Florida historical tales ...

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Chapter I. Founding Of La Caroline

The first expedition of Ribault and Laudonniere in 1562 established no colony within the limits of Florida. It however attempted a settlement at Port Royal in South Carolina which was abandoned in 1563, the colonists building a rude brigantine in which they attempted to return to France. They nearly perished by famine but were picked up by an English vessel and taken home.

In 1564, through the influence of the great Admiral of France, Coligny, a second expedition was fitted out of three ships and the new armament was assigned to the command of Laudonniere, a man of intelligence, a good seaman rather than a soldier. He found it easy enough not only to procure sailors for his ships but settlers for the proposed colony.

He and those with him on the former expedition were able to testify truly to the “ wonderful beauty of the country, the sweetness of the climate, the richness and variety of its fruits and flowers, the game in its forests, the multitudes of fine fish in its waters.” Many still believed in De Leon’s fountain of youth and in the dreams of rich cities and mines of gold and silver hidden somewhere in its boundaries, that animated De Soto.

It did not matter that heretofore death had kept the portals of the country. They were men who had defied him in the many battle fields of the civil wars which had raged in France for years. Not only did many soldiers volunteer, but workers and artisans in abundance.

The passion for adventure, exploration and conquest had been raised to the highest pitch in the military class by the exploits of Cortez, Pizarro, Balboa and those of De Leon and De Soto, unfortunate as they were; while to the oppressed artisans and peasantry of Europe the new fertile lands, unbounded in extent and virgin, with the promise of a freedom not possible at home had great attraction. In fact far more volunteers presented themselves than could be accommodated and on the 22nd of April, 1564, the expedition sailed from France in high hopes and expectations.

A voyage of two months brought them to the shores of Florida, June 25th, near the same latitude as on the former expedition. The delight of the voyagers may be imagined when, on entering the River May, the San Mateo of the Spaniards, the St. Johns of the present day, they found themselves warmly welcomed by the natives, especially those who were recognized as former visitors with Ribault. It was at a period of the year for seeing the country in its greatest loveliness. The noble river, capacious enough for all the French navy to anchor in, the beautiful wooded shores lined with silvery beaches, the genial temperature combined with the kindly welcome given, raised their spirits to the highest pitch.

When they landed, they were conducted by a large concourse of natives, with great ceremonials, to the spot where Ribault had set up a stone column carved with the arms of France “upon a little sandy knappe, not far from the mouth of said river.” With pleased surprise, Laudonniere found the pillar encircled and covered with wreaths of flowers and around its base were set little baskets of maize, beans and other products brought in great abundance as gifts to their visitors.

The Indians kissed the column which they had consecrated in memory of former friendship and made the French do likewise.” Their Chief presented Laudonniere with a “ wedge of silver,” a gift that led the Frenchmen to dream of great riches to be found somewhere in the land. Naturally they associated gold with silver and were assured that both were to be found amongst their enemies, the boundaries of whose territory came to the River May and extended far northward to a high mountain region.

It is evident from the narrative that the natives who were first met by the Frenchmen were the original inhabitants of the land; that they were a gentler race than those living to the northward and that the latter in time being more warlike eventually drove them southward, finally either exterminating them or absorbing the broken fragments into their own body.

Laudonniere sailed up the river and was everywhere received with kindness. They mutually called each other “ friends and brothers.” He then coasted northward almost to Port Royal or Fort Charles.

Laudonniere returned with his vessels from this cruise to the River May the latter part of June, 1564, having abandoned the idea of re-establishing the settlement at Fort Charles, of the fate of which the Indians had informed him, with the determination to found his Huguenot colony in the neighborhood of the beautiful river with which he had become acquainted on the previous voyage.

The reasons for this preference are given in his own language, abbreviating and modernizing somewhat:

“If we passed farther to the north to seek out Port Royal it would be neither profitable nor convenient, although that haven is one of the fairest of the West Indies. In this case the question is not so much the beauty of the place as of the things necessary to sustain life. For our inhabitation it is much more needful for us to plant in places plentiful of victual than goodly havens, fair, deep and pleasant to the view. In consideration whereof I am of opinion, if it seems good to the company, to seat ourselves about the River of May, seeing that in our first voyage we found the same only to abound in maize and other corn.” The wedge of silver presented to him on his former visit and a few ornaments of gold doubtless were the conclusive suggestions.

Anchoring at the mouth of the river, which, from the scanty description left in the old chronicles, although contended by some to be the St. Mary’s conforms more to the St. Johns, Laudonniere took his pinnace and a number of the proposed colonists and sailed into it in search of a place for settlement. The result was the selection of a bluff on the south side of the river, evidently not far from its mouth, covered with a thick and high wood and close to what he calls “a great vale. In form flat, wherein were the finest meadows of the world and grass to feed cattle, with brooks of fresh water and high woods which made the vale delectable to the eyes.” This he called the vale of Laudonniere.

On this bluff at the break of day on the 30th of June, 1564, the trumpets were sounded and the Huguenots were called to prayer, and so, long prior to the landing of the Pilgrim Fathers at Plymouth was celebrated the Protestant worship within the present limits of Florida.

After this they applied themselves diligently to the erection of a fortress, triangular in shape, the landward side built of fagots, sand and turf, with a ditch, and the river side a palisade of planks or heavy timbers. Within it were built barracks, a house for the commandant, an arsenal, presumably of logs from the adjacent forests and thatched with palmetto leaves.

In the neighborhood of the fort there were rich spots which afforded facilities for gardening, but so eager was Laudonniere to find gold and silver— an eagerness that was shared by all the company— that leaving only a few to guard the fort he commenced the exploration of the country, leading or sending out expeditions in various directions in search of the precious metals, some of which covered a large portion of Florida, Georgia and even South Carolina. If the narrative is to be credited, plates of gold and silver were secured from the native tribes to the northward in sufficient quantities to keep the colonists employed in this pursuit to the neglect of every other. For many months he and his lieutenants, Ottigny, D’Erlach, LeGenre and Captain Vasseur, pushed their gold and silver seeking expeditions, frequently involving conflicts with the Indians, more especially with the warlike confederacy, whose territories stretched from the Appalachian mountains southward to the borders of the River May, whom they called *Thimogoans.

According to the tales of River May Indians the Thimogoan warriors covered their breasts and foreheads with plates of gold and silver, and it is probable that inhabitating a country in which both metals have since been found, there was some foundation for these statements which were, however, much exaggerated. It is said that Chevalier D’ Erlach returned from one of the most successful of these expeditions with no inconsiderable spoils of gold, silver, painted skins and other Indian commodities.

These expeditions, however, by no means compensated in their results for the evils the Huguenots were bringing on themselves in neglecting their settlement at La Caroline, the cultivation of the natural resources of the country, and were preparing the way for the terrible calamity which fell upon it.

(♦Query — Was this not the name from which Tomoka is derived, for in the wars which were prosecuted after this date these northern Indians succeeded in driving still farther southward the weaker and more peaceable coast tribe, until they occupied the neighborhood of the Tomoka and were long known by that name, to the time when they too were finally driven out by the Spaniards and English and plantations established where once were their populous villages.)

Chapter II. Famine Comes— Battle With The Indians

During many months but little improvement was made by the colonists of La Caroline in the way of utilizing the fertility of the soil in the production of food or even in strengthening the defences. As the winter passed away in constant expeditions after precious metals their stores rapidly decreased. They expected a renewal of supplies and an increase to their numbers through the arrival of Ribault from France with a fleet of vessels which, through Admiral Coligny’s aid he was to fit out. But they watched long in vain. The expedition was delayed by troubles in France and in the meantime a famine came upon the Huguenots, greatly as a result of their own recklessness.

In May, Laudonniere himself describes their straits as very desperate:

“We were constrained to eat roots, which the most part of our men pounded in the mortars which I had brought with me to beat gunpowder in, and the grain which came from other places. Some took the wood of esquine (probably cabbage palmetto) beat it and made meal thereof which they boiled and ate. Others went with their arquebuses to kill fowl,” and so on with a pathetic description of the weakness and sickness brought on by famine, finishing with reciting how the colonists not being able to work “did nothing but goe one after another, as centinals, unto the cliffe of a hill very near unto the fort, to see if they might discover any French ship.”

Finally their hopes deferred making them heart sick they pressed their commander to attempt the building of a vessel which, with the small one they had, would enable them to sail back to France.

There were good shipwrights among them and to these Laudonniere deputed the task of building the new vessel while he undertook to scour the coast for provisions of any kind that might be found, but the expeditions which had traversed the neighboring territory had weakened the friendship and confidence of the natives with whom also at that time of the year there was no superfluous stock of provisions left.

Laudonniere returned unsuccessful from a coastwise voyage of forty to fifty leagues and the colonists, now desperate with hunger, riotously insisted that the only way to extort food from the savages was to seize upon the person of one of their kings and secure it as ransom. To this at first their commander would not consent. He proposed a trial of the friendship of the natives and sent messages to open up traffic for food with the surrounding tribes. But the Indians knew the urgency of the case and proposed to turn it to account. They came to the garrison with small amounts of food for which they asked enormous prices. When Laudonniere remonstrated, they tauntingly answered:

“If thou make such great account of thy merchandise, let it stay thy hunger. Eat it and we will eat our grain.”

In the end and goaded beyond endurance Laudonniere resolved on doing as his people counseled.

Two of his barks and a body of fifty men were chosen for an expedition to the capital town of the chief, who ruled a large contiguous territory. This was forty or fifty leagues up the river and six or more leagues inland. One of his officers, D’Erlach, had been there before and knew the way.

They made the voyage successfully to the point of debarkation; left a guard in their vessels and marching inland succeeded in taking the Indian village by surprise. They, however, made no hostile demonstration on entering the village, Laudonniere still hoping to obtain peacefully what he needed, and so parleyed with the chief. But while the chief did not hesitate to supply the immediate wants of the Frenchmen, he declined to furnish any considerable amount of provisions. In fact he argued that they were in a great measure responsible themselves for their destitute condition. He said: “Hath the Great Spirit commanded that the red man shall gather food in the proper season that the white man may sleep like the drowsy deer in the palmetto thicket V’

It was true, but it was also true that their wants admitted of no denial; and after a vain attempt to barter for food Laudonniere gave the signal to seize the chief which was promptly done.

Then a war conch was sounded to rally the Indian warriors which was answered by D'Erlach’s bugler calling in the stragglers scattered through the village in quest of food and the retreat to the riverside began.

The capture of the Chief data Utina was so unexpected and the retreat to the river so rapidly and skillfully executed that no chance was given the Indians to rally in sufficient force to prevent it.

It was, however, Laudonniere’s intent to treat with them for food and not to engage in any hostile contest if it could be avoided, and so he opened a parley with the savages assembled on the banks of the river, proposing to release the chief upon their delivering a certain quantity of maize, beans, dried venison, etc. But the Indians were suspicious, believing the Frenchmen, after obtaining what they desired would not release him; and after fruitless attempts to obtain provisions with but a small quantity that had been obtained in the village, the expedition returned to La Caroline, taking also the chief, who was treated kindly but kept in confinement, which was very irksome to him.

By dint of plundering the villages of some Indian tribes that had been guilty of unfriendly and hostile acts, fishing and hunting, the people of La Caroline managed to maintain life in a meagre fashion. Finally the old chief proposed that they take him back to his people and permit him to use his influence with them, telling his captors the maize was then about ripe and promising to use his best efforts in behalf of the Frenchmen. So the two little barks again sailed up the river.

Long before they came to anchor at the landing, Olata Utina’s people gathered in great numbers, hardly knowing what to expect. Negotiations were opened by Laudonniere, who informed them that he was willing to release their chief to them for a quantity of provisions which to the Frenchmen seemed small, but to the Indians was a heavy ransom. It would sweep their little fields and granaries bare, even taking the very seed necessary for future harvests. Their love for their chief was not small, but it was of the last importance to free him without subjecting themselves to risk of famine. So they exercised all their arts of stratagem and diplomacy to secure that end without paying too dearly. They brought considerable supplies of food which they gave to the Frenchmen, but no definite end was reached for several days during which many hundreds of warriors gathered in the vicinity. But Laudonniere was vigilant and finding that attempts to rescue the chief or to capture Laudonniere himself so that they might exchange chief for chief, could not be made successful, an agreement was finally entered into by which Olata Utina was to be freed, two chiefs agreeing to become hostages for the delivery of the ransom, which the Indians were to gather in from all the tribal villages within a certain time.

The chronicle gives a brief description of the scene at the restoration of the chief to his people: “The two warrior hostages came on board the bark and as they approached their chief broke their bows and arrows in token of surrender. Then as they beheld his bonds, they knelt at his feet, lifted up his chains and kissed them, nor did they show any repugnance to assuming the fetters as they were loosened from Olata Utina, looking upon him with delight as he was being freed. ”

The chief arose from his place and shook himself like a lion rousing from sleep. Never was head held more erect or form more stately. He waved his hand to the shore where his people were gathered. The signal was evidently understood for one of his sons came out in a canoe bringing a mantle of fringed and gorgeously dyed grass cloth, his macana or war club, and a mighty bow with arrows five feet long.

Throwing the mantle over his shoulders, he took the bow and, before he left the vessel fitted an arrow to it, letting it fly out of sight into the air as a signal that he was once more free. A cloud of arrows from the shore followed that of their sovereign and wild shouts echoed far across the broad river.

The liberated chief had agreed to the terms of the Frenchmen, but stipulated that he should have a certain number of days in which to gather the supplies. Laudonniere left his lieutenants with a strong detachment of soldiers, one of the barks and the two hostages to await the issue while he returned to La Caroline.

The upshot of the whole business was that after two or three days of waiting, word was sent to them that they must bring their hostages to the village and there receive the ransom, data had found it impossible to compel his people to promptly comply with the stipulations. They absolutely refused to bring any supplies down to the river. He, however, was honorably disposed to keep his word and thought their presence in the capital town would have the effect to make the people act more promptly.

So they marched on the town, keeping their arquebuses loaded with the matches burning ready to repel any attack that might be made upon them. They reached the village in safety although the woods swarmed with warriors who were apparently only kept at bay by fear of the deadly fire arms and the vigilance of the Frenchmen.

The dwelling house and council chamber of data Utina was on an “ artificial eminence,” probably a mound such as are still to be found in all parts of Florida. Here they found assembled all the chiefs of the nation except their former prisoner. To a certain extent his authority to treat with the Frenchmen was usurped by these chiefs, who were evidently determined to deal with the invaders themselves, using craft and dissimulation to throw them off their guard and then seize the first opportunity to overpower them. But D’Erlach and Ottigny were experienced in savage habits and were not to be deceived by the apparently friendly reception given them.

The Indians pointed to the sacks of meal and beans piled up on the council floor and showed the Frenchmen others being newly brought in. Then commenced a palaver designed to allay suspicions, but which had the contrary effect. At nightfall a private conference was held with Olata Utina. He informed them that his anxiety to comply with his engagements had impaired his authority; that the chief warriors had resolved to destroy the pale faces as invaders, consumers of their substance and destroyers of their peace. He advised them to retreat to their vessel and La Caroline with all haste, for from all quarters were gathering the warriors and there were only pretences made to carry out the treaty.

The despondency of the chief was without hypocrisy. His warnings were sincere. But the necessity of securing all the supplies they could prompted the Frenchmen to tarry the full period of four days and in the meantime they urged on the accumulation.

Finally, seeing that no more was being brought in they released their hostages and on the morning of July 27th prepared for the retreat to their bark. Each soldier was required to load himself with as much provisions as he could carry, the chiefs having flatly refused to furnish any carriers and for the last time in this region the French bugles blew the signal of marching.

BATTLE OF TAGASETA.

Not far did they go, however, before the battle they anticipated began. The woods swarmed with warriors armed with stone hatchets, war clubs and bows. But they had learned a wholesome respect for the arquebuses or matchlocks of the French and so their volleys of arrows were delivered at too great a distance to do much damage. However, as the road lay through hammock belts where the timber was thick it was soon found necessary to send out flanking parties to drive the Indians from their coverts and to disencumber themselves of their burdens of provisions so that they could more effectively handle their weapons. Seeing their enemies halt for this purpose, and mistaking it for a sign of fear, the Indians advanced closer, filling the woods with their yells, and delivered a volley of arrows that fell among the little squadron. Their steel caps and leather doublets, however, proved excellent defences against the flint and bone headed shafts and D’ Erlach said to his men: “Do not answere them yet, but stoop ye every man and break as many arrows as ye can. Blow your matches as ye do so and when they come close let the first rank deliver fire.” He had observed that the enemy gathered up the arrows as they passed and used them again.

The command was obeyed with coolness by the arquebusiers and the result was when the savages made a concerted rush they were met with a volley of bullets which killed many and momentarily scattered the rest. New bands of savages, however, constantly appeared to harass the retreat and the whole day long the battle waged. The Frenchmen were compelled to economize their ammunition and forebore to shoot except when it was absolutely necessary. But the courage of the red men increased as the battle spirit warmed up and they bravely contested every foot of the way, even though their weapons and military skill were deficient. Great havoc was made among them, but never men fought more bravely than they did. It is written of them, in Laudonniere’s quaint record, “All the while they had their eye and foot so quick and redie, that as soon as ever they saw the harquebuse raised to the cheek, so soon were they on the ground, eftsoone to answere with their bowes and to flie away when we were about to take them.”

The conflict ceased at nightfall when weary and exhausted the Frenchmen, of whom twenty-four were killed and wounded, chiefly the latter, reached their boats. The Floridians had shown themselves warriors of spirit and capacity. They had driven out the invaders, recovered the booty, rescued the hostages and if they had lost seriously so had their enemies. Reading the chronicle one is reminded that for more than two centuries they with the same indomitable spirit kept Spain and England at bay and finally only yielded after a heroic struggle, to soldiers forest born, like themselves, the best riflemen of the south led by Jackson, Taylor and Harney.

Chapter III. Arrival Of Sir John Hawkins And Return Of Ribault

After all the toil and sacrifice of several brave men, it was found to be impossible to supply the colonists of La Caroline sufficiently to put them in good condition or good heart. Indeed the home sickness under which they labored had reached such a height as to admit of no appeal or argument. Cruel as France had been to the Huguenots, she was yet France and the memory of her green vales and vine clad hills was not to be replaced by the glorious beauty, even in its savagery, of the shores of the River May.

Their discontents grew into a passionate longing for return and when it was found that the building of the vessel which had been commenced for that purpose would be delayed by the death in battle of two of the carpenters, they mutinously set upon Jean De Hais, the master carpenter, because he had declared it would be impossible to complete it by the specified time and it was with difficulty he was saved from the mob.

There was still left of the original vessels which brought them an old brigantine and Laudonniere finding he was compelled to give up the original design of building a new vessel addressed all of his energies to its repair. Determined to leave nothing behind when they were ready to depart his men tore down the houses which had been erected outside of the fort to make coal for the forge and also the palisades leading from the fort to the river, thus greatly weakening their defences, in spite of their governor's objections.

Laudonniere was indeed very loath to give up the colony he had done so much to establish. It distressed him greatly that the promise of succor from France expected with the return of Ribault was delayed so long.

On the afternoon of the third of August, Laudonniere took a walk as was his daily custom, to the top of a little eminence, near the fort, which offered a prospect of the sea. Looking forth to the eastward over the vast watery waste, he was greatly excited to see the sails of four approaching vessels. The joy of the garrison was great for they naturally supposed Ribault was coming. Laudonniere writes quaintly: “Soe great was their gladness at this that one would have believed them to be out of their wittes, to see them laugh and leap.”

But the ships, instead of sailing boldly in as Ribault should have done, approached cautiously. Finally they cast anchor and sent out a boat toward the shore. A prudent fear of the Spaniards prompted Laudonniere to call the garrison to arms and send a detachment to meet the visitors at the river side. They hailed in French and in the same language came the reply, stating that the ships were those of the famous Admiral Hawkins on an exploring expedition. With him was Martin Atinas of Dieppe, one of the former colonists of deserted Fort Charles, picked up at sea and carried to Europe, who had piloted the squadron.

The object of the British Admiral was pacific, nor was it long before his generous and noble conduct won the hearts of the Huguenots. He saw their distressful plight and gave them liberal supplies of wine and provisions. With even greater liberality and a wise policy, seeing their discontent, he offered to transport the whole colony to France. But Laudonniere was still hoping for the return of Ribault and a surer foundation for the colony, so declined the proposition which had been made to him only as a commanding officer. However, to make sure of the means to return if pressed to it, he bargained with Hawkins for one of his vessels. The consideration given by Laudonniere was a portion of the military furniture of the fort, particularly described as “Two bastards, two mynions, one thousand iron balls and one thousand pounds of powder, etc.”

Moved with pity for the wretched condition of the Frenchmen, the generous Englishman offered supplies for which he accepted Laudonniere’ s bills, which the letter’s subsequent misfortunes never permitted him to cancel. These supplies included “twenty barrels of meal, six pipes of beanes, one hogshead of salt and a hundred (cwt.) of waxe to make candles. Moreover, forasmuch as he saw my souldiers goe barefoote he offered me besides fifty paires of shoes which I accepted. He did more than this: he bestowed upon myself a great jar of oil, a jar of vinegar, a barrel of olives, a great quantity of rice and a barrel of white biscuits. Besides he gave divers presents to the principal officers of my company according to their quality; so that I may say we received as many courtesies of the General as was possible to expect of any man.”

This visit of Hawkins is the brightest episode in the history of the ill fated colony. Doubtless had it been a little later or had he tarried longer the cruel Spanish wolf never would have bathed his jaws in Hugenuotgore and certainly with amity between the English and French Florida might have been a prosperous country long years ago and have been spared generations of tyranny and degradation such as curse all lands overshadowed by the flag of Spain. But it was not to be. The folly of men, then as now, was thrown athwart the wisdom of God and for a time turned this Eden of the new world into a hell of murder and rapine.

Sir John Hawkins, whose arrival at La Caroline and the noble manner in which he treated the Huguenots has thus been described, left on record many particulars interesting in themselves and also as showing the primary causes of the colony’s fatal weakness. At the close of the war mentioned as resulting from the fora &i n g expedition to the Indian villages, he relates that Laudonniere had not forty soldiers left unhurt. After detailing the supplies accorded to the colonists from his stores he adds: “ Notwithstanding the great want the Frenchmen had, the ground doth yield victuals sufficient, if they had taken the pains to get the same; but they being soldiers desired to live by the sweat of other men’s brows.” Here speaks the jealous scorn of the sailor. “The ground yieldeth naturally great store of grapes, for in the time the Frenchmen were there they made twenty hogsheads of wine, also,” says Hawkins, the land yieldeth roots passing good, deere marvelous store, with divers other beasts and fruits serviceable to man. These be things wherewith a man may live having corn or maize wherewith to make bread, and this maize was the greatest lack they had because they had no laborers to sow the same. Had they done so,” he continues, “they having victuals of their own, whereby they neither spoil nor rob the inhabitants, may live not only quietly with them who naturally are more desirous of peace than warre, but also shall have abundance of victuals proffered them for nothing,” etc.