History and historians in the nineteenth century

Preface

The object of this work is to summarise and assess the manifold achievements of historical research and production during the last hundred years, to portray the masters of the craft, to trace the development of scientific method, to measure the political, religious and racial influences that have contributed to the making of celebrated books, and to analyse their effect on the life and thought of their time. No such survey has been attempted in any language. The development of modern historiography is only treated incidentally in the excellent handbooks of Bernheim and Gustav Wolf. Langlois offers little more than a skeleton. Flint and Molinier deal with France alone. Wegele confines himself to Germany and halts on the threshold of the nineteenth century. Fueter's admirable ' Geschichte der neueren Historiographies published in 1911, provides a comprehensive review from Petrarch to our own day ; but the main portion of the book is devoted to the earlier centuries, and its methods and aims differ fundamentally from those of the present work, in which the curtain rises on Niebuhr. The evolution of German, French and Anglo-Saxon scholarship is related in detail, and is followed by a brief survey of the achievements of other States. The six international chapters which conclude the volume describe departments of study in which scholars of every nation have co-operated, namely, the recovery of the ancient world, the exploration of ecclesiastical history, and the reconstruction of the wider aspects of the life of humanity. For a bird's-eye view of the ground which is here examined in detail I may perhaps be permitted to refer to the closing chapter of the closing volume of the ' Cambridge Modern History. '

G. P. G.

January 191 3.

CONTENTS chap. Introduction .....

I. Niebuhr ......

II. Wolf, Bockh and Otfried Muller

III. - ElCHHORN AND SAVIGNY .

IV. Jacob Grimm .....

V. The 'Monumenta Germanise Historica

VI. Kanke ......

VII. Ranke's Critics and Pupils

VIII. The Prussian School

IX. The Renaissance of Historical Studies in France

X. The Romantic School — Thierry and Michelet

XI. The Political School — Guizot, Mignet and Thiers

XII. The Middle Ages and the Ancien Regime

XIII. The French Revolution.

XIV. Napoleon

XV. From Hallam to Macaulay

XVI. Thirlwall, Grote and Arnold

XVII. Carlyle and Froude

XVIII. The Oxford School

XIX. Gardiner and Lecky, Seeley and Creighton

XX. Acton and Maitland

" XXI. " The United States .

XXII. Minor Countries

XXIII. Mommsen and Roman Studies

XXIV. Greece and Byzantium .

XXV. The Ancient East .

XXVI. The Jews and the Christian Church

XXVII. Catholicism

XXVIII. ,The History of Civilisation

PAGE

I

14 24

IN THE

NINETEENTH CENTURY

Introduction

The Middle Ages produced historical writers of high literary merit — Matthew Paris and Lambert of Herzfeld, Joinville and Froissart — whose testimony to events of their own time was fairly trustworthy ; but the essential conditions of study did not exist. Printing was unknown and books were rare. The critical treatment of documents had not begun, nor was it realised that there was need to treat them critically. Happy in the treasures of his monastic library, the pious chronicler did not stop to investigate their value, and with equal innocence copied earlier compilations into his own pages. Though the forging of charters was a regular trade, the means of discovering such forgeries had not been invented. Recorded events were accepted without challenge, and the sanction of tradition guaranteed the reality of the occurrence. Finally, the atmosphere of the Middle Ages was saturated with theology. The influence of Augustine weighed with an almost physical pressure on the mind of Europe for a thousand years, diverting attention from . secular history and problems. In view of the constant interposition of Providence, the search for natural causation became needless and even impertinent. History was a sermon, not a science, an exercise in Christian evidences, not a disinterested attempt to understand and explain the course of civilisation. 1

1 The best account of the development of historiography since the Renaissance is in Fueter, Geschichte der neueren Historiographie, 191 1. Wegele, Geschichte der Deutschen Historiographie, 1885, is indispensable for Germany. Molinier, Les Sources de I'Histoire de France, vol. v., 1904; Flint, Historical Philosophy in France, 1893 ; and Monod, ' Du Progres des Etudes historiques en France,' Revue Historique, vol. i., are useful for France.

B

The great revolution in the outlook of mankind, which began in Italy in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, led to the creation of some of the conditions in which objective methods and a genetic conception of history could arise. The revelation that the classical world was not a shadowy tradition but a brilliant reality stimulated curiosity and suggested the study of development. Comparative inquiry was further encouraged by the discovery of the New World and the establishment of closer relations with the East. Within the limits of a couple of generations the realm of space and the horizon of learning were doubled. While the frontiers of knowledge were being pushed back, a change scarcely less momentous was beginning to appear in the intellectual atmosphere. The increasing corruption of the Church, the development of town life, the expansion of commerce had already begun to act as solvents of the theological spirit ; and the rapturous seduction of pagan culture, at once beautiful, lofty and frankly human, completed the process of emancipation. The Italian Renaissance stands not so much for a revolt against authority as for the secularisation of thought. A joyous pride in man, in the power of his mind and the beauty of his body, succeeded to the brooding asceticism of mediaeval ideals. For speculations on the spiritual nature and prospects of mankind were substituted inquiries into his earthly achievements. The Middle Ages begin with Augustine and end with Machiavelli.

The new spirit was reflected in the field of historical study. The earliest masters of the new learning, Petrarch and Boccaccio, were the fathers of modern historiography. They were, however, only amateurs ; and the finished model was provided by the Florentine Bruni, the first historian who on principle employed criticism. Aiming at the closest possible reproduction of the classics, Bruni and his brother humanists condemned themselves to sterile imitation ; but they took the step without which progress was impossible by substituting natural for super • natural causation. A further stage was reached when Machiavelli and Guicciardini lifted historiography out of literature and related it to the life of states. Tradition began to appear rather as a challenge than as a command. Lorenzo Valla exploded the Donation of Constantine, and iEneas Sylvius, the humanist Pope, confronted marvels and legends in a spirit of healthy scepticism. Humanistic historiography quickly spread over Europe.i The pleiad of scholars whose rays illuminated the court of Maximilian, himself an historian, aroused interest in the

1 See Joackimsen, Geschichtsauffassung in Deutschland unter dem Einfluss des Humanismus, 1910.

INTRODUCTION 3

heroes and achievements of the Teutonic races. Celtis lectured on the Germania, Cuspinian edited Jordanes and Otto of Freising, Peutinger and Beatus Rhenanus plunged into the study of German antiquities, and Aventin compiled the Annals of Bavaria. They introduced into Central Europe the ideal and the methods of secular study and disinterested scholarship. It was of this that Goethe was thinking when he declared that the Reformation had thrown back European culture for a hundred years.

The career of humanism was rudely cut short by the appearance of Luther. Theology once more became dominant, and secular studies were engulfed in the whirlpool of confessional strife. But the fever contained within itself the germ of its cure. The controversialists of the Middle Ages appealed to reason, their successors to history. Prced-pue historia opus est in ecclesia, declared Melanchthon. Protestantism was compelled not only to prove that the Church of the Medici Popes was not the Church of the early Christians but also to show how degeneration had taken place. The Catholics, for their part, when it became clear that heretical Europe was not to be dragooned, attempted to confound their enemies by the revelation of material facts of which they were unaware. In the fierce struggle victory, not truth, was the aim ; but precious documents were brought to light. When Flacius and his collaborators, under the auspices of the Lutheran princes, hurled the Magdeburg Centuries at the enemy, the Curia directed Baronius to prepare an exhaustive refutation and placed the Vatican archives at his disposal. Though, as Casaubon was to show, the mighty edifice was to a large extent a house of cards, though its author was ignorant of Greek and accepted forgeries and legends with childlike faith, the mass of new material and the apparent completeness of the reply rendered the appearance of the Annals one of the decisive events of the Counter-Reformation.

The seventeenth century witnessed a gradual decline of confessional violence ; but historical studies remained predominantly ecclesiastical. The great school of Anglican divines, from Ussher to Bingham, whose situation midway between Rome and Geneva was favourable to a balanced view of controversial questions, produced works of enduring importance on the early Church. The Belgian Jesuits, under the guidance of Bolland and Papebroch, began a collection of Lives of the Saints on so vast a scale that it is still in progress. Even greater were the services rendered by France. The Gallican theologians subjected Ultramontane contentions to severe scrutiny, while the Jansenist Tillemont gathered materials for his priceless works on the

Church and the Roman Empire, and Baluze explored the history of the Avignon Popes. Above all, the Benedictines of St. Maur * began to pour forth the great series of works which threw light on almost every province of ecclesiastical history. No page in the annals of learning is more glorious than that which records the labours of these humble but mighty scholars in an age when an abstract Cartesianism was the dominant philosophy, when the State stood aloof and public interest was hardly born. The century which started from Baronius and culminated in Mabillon cannot be accused of stagnation.

Though the main theme of historians during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries was the Christian Church, subjects of a secular character attracted the attention of isolated inquirers, for the most part laymen. Pithou and Pasquier explored the origin of French institutions, Du Cange mapped the unknown territory of the Byzantine Empire, D'Herbelot summarised existing knowledge of the East, and Mezerai wrote the history of France in the critical spirit of a constitutionalist. Mariana presented his countrymen with a national history of Spain, and Zurita compiled the Annals of Aragon. In Italy the effort of Sigonius to reconstruct the institutions of Rome stands out as an isolated achievement. In England Bacon wrote the Life of Henry VII and Lord Herbert of Henry VIII, Camden laboured at British Antiquities, and Selden traced the history of law. In German}?- Conring conducted profound investigations into the origins of German law. But it was in Holland that secular scholarship had the widest scope. Scaliger had made his home among the Dutch long before he published the monumental work which founded scientific chronology. Grater's collection of inscriptions was prepared under his eye, and the long series of works by the Leyden Professors on classical antiquity continued his tradition.

Among the few attempts that were made to determine the principles and methods of historical study the treatise of Bodin stands out as a bold and brilliant achievement. At the height of the religious wars the French publicist envisages history as a secular subject and approaches it in a thoroughly scientific spirit. In language which anticipates Montesquieu he points out the influence of geographical situation, climate and soil on the character and fortunes of nations, while on the other hand he calls attention to the influence of personal position, patriotic

1 The best account of the Benedictine scholars is to be found in the volumes of Emmanuel de Broglie on Mabillon and Montfaucon, 1888 and 1891.

INTRODUCTION 5

and religious bias, and opportunity of knowledge on the views and value of writers. No such insight into the operation of environment had been possessed by any previous thinker, and nothing was added to it for a couple of centuries. In the region of criticism a few results were obtained, though rather in the nature of anticipations than of definite conquests. Spinoza declared that the Old Testament must be treated like any other historical work, and Pere Simon incurred the wrath of Bossuet when he began to apply critical methods to the Jewish Scriptures. Launoi earned the name of the denicheur de Saints by his ruthless handling of the records of the martyrs. Ussher identified the letters of Ignatius, and Perizonius suggested that the early history of Rome was legendary. Above all, Mabillon laid the foundations of the science of Latin diplomatic.

With the eighteenth century the scope of historical study rapidly widened. While the task of collecting material was steadily pursued, a more critical attitude towards authorities and tradition was adopted, the first literary narratives were composed and the first serious attempts were made to interpret the phenomena of civilisation. We may glance at the output of the century under these four heads.

In the storage of erudition the French Benedictines maintained the supremacy that they had established in the seventeenth century. Ruinart sifted the records of the early martyrs, Montfaucon laid the foundations of Greek palaeography and classical archaeology, Bouquet collected the historians of France, Clement compiled the first comprehensive chronology in his ' L'Art de verifier les dates,' Sainte-Marthe wrote the history of the provinces of Christian Gaul, Vaissete and De Vic compiled the Annals of Languedoc, Rivet commenced the mighty ' Histoire litteraire de la France ' which is still far from its completion. While all the world around them was changing, these modest and faithful scholars found happiness in their tranquil labours, till their congregation was swept away by the Revolution. Muratori's stupendous labours in collecting the sources of Italian history, in compiling its annals and discussing its antiquities secure him a place by the side of Mabillon. The fortunes of the Church were studied by the scholarly ecclesiastics who surrounded Benedict XIV, while Tiraboschi compiled a record of Italian literature which is still not only unrivalled but unapproached. In Germany Leibnitz collected the early records of the House of Brunswick and compiled the Annals of the Mediaeval Empire first published a century later. The Austrian Jesuit, Eckhel, devoted his life to the collection and classification of coins. In England, Wharton and Strype, Hearne and Madox, Hickes, Rymer and Wilkins continued the traditions of Tanner and Dugdale. The erudition of these scholars has never been surpassed, and their works remain inexhaustible storehouses of learning to which serious students must have continual recourse.

Though the great collectors rarely applied critical tests to their material, sources and traditions began to be scrutinised with greater freedom. On the eve of the eighteenth centur}^ Bentley exposed the Epistles of Phalaris ; and during its course Astruc discovered the composite nature of Genesis, Reimarus and Semler instituted the critical discussion of the Gospels, and Vico challenged the unity of the Homeric poems. Valuable results were obtained in the Memoirs contributed by the members of the French Academy of Inscriptions and the debates to which they gave rise. 1 The greatest interest was aroused by the prolonged discussion of the credibility of the records of early Rome initiated in 1722 by Pouilly, who boldly declared that nothing was certain before Pyrrhus. The Abbe Sallier, scenting danger to religion, denounced him as an atheist. Freret intervened as a peacemaker, suggesting that truth and legend were often mixed. The subject was independently investigated by Beaufort, whose work on the Uncertainty of the Early Centuries of Roman history confirmed the conclusions of Pouilly and anticipated the arguments of Niebuhr. The contribution of the Academy towards the formation of critical methods was by no means exhausted by these debates. Freret, its illustrious secretary, taking all antiquity for his province, carried chronology beyond Scaliger and Petavius and analysed the sources of Greek mythology, while his prolonged study of Oriental languages led him to suspect the affinity of the Indo-European races. ' If he had enjoyed the liberty which we possess,' declares Thierry, ' the science of our institutions and our social origins would have been born a century earlier.' In the later part of the century the attention of the Academy was largely directed towards archaeology to which the partial excavation of Herculaneum gave a marked impetus ; and De Brosses and Barthelemy brought back valuable results from Italy before Winckelmann had crossed the Alps.

The critical study of history was assisted by the great atmospheric change which has won for the eighteenth century the title of Saeculum rationalisticum. The seventeenth century had witnessed sporadic outbursts of scepticism, checked by a lively fear of temporal penalties. As its successor dawned a cool blast

1 See Maury's L' Ancienne Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres, 1864.

INTRODUCTION

blew across Europe, and by the middle the sun of the Aufkldnmg was high in the heavens. Within the lifetime of Fontenelle France passed from the world of Bossuet to the age of Voltaire from Port-Royal to the Encyclopedic. The criticism of existing practices and of inherited beliefs reacted on one another. The fashion of throwing doubt on testimony and tradition was set by Bayle ; but it was to Voltaire more than any other man that the new attitude towards the past was due. While Bayle was a sceptic, Voltaire was a rationalist ; and the crushing weight of authority could only be overthrown by a whole-hearted champiorr of the might and majesty of reason. With all his intellectual and moral faults Voltaire claims a high place among the influences that prepared the world for historical science. By allowing his razor-edged intelligence to play freely over vast ranges hitherto unchallenged by critical thought, he did much to destroy the blind credulity against which erudition alone was powerless.

The seventeenth century witnessed the appearance of works of high value — relating either to events in which their authors had taken part or to the immediate past — by Sarpi and Davila, D'Aubigne and De Thou, Clarendon and Burnet, Hoofd and Puffendorf ; but surveys of national life were scarcely attempted. In the new century a polished narrative of English history was produced by Hume, of Scotland by Robertson. Henault compiled a chronological handbook on which Frenchmen were nourished till Sismondi. Mascov and Schmidt recorded the fortunes of Germany, Johannes Miiller the epic of the Swiss cantons. Schlozer narrated the story of Slavonic Europe, and Putter traced the institutions of the Holy Roman Empire. Cellarius abandoned the traditional framework of the Five Monarchies, which had prevented a rational conception of the development of civilisation ; and a group of obscure English writers produced the first comprehensive Universal History, which, though destitute of literary qualities, brought together a mass of material not easily accessible, and which, in translations and abridgments, held its own till it was superseded by Rotteck and Schlosser. Above all, Gibbon constructed a bridge from the old world to the new which is still the highway of nations, and stands erect long after every other structure of the time has fallen into ruins.

Though the history of States naturally formed the main object of study, other aspects of the life of humanity began to claim attention. The first comprehensive Church History was written by Mosheim. Art as a product and mirror of civilisation received its first adequate treatment from Winckelmann, whom

Goethe called a new Columbus. In his History of Osnabruck Justus Moser gave the first example of social history. Above all Voltaire founded a new genre, now known as Kulturgeschichte. In his ' Age of Louis XIV ' we receive the first picture of the multiform life of a civilised State. A few years later his ' Essai sur les Moeurs,' the first real history of mankind, portrayed the moral, social, economic, artistic and literary life of Europe from Charles the Great to Louis XIII. His object, he declared, was the history of the human mind. He desired to trace the steps by which society had passed from the barbarism of the Middle Ages to the civilisation of his own time, to indicate the growth of enlightenment and social refinement. The sparkling brilliance of the style and the novelty of treatment combined to secure an ever-widening influence for a book which more than any other work of the century enlarged the horizon of historical study. Despite its glaring faults the historiography of the Aufklarung marks a real advance. It put an end to the era of mere compilation. It widened the scope of history from a record of events to a survey of civilisation. It attempted to introduce critical standards and sociological principles.

Final]y, the eighteenth century witnessed a bold advance towards the philosophic interpretation of the life of humanity. 1 The rudimentary conception of progress in Bacon's aphorism, Antiquitas saeculi juvenilis mundi, is developed by Pascal. ' The whole succession of human beings through the whole course of ages must be regarded as a single man, ever living and ever learning.' In the literary quarrel of the Ancients and Moderns, Perrault maintained that we should not only admire the achievements of the classical world but perfect them by the addition of all that we had subsequently learned. In a fine image he declared that the interruption in the Middle Ages was only apparent, like a river which flows for some distance underground. Fontenelle maintained that though the life of a nation passed through stages like the individual, there was no decline. His scientific studies indeed suggested to him a certain relation between the movement of human history and ' the great and universal movement which has directed all nature.' The doctrine of perfectibility appealed to the new-born enthusiasm for man and meets us constantly throughout the eighteenth century, from the Abbe Saint -Pierre at the beginning to Godwin, Condorcet and the Illuminati at the end.

These utterances were rather the expression of generous hopes than the reasoned product of philosophic reflection. No rational 1 See Delvaille's massive Essai sur I'Histoire de I'Idee de Progres, 1910.

INTRODUCTION g

interpretation of history was possible till the doctrine of evolution was enunciated by Leibnitz. ' Nothing happens all at once,' we read in ' Nouveaux Essais,' ' and nature never makes jumps. I call that the law of continuity. In starting from ourselves and going down to the lowest, it is a descent by very small steps, a continuous series of things which differ very little — fishes with wings, animals very like vegetables, and again animals which seem to have as much reason as some men.' As nature advanced by small steps so humanity moved slowly and painfully forward. The lonely Neapolitan thinker, Vico, in discussing the laws of change in his ' Scienza Nuova,' added that the process of history was cyclic. The principle was further elaborated in Turgot's Discourse at the Sorbonne on the Successive Advances of the Human Mind. History, he declared in terms to which we can add little, was the life of humanity, ever progressing through decay and revival, each age linked equally to those which have gone before and those that are to come. Anticipating Comte, he outlined the law of the three states through which the human mind passes in its progressive apprehension of reality. Progress was nothing narrower than the gradual evolution and elevation of man's nature, a combined advance in material well-being, mental enlightenment and virtue. Cousin has called Turgot the father of the philosophy of history, and no one has a better right to the name. Further contributions to a theory of progress were made towards the end of the century in Germany. At the close of his life, as from a lofty watch-tower, Lessing surveyed the panorama of history and recorded his impressions in the pregnant aphorisms on the Education of the Human Race. The human mind, he declared, was greater than any of the influences that moulded it. Religion was a progressive revelation, and religions were the school-books which man uses in his progress, each helpful at a certain stage of development, none of them final. It is the thought of Pascal without the limitations of his theology. But the most detailed and exhaustive investigation into the conditions and nature of progress was contained in Herder's Ideas on the History of Humanity. Deeply impressed by the influence of cosmic factors, he emphasises the existence of similar laws in history and nature. At the end of the century, in combating the French Revolution, Burke emphasised the continuity of historic life and the debt of every age to its predecessors.

In addition to these speculations on the nature of progress, serious endeavours were made to explain particular factors of civilisation. Montesquieu investigated the origin and influence lo HISTORY AND HISTORIANS

of laws and institutions, explaining that they must be judged not by abstract principles but by their suitability to the circumstances of the time. Of no less importance was the study of the economic elements in historical development. Hume reached some illuminating sociological generalisations in his Essays ; but it was the glory of Adam Smith to relate the rise and fall of nations to their economic and commercial equipment and policy. A generation later Malthus built his law of population on a basis of elaborate historical induction.

Though work of high merit and enduring value was thus accomplished during the eighteenth century, several obstacles impeded the growth of genuine historical science. In the first place the spirit of the Aufkldrung was unfavourable to the development of the historical sense. The seventeenth century had witnessed a gradual fall of the theological temperature, and Bossuet's ' Histoire Universelle ' may be taken as the last considerable work of the theological era. But with its secularisation history entered on a career attended by new and scarcely less formidable dangers. The abstract and absolute standard, the failure to realise the differences in atmosphere and outlook in different ages, and the zeal for political and philosophic propaganda were hostile to patient research and disinterested investigation. The conception of continuity was the property of a few isolated thinkers. The more popular doctrines of the social contract, with its assumption of deliberate action, and of the law of Nature, with its idealisation of primitive society, were the negation of history. The French Revolution defiantly turned its back on the past, as the sleeper shakes off the nightmare which has oppressed him. Thus the tendency of the age encouraged writers to content themselves with superficial inquiry. Bolingbroke urged the study of modern history as politically useful, but condemned erudite research as learned lumber. Robertson wrote the Life of Charles V without learning German. Some of the most popular books of the century, such as Schiller's narrative of the Dutch War of Independence, were the fruit of but meagre learning and an untrained judgment.

The limitations of the Aufkldrung were most apparent in its treatment of the religious sentiment and of the Middle Ages. A knowledge of Greece and Rome was fairly general, partly owing to the familiarity of the cultured classes with classical literature and partly because the ideas and institutions of the ancient world formed the inspiration of reformers. But the Middle Ages were like a sealed book, not only to the deist and the rationalist but to the Trinitarian ' Enthusiasm ' was equally

INTRODUCTION n

distasteful to the believer and the sceptic. Hume dismissed the Anglo-Saxon centuries, the time of the making of England, as a battle of kites and crows. Voltaire declared that the early Middle Ages deserved as little study as the doings of wolves and bears, and revealed his moral and intellectual inability to understand mediaeval Christendom in ' La Pucelle.' Robertson's famous Introduction to the Life of Charles V is tainted with ignorant disdain. Gibbon's contempt for religious feelings and belief rendered him blind to the significance of many of the principal objects which he passed in the course of his long journey. It was his immortal service to show how the Roman Empire lived on ; but of the new world into which it survived he understood as little as other men. It was only towards the end of the century that sympathy for the Middle Ages came in with Johannes Miiller and the Romantic movement.

A second disability was the lack of the critical faculty in dealing with the value and testimony of authorities. Histories of France began with copious details of Pharamond ; and Rollin and Hooke paraphrased Livy, undismayed by the discussions in the Academy of Inscriptions. To Johannes Miiller all chronicles and charters were of equal value so long as they were old, and his popularity was largely due to the brilliant rendering of the patriotic legends of Tschudi. Where scepticism existed, it was often as uncritical as credulity. La Mothe le Vayer, in his Discourse on the uncertainty of History, declared that a wise man would doubt all things except divinely revealed truths ; and Bayle, who owed much to him, was equally the enemy of reason and faith. The learned Jesuit Hardouin maintained that the history of the ancient world was fabricated by monks of the thirteenth century, the real authors of Thucydides, Livy and Tacitus. In spite of Mabillon, the technique of research was still in its infanc}^.

A third reason why historical study made no greater advance was the almost entire absence of teaching. It was indeed recognised that history was essential to the education of rulers. Bossuet declared that it was the counsellor of princes, and wrote his ' Histoire Universelle ' for the instruction of the Dauphin. Fenelon composed a Life of Charlemagne for the Duke of Burgundy. Burnet employed the lessons of history to counteract the influences that surrounded his pupil, the Duke of Gloucester. Histories of the Powers were specially written by various hands for the youthful Joseph II. But in the statutes of Henri IV for the University of Paris history is not mentioned, and it found no place in the curriculum of the Jesuits, the educators of half