The British invasion of Maryland, 1812-1815

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Preface

This volume is an attempt to present in permanent form the history of the British invasion of Maryland during the War of 1812. The story has not heretofore been fully told; the record is deplorably incomplete, and the following- pages are intended to be an adequate chronicle of the events of that period in Maryland, and to that end even trifling circumstances have been interwoven in the narrative.

It was the good fortune of the author to be associated, for a number of years, with the survivors of the battle of North Point and of the defense of Fort McHenry. He has received from them the story of those struggles and has endeavored to imprint the letter and convey the spirit of their language in these annals. Indeed, but for his personal relations with the Defenders, this work, which has been a labor of love, might never have been undertaken. As time passes the preservation of the record becomes not only more desirable and important but also more difficult. The archives of the State afford but slight assistance, the few official papers being scattered and difficult of access. Every known source of information has been examined and the collection of the Maryland Historical Society was found to include various publications from which much valuable material has been obtained. No effort has been made to settle minor disputed points and the reader has been allowed the privilege of reaching his own conclusions from the facts impartially presented.

The historical value of the defense of Baltimore has been dwarfed by the brevity of treatment accorded it and only when taken in connection with the full campaign on the waterways of Maryland and the adjacent territory, can the importance of the defense be realized.

The author acknowledges his indebtedness for valuable facts to Ingersoll's History of the War of 1812, now out of print. Other authorities are noted on the margins.

W. M. M.

Baltimore, Md., 1899.

Chapter I Events Leading Up To The War

The causes which led up to the declaration of war against Great Britain on June 18, 1812, were too complex, and extended over too great a period of time, to be set forth here at length. 1 The union of states was so loosely knit as to be little more than a confederation, and the long political struggle of the Federalist and Anti-Federalist parties, accentuated by sectional jealousies, had strained the bonds almost to the breaking-point. When war was declared, the country was discordant, disunited and unprepared. The majority in Congress in favor of war was small, being but thirty-nine in the House and six in the Senate. Of the Maryland delegation in the House six voted for and three against war, while in the Senate they were divided. 2

In Maryland, as elsewhere throughout the country, party feeling was bitter and violent and found its expression in deeds as well as words. The enemies of President Madison proclaimed in derision that " his administration was like the street in Baltimore, called by his name, which began at the poor-house, went by the jail, then passed the penitentiary, and ended on Gallows Hill."

The drift of the war sentiment is well expressed in the resolutions introduced in the Maryland Legislature during the sessions from 181 1 to 1815, the eighth Senate having been elected in the former year and continuing throughout the period, while a new House of Delegates was elected each year. The following resolutions were passed at the November session, 181 1 :

" Whereas, It is highly important at this eventful crisis in our foreign relations, that the opinions and feelings of every section of the union should be fairly and fully expressed ; Therefore, we the legislature of Maryland do Resolve, That in the opinion of this

1 For important evidence concerning the declaration of war, see "Joseph Gales on the War Manifesto of 1812," in American Historical Reviezv, 13 : 303.

2 House, yeas : Stevenson Archer. Joseph Kent, Peter Little, Alexander McKim, Samuel Ringgold, Robert Wright. Nays: Charles Goldsborough, Philip Barton Key, Philip Stuart.

Senate, yea: Samuel Smith. Nay: Philip Reed. 2 legislature, the measures of the administration with respect to Great Britain have been honorable, impartial and just; that in their negotiations they have evinced every disposition to terminate our differences on terms not incompatible with our national honor, and that they deserve the confidence and support of the nation :

" Resolved, That the measures of Great Britain have been, and still are destructive of our best and dearest rights, and being inconsistent with justice, with reason and with law, can be supported only by force ; therefore if persisted in, by force should be resisted.

" Resolved, That the measures of the administration with respect to France we highly approve, they have been authorised by the law and the fact.

"Resolved, That the acts of injustice and violence committed on our neutral rights by France have excited all that indignation which a lawless exercise of power could not fail to do ; but having now ceased to violate our neutral rights, we trust that the period is not far distant, when by acts of ample justice, all cause of complaint will be removed.

"Resolved, That the President's message, moderate, impartial and decisive, deserves all our praise; it points out the best course to an honorable independence.

" Resolved, That the independence established by the aid and valor of our fathers, will not tamely be yielded by their sons ; the same spirit which led the Maryland regulars to battle, still exists in the state, and waits only for its country's call."

These resolutions originated in the Senate, where they were unanimously adopted; but they were held up in the House for three weeks and after a number of ballots had been taken on proposed amendments thereto, were finally adopted by a vote of 34 to 23.

In addition to placing on record its views as to the justice of the impending conflict, this legislature passed two acts (chapters 182 and 213, Nov. sess. 181 1) for" regulating and governing the militia of the State." The first is a very long document of twenty-eight closely printed octavo pages, covering every contingency that could possibly arise, from the enlistment of men to details concerning courts martial. All white male citizens between the ages of eighteen and forty-five were required to perform military duty ;

EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE WAR 3

and provision was made for the enrollment from time to time of all youths who reached the age of eighteen. Civil officers of the United States and the state, professors in schools and colleges, practising physicians, ferrymen, pilots, sailors in the coasting trade and all those who entertained religious scruples concerning war were exempted from the operation of the act, but all exempts were required to pay annually into the treasury the sum of three dollars. Directions were given for the muster and drill of the troops, for the meeting of field officers, for uniforms and for the conduct of the militia while in camp.

The militia was arranged in divisions consisting of brigades, regiments, battalions and companies, all numbered and recorded. A brigade was composed of four regiments ; a regiment of two battalions ; a battalion of five companies ; a company of sixty-four privates, four sergeants, four corporals, one drummer and one fifer or bugler. A brigade, therefore, consisted of about three thousand men.

Chapter 213 established a cavalry organization, the state being divided into eleven cavalry districts, with one extra squadron, as follows :

1st, Washington and Frederick Counties; 2d, Montgomery and Prince George's ; 3d, Calvert and Anne Arundel ; 4th, Charles and St. Mary's ; 5th, Baltimore City ; 6th, Baltimore County ; 7th, Harford County with Howard troop from Baltimore City; 8th, Cecil and Kent; 9th, Queen Anne's and Talbot; 10th, Caroline and Dorchester; nth, Somerset and Worcester; extra squadron in Allegany County. Each regiment was composed of two squadrons of two troops each, commanded by a lieutenant colonel ; each squadron by a major; each troop consisted of two lieutenants, one cornet, one quarter-master sergeant, four sergeants, four corporals, one farrier, one saddler, one trumpeter and thirty-two privates, commanded by a captain.

In order to meet the changes in population and to secure uniformity of drill and discipline, the commanding officers were required to order a meeting of the field officers prior to May 1, 1812, at which meeting the bounds of the several districts should be fixed ; and they were further required to hold at least two meetings annually thereafter in order that the officers might be drilled and instructed in all the necessary duties of a soldier.

Early in 1812 the advocates of war determined on a public expression of their opinions, and on May 16 a called meeting was held at the Fountain Inn in Baltimore City by supporters of President Madison's administration, over which Joseph H. Nicholson presided. In the course of an address he said : " No one can be insensible to the great crisis to which the affairs of our country are rapidly approaching. The two great belligerent powers of Europe, who have embroiled one-half of the civilized world in their quarrels, unwilling that any nation should continue to enjoy its prosperity, have for some years past extended to us that system of rapine and plunder, which in the ordinary course of human events, ought only to have been directed against others. Our citizens have been forcibly impressed and detained in the most odious servitude ; our commerce has been impeded in every channel through which it has been accustomed to flow, and injury and insult has been heaped upon us until it has begun to be almost questionable even among ourselves whether we have the spirit to resist. One of these nations has indeed of late held out to us a semblance of justice ; but it is much to be feared that even this will prove vain and illusory. The period, however, cannot be very distant when, by the return of our messengers from Europe, we shall learn whether the solemn stipulations in which we have heretofore confided are any longer deserving of confidence. But the other has not even pretended to do us justice. Our government, sincerely desirous of maintaining peace, has remonstrated until their remonstrances are regarded with indifference ; our ministers, sent abroad for the purpose, have continued to appeal until their appeals are answered by insult ; and negotiations have been carried on until negotiation has become a term of national reproach. Under these circumstances it is for us, my countrymen, in common with the rest of the American people, to decide upon the course which ought to be pursued. The time has at length arrived when we must determine whether by tameness and submission we shall sink ourselves below the rank of an independent nation, or whether by a glorious or manly effort we shall permanently secure that independence which our forefathers handed down to us as the price of their blood and their treasure. The government of our choice — I thank God, of our yet free and unbiased choice — has resolved upon its course, and is preparing

EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE WAR 5

for the conflict. We have assembled here to-night for the purpose of determining whether we will give it our support in the mighty struggle into which it is about to enter. This, my countrymen, is the awful subject for deliberation, and on such a subject can there be any difference of opinion ? Shall we suffer any matter of local concern to withdraw us from a cause like this? Is there an American heart that does not pant with resentment? Is there an American sword that will not leap from its scabbard to avenge the wrongs and contumely under which we have so long suffered ? No, my countrymen ! It is impossible ! Let us act with one heart, with one hand ; let us show to an admiring world that however we may differ among ourselves about some of our internal concerns, yet in the great cause of our country the American people are animated by one soul and by one spirit."

The resolutions subsequently adopted, recited the critical situation of our foreign relations, which were considered of the utmost concern ; that it was important that the sentiments of the friends of the Union and of the government as administered should be publicly declared with reference to public measures, upon which depended the future safety and prosperity of the United States. It was recommended by the resolutions, that a meeting of the citizens of Baltimore, of democratic proclivities be held in their respective wards on a Tuesday evening at seven o'clock, at the usual places of ward meetings, and in each ward elect five delegates to meet the general committee at the Fountain Inn, on the following Thursday evening to take into consideration the means most likely to conduce to the support and aid of the government in its effort to maintain, protect and defend national rights, honor and independence. Democratic brethren in the eastern and western precincts were also invited to assemble at Chamberlain's and Gorsuch's taverns, for the purpose of selecting delegates. The call met with a hearty response from the various wards and precincts of the city, into which the municipality was at that time divided.

On the twenty-first of May the delegates, selected from among the most prominent citizens of the town, met at the Fountain Inn. Joseph H. Nicholson occupied the chair, with, John Montgomery as secretary. The following resolutions, signed by the members

O THE BRITISH INVASION OF MARYLAND

of the general committee, were adopted and ordered to be transmitted to the President of the United States :

" We, the delegates of the city and precincts of Baltimore, in general committee assembled, for the purpose of taking into consideration the present situation of public affairs, do resolve unanimously :

i st. That in the conduct of Great Britain towards the United States for some years past, we can perceive nothing but a determined hostility to our national rights. She forcibly impresses our seamen, and detains them inhumanly in an odious servitude ; she obstructs our commerce in every channel through which it has been accustomed to flow ; she has murdered our citizens within our own waters, and has made one attempt at least to dissolve the union of these States, thereby striking at the foundation of our government itself.

2d. That the government of the United States has manifested the strongest desire to maintain peace and harmony with all nations, not only by observing a course of equal and exact justice to all, but by proposing to those with whom any differences have arisen, terms the most honorable and conciliatory.

3d. That inasmuch as Great Britain has rejected those terms, and still persists in violating every principle heretofore held sacred among nations, no alternative is left to the United States but to choose between war and degradation. In the choice of these it is impossible freemen should hesitate, and in the prosecution of such a war we pledge ourselves to support our government at every hazard.

4th. That the conduct of France, and of other powers in alliance with her and under her immediate influence, towards the United States, has been scarcely less atrocious than that of England ; and if the pending negotiations should terminate without an honorable adjustment of existing differences, we have full confidence that our government will direct the most active hostilities to be commenced against her for a redress of our grievances and the maintenance of our rights ; at the same time we wish it explicitly understood, that in our well founded complaints against foreign nations, Russia and Sweden are not to be included."

Fifty citizens attached their signatures to these resolutions, and it is interesting to note that those who thus loudly clamored

EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE WAR 7

rar, later on took an active part in the defense of Baltimore, r as soldiers in the ranks or as members of the Committee igilance and Safety.^ On the 1 8th of June, 1812, Congress declared war against Great Britain ; 3 and on Saturday, the 20th of June, the Federal Republican, edited by Jacob Wagner and Alexander C. Hanson, published the following editorial : u ' Thou hast done a deed whereat valor will weep.' Without funds, without taxes, without an army, navy, or adequate fortifications — with one hundred and fifty millions of our property in the hands of the declared enemy, without any of his in our power, and with a vast commerce afloat, our rulers have promulgated a war against the clear and decided sentiments of a vast majority of the nation. As the consequences will be soon felt, there is no need of pointing them out to the few who have not sagacity enough to apprehend them. Instead of employing our pen in this dreadful detail, we think it more apposite to delineate the course we are determined to pursue as long as the war shall last. We mean to represent in as strong colors as we are capable, that it is unnecessary, inexpedient, and entered into from partial, personal, and as we believe, motives bearing upon their front marks of undisguised foreign influence, which cannot be mistaken. We mean to use every constitutional argument and every legal means to render as odious and suspicious to the American people, as they deserve to be, the patrons and contrivers of this highly impolitic and destructive war, in the fullest persuasion that we shall be supported and ultimately applauded by nine-tenths of our countrymen, and that our silence would be treason to them. We detest and abhor the endeavors of faction to create civil contest through the pretext of a foreign war it has rashly and premeditatedly commenced, and we shall be ready cheerfully to hazard everything most dear, to frustrate anything leading to the prostration of civil rights, and the establishment of a system of terror and proscription announced in the Government paper at Washington as the inevitable consequence of the measure now proclaimed. We shall cling to the rights of freemen, both in act and opinion, till we sink with the liberties of our country or sink

3 The declaration was drafted by Attorney-General William Pinkney of Maryland.

alone. We shall hereafter, as heretofore, unravel every intrigue and imposture which has beguiled or may be put forth to circumvent our fellow-citizens into the toils of the great earthly enemy of the human race. We are avowedly hostile to the presidency of James Madison, and we never will breathe under the dominion, direct or derivative, of Bonaparte, let it be acknowledged when it may. Let those who cannot openly adopt this confession, abandon us ; and those who can, we shall cherish as friends and patriots worthy of the name."

Wagner, the editor-in-chief, who had served as chief clerk in the State Department for some years, was a Federalist of the black cockade school. As such he had denounced the administration with a bitterness which stirred up the deadly hatred of the Democrats. Long before war was declared this conduct had called forth fierce replies in the newspapers and had led a number of distinguished people to say that, if it were continued after war was declared, the Federal Republican should be silenced.

On the evening of Monday the 226. of June, two days after the publication of this ill-advised editorial, a well organized mob wrecked the printing office, destroyed the type, smashed the presses, and razed the building in which the Federal Rebnblican was printed. One of the mob, while engaged in tearing a window from the building, fell from the second story and was instantly killed. The Federal Gazette of June 24, in commenting on this disgraceful affair said : " The Mayor of the city, the Judge of the Court of Oyer and Terminer, and several magistrates and military officers, were present and witnessed this dreadful outrage which their peaceful efforts were insufficient to prevent, although it was generally known during the preceding day that the attack was meditated."

Hanson, who lived at Rockville, Montgomery County, not having been in Baltimore on the night the printing office was destroyed, was quickly informed of the fact by John Howard Payne, who urged him not to be downed by the mob, but to go on with his paper, assert the liberty of the press which every Republican from Jefferson down to the lowest demagogue had prated so persistently, and, if need be, defend it with arms.

After many consultations with friends, the editors decided to print the Federal Republican at Georgetown, where the plant

EVENTS LEADING UP TO THE WAR O,

be safe, and issue it from the house on Charles street, lately ied by Wagner, the editor-in-chief. Accordingly, on Sunday 111^ ^oth of July, Hanson, accompanied by a number of friends who had volunteered their services " in maintaining the rights of person and property and defending the liberty of the press," took possession of the house which had been supplied with provisions and arms to withstand a siege. On the following day they were joined by more volunteers, making the total number in the party about thirty. Copies of the paper arrived and were distributed without interference, but at night the mob rose in force, stoned the house, beat in the door, brought up a cannon and were about to blow the building to pieces, when a compromise was effected through the mediation of the Mayor and the commander of the militia, General Strieker. In consideration of the promise of a military guard the garrison agreed to surrender to the civil authorities, and the mob agreed to do no further harm to life or property. During the night a number of the defenders had been sent out to notify the authorities, or for other purposes, and were unable to return so that at the time of the surrender the garrison was reduced to twenty-three. The following persons were conducted to jail and committed for further examination : Alexander C. Hanson, Gen. Henry Lee, Gen. James M. Lingan, William Schroeder, John Thompson, William B. Bend, Otho Sprigg, Henry Kennedy, Robert Kilgour, Henry Nelson, John E. Hall, George Winchester, Dr. Peregrine Warfield, George Richards, Edward Gwinn, David Hoffman, Horatio Bigelow, Ephraim Gaither, William Gaither, Jacob Schley, Mark U. Pringle, Daniel Murray and Richard S. Crabb. After the removal of the prisoners, the house was instantly gutted by the mob.

During the following night, the militia having been withdrawn and dismissed, the jail was stormed. Eight of the prisoners mingled with the mob and escaped ; nine were taken, dragged to the door where a butcher beat them down with a club and flung their bodies in a pile at the foot of the stairway. The mob fell on the senseless bodies, beat them with clubs, thrust pen-knives into their cheeks, poured candle grease into their eyes and finally gave them to the jail doctor to make skeletons of. General Lingan was killed and General Lee was made a cripple for life. John Thompson, after being terribly beaten and mutilated was tarred

IO THE BRITISH INVASION OF MARYLAND

and feathered. Some of the others were hidden in hay carts and sent to friends in town, while those remaining, being too badly hurt to be moved, were cared for at the jail hospital.

The affair was investigated by a joint committee of the two branches of the City Council and later by the Committee of Grievances and Courts of Justice in the General Assembly. Presentments were found against many individuals of each party, but all were acquitted and discharged.

The effect of this shameful riot was far-reaching. All over the country decent people of both parties were alarmed, as they realized that something more than a riot had happened. The freedom of the press had been attacked. The Federal newspapers reminded their readers of the days of the Sedition Law and of the violence with which the Republicans then cried out for free speech and a free press. Their columns were filled with all the details of the riot, Baltimore was nicknamed Mobtown and the blame was laid on the administration. 4

The immediate effect in Maryland was shown at the state election in October, when the Federalists elected a preponderating majority in the General Assembly on joint ballot, enabling them to elect a Governor and Council and a United States Senator. On the crest of this wave Mr. Hanson was elected to Congress ; and was later reimbursed for the losses inflicted on him by the mob. Under date of October 10, 1812, Niks' Register said: " The political aspect of the State of Maryland has been completely changed by the election held on Monday last. Various causes are assigned as producing this effect; the chief of which, probably was, the existing diversity of sentiment in some of the counties (always nearly balanced) as to the presidency of the United States."

The issue of October 17 of the Register contains this startling announcement : " Mr. Alexander Contee Hanson and his associates who defended the house in Charles street in this city, on the night of the 27th July, indicted for manslaughter, have had their trial at Annapolis, and are acquitted ! "

4 McMaster, History of the People of the U. S., 3 : 555. For details of the riot see Niles Register 2 : 373 and 2 : 405.

Chapter II The Privateersmen

When President Madison delivered his war message to Congress on June i, 1812, the available naval force of the United States consisted of seven frigates and a few smaller vessels, many of which were unseaworthy. The British navy at this time consisted of more than a thousand vessels and it was believed by the opponents of the war that with this force our coasts might be completely blockaded. Congress lost no time in calling for private vessels of war and the declaration of war itself conferred authority upon the President " to issue to private armed vessels of the United States, commissions or letters of marque and general reprisal in such form as he shall think proper and under the seal of the United States." *

A few days later another act was passed regulating in detail the issue of commissions. It contains provisions for a written description of the vessel to be filed with the Secretary of State ; for security of five or ten thousand dollars, according to the number of the crew; for the transfer of the whole property in the prizes to the captors, subject to their written agreement for the bringing in of prizes and their adjudication in the district courts of the United States; for the delivery of prisoners to a United States Marshal or other district officer ; for a bounty of twenty dollars for each man alive on board hostile ships of equal or superior force at the beginning of the engagement leading to their capture; for journals of cruises to be kept under penalties, and shown on demand to the public vessels of the United States ; and for obedience to any instructions issued by the President. As the war was undertaken by the United States in defence of neutral rights, the instructions of the Secretary of State were explicit upon this point : " You are to pay the strictest regard to the rights of neutral powers and the usages of civilized nations. . . . You are particularly to avoid even the appearance of using force or seduction with a view to deprive such vessels of their crews or of their passengers ....".

x 2 Stat, at Large, ch. 102, p. 755.

In spite of the apparent disparity between the opposing forces, the possibilities of American sea power were appreciated both in England and America as is shown by the following quotations: The London Statesman, 2 under date of June 10, said : " It has been stated that in a war with this country, America has nothing to gain. In opposition to this assertion it may be said, with equal truth, that in a war with America, this country has nothing to gain, but much to lose. Let us examine the relative situation of the two countries. America certainly cannot pretend to wage a maritime war with us ; she has no navy to do it with. But America has nearly 100,000 as good seamen as any in the world, all of whom would be actively employed against our trade in every part of the ocean in their fast sailing ships of war, many of which will be able to cope with our small cruizers ; and they will be found to be sweeping the West India seas, and even carrying desolation into the chops of the channel. Every one must recollect what they did in the latter part of the American war. The books at Lloyd's will recount it ; and the rate of assurances at that time will clearlv prove what their diminutive strength was able to effect in the face of our navy, and that when nearly one hundred pennants were flying on their coast. Were we then able to prevent their going in and out, or stop them from taking our trade and our storeships even in sight of our garrisons. Besides, were they not in the English and Irish channel picking up our homeward bound trade — sending their prizes into French and Spanish ports, to the great terror and annoyance of our merchants and ship-owners?

' These are facts that can be traced to a period when America was in her infancy; without ships — without seamen — without money — and at a time when our navy was not much less in strength than at present. The Americans will be found to be a different sort of enemy by sea than the French.