Board of Health 34

Liquor traffic, prostitution. - 35

Shipping of New York 36

Agriculture of New York 36

Condition of the State Treasury 37

The Canal receipts 38

Governor Fenton allays unrest 39

Steam railroads of the State 39

The State Banks 40

The State Census for 1865 41

Depew's report 42

Suspicions concerning Depew's report 43

CHAPTER III Party Politics in New York During 1865 Fenton defeats Seymour in 1864 44

Johnson and the Radicals 45

State Conventions in 1865 sustain Johnson's policy 47

New York State Democratic Convention of 1865 48

Change of policy developed 48

Comments of the Times and the World 49

The Democratic platform of 1865 50

Charges of the Union State papers 51

II] II

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Democrats nominate successful soldiers 52

Comments on General Slocum 52

Party tickets 53

Newspapers' comments on the nominations and convention. . . 54

The State Convention of the Union Party of New York 55

Civilians give way to the soldier candidates 56

General Barlow receives the chief nomination 57

Consensus of opinion Radical 58

Contention of the New York factions for Johnson's favor. . • 59

Explanation of Depew's withdrawal 60

Radicals affirm right of loyal Southerners to vote on reorganization of the State governments 61

The Union resolutions of 1865 63

The Campaign 65

Three reasons of the Evening Post for inactivity of campaign . . 65

The Herald supports Raymond 66

Personal issues in the campaign 67

Controversy over Weed and Robinson 68

Charges against Generals Barnum and Barlow 69

Defence of General Barlow . . ... 70

Charges against General Slocum; defence 71

Democrats plead for consideration not based on Seymour's Chicago platform .... 72

Seymour's and Seward's addresses. . . . 72

Charges against the legislature ...... 73

Campaign closes in a whirlwind of personal defamation 74

Democrats' past record reviewed by Radicals 75

Union ticket wins. yy

New York City and up-State editorial comments 78

Reasons for a campaign of personal defamation 79

CHAPTER IV Attitude of New York toward Reconstruction National politics 81

Motif in the politics of 1866 ... 82

The Philadelphia Convention 83

Raymond's address sounds his political death knell 84

Raymond declines renomination to Congress 86

Swinging round the circle, Seward's downfall .... 87

Political terminology 88

The Preliminary Conservative Union State Convention 90

The Union Republican State Convention of 1866 91

The western and eastern parts of the State in conflict 92

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Lieutenant-Governor Alvord dropped for General Woodford. . • 93

The western State papers fall in line 94

Platform a strong Radical document 95

General Barlow shows lack of ill-will 96

Democrats exultant over Fenton's renomination 97

Radical up-State papers united against Johnson q8

The Democratic State Convention of 1866 99

Hoffman and Dix the leading candidates for Governor 100

Tammany spars for time. loi

Sandford E. Church springs a coup d' Hat 102

Weed concedes the defeat of Dix 103

Church explains 104

Pierrepont's effrontery ... ... 105

Hoffman accepts the nomination 106

Democratic organs give subdued accounts of coup d' Hat ■ ■ 107

Platform reaffirms principles of Philadelphia Convention .... 109

Dearth of convincing statements from Democratic press .... no Conservative Unionists displeased over condemnation of New

York City commissions in

Weed gives his views on the Albany Convention . . 112

James Gordon Bennett experiences a change of heart Ii2

CHAPTER V The Campaign of 1866 Campaign active, national questions in forefront 115

Hoffman accused of being the " Ring's " candidate 116

Johnson's use of the spoils system hurts Unionist cause 117

Use of the word happen 118

Henry Ward Beecher's letter ....... 119

Greeley answers Beecher ■ . 120

The Fenian agitation 121

Excise movement 123

Hoffman the candidate of the grog shops 124

The Anti-rent agitation 125

Southern massacres, Nast's pictures, Nasby's letters, and ill treatment of Union prisoners in the South, powerful Radical

arguments 126

Conkling strikes keynote of campaign 127

Hoffman tours State for Democrats 129

Dissensions in Radical ranks 130

Syracuse center of the up-State campaign 131

The September elections 132

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Fenton carries State, great Democratic majority in New York

City 133

Local elections in New York City 134

Legislature Unionist by great majority. 137

Radical journals deny that the election had been carried under

false pretenses. .... 138

Failure of the Copperhead and Conservative coalition 139

The New York City Charter Election ... 140 Judge Richard Kelly vs. Richard B. Connolly ..... .141

Interest in election slight. Tammany wins easily 142

CHAPTER VI The Senatorial Election of 1867 All eyes centered on the Republican legislature . 144

Horace Greeley, Charles J. Folger 144

Senator Ira Harris, Roscoe Conkling 145

Noah Davis, Lyman Tremaine, George William Curtis 146

Greeley's general amnesty statement kills his candidacy 147

Odds in Davis' favor 148

Fenton's attitude puzzles many 149

Friends of Alvord and Bruce desire revenge on Fenton 150

Nominations made 151

Conkling elected 152

The Democratic caucus 153

Conkling's rise meteoric. 154

The World foresees formation of a Ring in Republican party 155

The Tribune commends Conkling 155

Up-State editorial interest in election not marked 157

Conkling's maiden speech in the Senate 158

CHAPTER VII The Conventions of 1867 The Union Republican State Convention 159

Conkling and Fenton contend for control of convention .... 159

Rival delegations from New York City 160

Movement for complete change in ticket 161

The Times and Commercial Advertiser condemn convention . . 162

Weed blames Greeley for unwise course of convention 163

Committee appointed to investigate 23rd St. delegation's claims. 164

Irregularities on both sides 164

Roscoe Conkling's address 165

Nomination 166 jr] TABLE OF CONTENTS 1 5

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Weed condemns convention; comments of the World and the

Tribune. • i^7

Platform supports Congress, throws sop to temperance element. 168

Raymond pours oil upon the waters ... 169

Radical papers in western part of State uniformly approve convention 170

Democratic organs considered new ticket a confession of guilt. . 171

State Temperance Convention 171

The Democratic State Convention 172

Seymour still too strong for HofTman 172

The //<?ra/</ admires Seymour's speech. ... 173

Tammany rewards Mozart Hall i75

Seymour rules, John McKeon denounces platform 176

Platform a pledge to redeem New York from corruption ... 177

Strife over nominations not keen 178

Weed gives a cautious approval of the convention. 180

Greeley's editorial on silence 181

The up-State Democratic editorials ring true 182

CHAPTER Vni The Democratic Reaction

Radicals attempt to throw burden of proof 184

Greeley repudiates Radical resolution on excise 185

Democrats count on Radical excesses 186

Radicals explain Democratic success in October elections. ... 187

Raymond and Greeley caution Radicals 188

Fernando Wood makes his plans i8q

William M. Evarts sums up the situation 190

The Sun and the World warn Democrats 191

Democratic caution aids their cause ... 192

The Presidential canvass for the following year 192

Mid-campaign finds both parties in general apathy I93

State Convention of Brewers I94

Merry internecine war between Conservative and Radical factions

of Republicans 195

Politics of New York City complex 196

Nominations in New York City 197

Venality of Radical legislature given airing 198

Senator Wolcott J. Humphrey's case 198

Case of Auditor Benton 199

Counter charges of Radicals against Tweed Ring 200

Conservatism of Radical up-State editors 201

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Question of the Constitutional Convention's adjournment 202

Radical corruption in western part of State 203

Excise movement 2°4

Democratic family troubles 205

Homer A. Nelson bids for the Temperance vote • . 206

Result— Democratic landslide 207

Greeley blames New York City papers 209

Radical organs up- State explain • •. 209

Weed's verdict • 210

The W^or/cf admits Republican aid 211

CHAPTER IX The Constitutional Convention of 1867 Composition 212

High character of delegates 213

The Judiciary Article 214

Faults in the present system • • 214

Court of Appeals receives most serious attention 215

Debate on Judiciary article 216

Judge Daly's resume 218

William M. Evarts' plea for the principle of good behavior ... 220

Defeat of amendment for tenure during good behavior 222

Age of Judges. . . 224

Commission of Appeals 225

The Supreme Court, majority plan 225

The minority plan. 226

Other proposals 227

Convention changes majority plan to election by districts. . • 227

Summary in regard to the Supreme Court 228

Minor courts 229

Surrogates' Courts 230

Judiciary Article approved by people in 1869 232

Suffrage 233

Existing standard 234

Committee favors change in the time of residence requirement 235

Educational qualifications refused 236

Woman suffrage 230

Negro suffrage 237

The Bill of Rights 238

The petit juries . 238

The Legislature 239

New organization of senate and assembly districts 240

Report of committee on the powers and duties of the legislature. 241

Convention accepts Court of Claims 241

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The Executive 241

Radical change in veto power proposed 243

Miscellaneous ... 243

Consideration of canal questions ... _'44

No important changes educationally .45

Report of committee on ofificial corruption . . 246

State charities receive exhaustive attention . . .247

Recommendations of the committee on submission . 248

Resume ... 248

Submission ,.>54

Questions regarding submission 255

People reject the proposed constitution, except judiciary article . 256

Political aspects of the convention 256

Great political power brought to bear upon convention .... 256

Unpopularity of the proposed constitution 258

Greeley's attitude hurt the convention . . 259

Accusations of Democrats over adjournment 260

The Herald uncompromising in its criticism 261

Action of the Union Republican party on negro suffrage a severe

handicap 262

The Nation gives two causes for failure of convention 263

Up-State Radical papers minimize the Democratic attacks . . . 264

Revised constitution center of attack in campaign of 1869 ... 265

Summary 266

CHAPTER X The Alliance of Wall Street and the Legislature Introduction 267

Erie raid of 1865. . 269

Drew's harvest 270

An interlude 272

Vanderbilt reopens hostilities , 272

The crisis 273

Fisk seizes shares . . . 276

Injunction of universal application 2^^

New York legislature takes cognizance of the Erie War . . . 279

Legislative committee investigates 280

Two reports submitted . 281

Senator Mattoon's secret visits 282

Bill to legalize recent issue of Erie stock 283

Gould goes to Albany 284

Gould's arrest. 284

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Mr. Glenn charges that Erie Bill was bought •" " " S

Glenn demands that Mr. Frear be relieved from committee.. • • 287

Testimony of Glenn. ^g

Mark M. Lewis testifies.

Evidence of Assemblymen Ray and Ranney •.• • ^

Committee finds the charges against Frear unjustified. ' ' ^ ^l

Legislature whitewashed.

Vanderbilt withdraws

Peace negotiated

Gould and Fisk forced to acquiesce in settlement ^yi

Fruits of the harvest. ^^

Justice Barnard fines directors for contempt ^y/

Aim of chapter . ■ g

Senator Hale's Committee. ■ ■

Mr. Thompson's testimony ^^

Luther Caldwell testifies. . . . • •

Committee makes savage attack on the press J

Legislature again whitewashed

CHAPTER XI New York and the Presidential Nominations in 1868 The Republican State Nominating Convention 303

Fenton controls New York City contest 304

Delegates. - • • 308

Resolutions.

The Republican National Convention «> ^

Unfavorable auspices for the convention 309

Grant's name accepted without serious question 3io

New York delegation centers attention of delegates 3io

New York delegation not a unit 3io

New York forces the admittance of the Southern votes . ' " ^il

Lyman Tremaine allays excitement 3I2

Moderates win point in platform.

Grant nominated ■■■'•',,.' oti

Fenton among leaders on ballot for vice-president . 31I

Fenton loses to Colfax • _ ■ ; •

Platform a compromise, advantage with Radicals ^M

Rapid changes in sentiment of Republicans. • 3 4

Henry Raymond open to conviction on convention. 3i5

Greeley comments g

The W^oWcf points out weaknesses 117

Grant stronger than his party

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Up-State papers follow the New York journals 318

Outlook does not appear roseate to Ellis Roberts. 319

Albany Evening Journal unrestrained in its enthusiasm .... 320

Comment of the Utica Daily Observer 320

The Democratic State Nominating Convention 321

Seymour's address 322

Delegates. 323

Take Seymour's cue 324

Platform 324

The Democratic National Convention 325

Merits of Chief Justice Chase's candidacy 325

Tilton and Dana favor Chase 326

Bennett strongly advocates Chase ... 327

Seymour's address of June 25th . . 328

Republican papers do not believe Seymour 329

Democratic situation grave 330

Mention of Admiral Farragut and Francis P. Blair 331

Other names used to benefit Chase, Seymour and Pendleton . . 332

New Democratic sentiment 333

August Belmont calls the Convention to order 334

The Herald and the Sun advocate Chase over Sunday 335

Seymour's address discloses nothing new 337

Sanford E. Church to be played against Chase ....... 338

The Herald" s contempt for Church 338

Platform adopted 339

Seymour declines to run. 341

Convention stampeded for Seymour 341

General Francis P. Blair receives second place 341

Behind the scenes. 342

Bennett inconsolable over his failure to nominate Chase 344

The logic of the World 345

Dana pronounces Seymour a fair representative of Democracy. . 545

Greeley outdoes himself 347

Democratic State journals unite over candidate and platform ■ . 349

CHAPTER XII The State Conventions of New York in 1868 The Republican State Nominating Convention 351

Delegates come uninstructed for most part 351

The New York feud 352

General John Cochrane made permanent president 353

Greeley led into ambuscade 354

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Platform echo of Chicago platform. 356

Editorial opinion stereotyped. 357

Greeley hides his wound. 357

The Evening Post gives qualified assent on Griswold 358

The Commercial Advertiser strong for Griswold 358

The World takes but slight notice of convention 359

The Democratic State Nominating Convention. . - 360

Vermont elections dampen ardor of delegates. 3oo

Hoffman vs. Murphy 36i

Robert Earl permanent president . 302

Murphy withdraws in favor of Tammany. ... ... 362

Judge Morris breaks Tammany's slate • 363

Explanation of the Kings County vs. Tammany incident ... 364

Platform a comment on Democratic National Platform . . . 366

Electoral ticket 367

The Commercial Advertiser and the World pay Murphy tribute 308

The Sun's pleasantries 369

Hoffman Democrats' strongest man 370

CHAPTER Xni

The Presidential Campaign of 1868

Campaign does not open with eclat 37i

Republicans base claims for victory on Grant's popularity . ... 372

Usual exchange of civiHties 372

Keynote of campaign 373

Griswold' s connection with the Monitor 374

Hofifman's opening address . • ^1^

Financial rebuttal of the Times 370

Maine elections indicate result 377

Republicans redouble activities in State Zl^

Special appeals to Irish and German elements by Republicans. . . 378 October elections lead the World to demand change in ticket ... 381 No one found to take Seymour's and Blair's places ... - . 382

Blair invades East to defend himself 383

Democratic State Committee's address 384

Greeley's final broadside. ■ 385

Conkling returns from West, begins active campaign 386

Albany £"z'^«x«^./(9«<r«a/ sums up issues 388

Roberts very conservative 3o8

Seward's address at Auburn 390

Presentment of gigantic frauds on eve of election. .391

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CHAPTER XIV Seymour and HoflFman victors in the State 3Q2

The secret circular 393

Charges of fraud against Tammany. ... 394

Congressional committee appointed to investigate 395

Majority report finds gross frauds in election 396

Evidence of criminal intent in high judicial places 397

Tammany naturalization committee 398

Sheriff O'Brien appoints 2,000 toughs as deputies 399

Minority report finds frauds exaggerated, Republicans guilty . . • 400

Commercial Advertiser hXamts Republicans for lack of organization. 400

Greeley consoles Seymour 402

The ^orW praises Seymour for moderate tone of campaign. . . 403

The New York City Charter election of 1868 404

A. Oakey Hall and Frederick A. Conkling candidates for Mayor. 404

Mozart Hall fails to agree with Tammany on O'Gorman ... 405

Lack of interest in Charter Election 405

Tammany wins without effort 405

CHAPTER I Introduction

In the rise of the FederaHst Party and its transformation into the States Rights Party ; in the development of the Anti-FederaHst or Jeffersonian RepubHcan Party and the resultant transformation into the Democracy ; in the organization of the National Republicans in 1824, also, of their powerful rival the Jacksonian Democracy ; in the rise of the Whigs in 1834, and of the Republican Party in 1854; as well as in the lesser party movements, New York played a leading role due to its great wealth, population, and dominant position socially and industrially. This is especially true of New York in the constant party disintegration, re-organizations and new alignments during the period from 1852 to 1868. The factors which produced these changes were generally active in New York. The confusing tangle of party names in the period immediately at the close of the Rebellion gives evidence of these changes.

In 1865 the Civil War had been crushed, but few could clearly foresee the political results. During the course of the War the administration at Washington had not only to conduct hostilities, but also to maintain its status quo politically in the northern States in order that it might carry the War to a successful finish. Lincoln and his administration realized the importance of retaining the support of New York, but in few if any of the northern commonwealths was the task of maintaining support harder than in New York. Only during a few 23] 23 months following the attack on Fort Sumter and for a short period in the early part of 1862 did New York present a united front politically. For the remainder of the Civil War period the politics of the State presented a continuous kaleidoscopic succession of party dissensions which engendered a heat seldom exceeded.

The political situation in New York State throughout the War presented two chief features : ' first, the fact that politics in the State turned entirely upon questions of national importance ; and second, the active feud between the followers of Thurlow Weed, the founder of the Albany Evening Journal, and those of Horace Greeley, the editor of the New York Tribune. Weed, who was an acknowledged power in the State, was incessantly attacked by Greeley. The latter's followers grew into a powerful faction in the State both prior and subsequent to the transformation of the Republican Party into the Union Party. This factional fight developed radical and conservative wings in the Union Party within the State. The Greeley, or radical, wing probably attained its greatest power during the War at the Republican-Union State Convention of 1862, which nominated General James S. Wadsworth for Governor. But upon Horatio Seymour's defeat of Greeley's candidate, the conservative wing under Weed again seems to have been on top at least by the following spring. It would appear that Weed, rather than Greeley, was largely responsible for the split in the administration forces during the Civil War. Certainly Weed's constant use of expediency tended to promote division and kept Weed from rising above the plane of a politician.

' For a detailed treatment of politics in New York State from 1860- 1865, see Brummer, Political History of New York State During the Period of the Civil War.

2c^] INTRODUCTION 25

By the joint action of the RepubHcan State Convention and of the Peoples State Convention in producing a Union ticket in 1861, and through the Republican-Union State Convention in 1862, a movement was developed, which, by an absorption of War Democrats, caused the Republicans to drop their name and to adopt the more appropriate term Union, as a party title. The designation Union was used until after the War. As the majority of Democrats refused to enter the Union Party, and as they logically began to act as obstructionists to the national administration, at a time when it was engaged in a life and death struggle, the Democracy of New York, although claiming an intention to uphold the war policy, naturally found itself approaching the position of the Copperheads.

It was of common belief during the period of the War that the unpatriotic course of the Democrats, in attempting to block an administration trying to preserve the unity of the nation, would lead to their downfall, as did a similar course on the part of the Federalists during the War of 181 2 and in the Hartford Convention. That the Democrats of New York came out of the War period without apparent loss of strength may be explained by the fact that the radicals in the Democratic ranks, such as Fernando Wood, were largely restrained by the more moderate men. Dean Richmond and Sanford E. Church were in favor of prosecuting the War. Governor Seymour proved a cautious advisor. Further, the hostile sentiment stirred up among the foreigners in New York City over the draft, which culminated in the draft riot of July, 1863, was a potent factor in enabling the Democrats to retain their strength in the State. This hostility to the draft among the foreign element was fanned into a flame by the untiring activity of the Copperheads, and was utilized by Tammany Hall at the close of the War to enable the Democracy, in spite of its disloyal course throughout the War, to present a solid and aggressive front to the rest of the State.

It appears clear that not only the radicals in the Democratic ranks, but also the party leaders and press in general aided in arousing resistance to the enforcement of the draft. For this. Democracy paid dearly, as the Unionists regained control of the State in the elections of 1863 and continued their control in the elections of the following year. However, in 1864 Lincoln carried the State by less than 7,000 and Reuben E. Fenton, for Governor, by less than 9,000. These small majorities bring into strong relief the dissensions in the Unionist ranks and the entrenched position of the Democrats in local offices in the southeastern counties of the State.

In 1865 we find a political situation in New York State much changed from that which existed at the opening of the Rebellion. The furnace fire of the War had fused certain of the old party splits. Those who advertised themselves as veterans of third parties had disappeared ; the division between the followers of Douglas and Breckinridge showed nothing but the scar ; the terms " hards " and " softs," relative to the brands of Democratic vintage, were no longer heard ; the Regency was forced to contend for its laurels with Tammany, and dissensions in Mozart Hall had given Tammany Hall opportunity to extend its control. The influence of Fernando Wood had been greatly diminished. Tammany Hall under the guidance of William M. Tweed and Peter B. Sweeny now became a prominent factor in the Democratic councils of the State. Dean Richmond continued to hold his ascendency in the Democratic councils, and Horatio Seymour's influence in the party was on the increase.

Introduction

Among the Unionists in 1865 the feud between the Weed faction and the anti-Weed, or Greeley, faction still flourished. However, with the close of the War and the consequent rise of questions concerning Reconstruction, a new alignment of issues offered fresh food to nourish differences between these factions. In the rise of Fenton, backed by the radical faction, the power of Weed was broken. Nevertheless, Weed was still a power to be reckoned with. William H. Seward, although he was devoting his entire energies to a successful administration of the Department of State, was still looked upon as the leader of the conservative faction of the Union Party in New York. Weed doubtless still consulted him, but Seward perceptibly dropped his active connection with State politics at the close of the War.

On the other hand a group of men who had not assumed great prominence during the period of the Rebellion now advanced to positions of leadership in the politics of the State. Henry J. Raymond, the editor of the New York Times, entered Congress in 1865 and as a friend of Seward and Weed he was able to stand forth at once as the champion of the administration. Doubtless his connection with the New York Times was a coign of vantage. In 1865 Governor Fenton and Roscoe Conkling had not risen to their later prominence. Moreover, the radical wing of the Union Party was still under the guidance of Horace Greeley. But the way was being prepared for the overthrow of Seward, Weed and Raymond, as supporters of President Johnson's policy, and the dominance of the machine controlled by Reuben E, Fenton, which in turn gave way to the superior generalship of Roscoe Conkling,

It is our special province to discuss the political situation in New York State from 1865 ^^ i86g, or during the period of President Johnson's administration. This period corresponds with the early Reconstruction period in the South. Hence it will be the aim to keep the national political situation constantly in view as a background for State activities. However, chief attention will be directed to a study of the factors which in the Unionist, or Republican Party,' brought about the downfall of Seward, Weed and Raymond ; the temporary ascendency of Fenton ; the rise of Conkling ; the failure of the Radicals to apply their doctrines on negro suffrage to the State ; and the loss of prestige for the Radicals in the legislature resulting from the disclosures of venality in connection with the Erie War. The above grouping of points to which attention will be especially directed in the politics of the Republican Party, will be used to disclose the attempts of the Democratic Party to rehabilitate itself, and to contrast its steady advance in power with a corresponding weakening, due to corruption, in the Republican control of the State. Although questions of national prominence appeared to hold a leading place in the campaigns of the period, local rather than national issues, together with questionable methods, proved to be the factors which enabled the Democrats to coalesce and elect John T. HofTman, as Governor when for President, Grant carried the State, In view of Democracy's course from i860 to 1865, it is not strange that this transitional period, corresponding to the turbulent early Reconstruction period in the South, should present the best opportunity to ascertain the causes leading to the period of Democratic control in New York that began with 1869.

' The latter name was generally reverted to shortly after the War.