A lecture on African colonization: including a brief outline of the slave trade, emancipation, relation of the republic of Liberia to England, &c. Delivered in the hall of the House of Representatives of the state of Ohio

Front matter

DDD13flflDHb3 1^

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS.#J

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,

Introduction

Preliminary Historical Retrospect

Propositions Discussed :

1. That free labor, in tropical and semi-tropical countries, is failing to furnish to the markets of the world, in anything like adequate quantities, those commodities upon which slave labor is chiefly employed,

2. That the governments of England, France, and the United States, at the present moment, are compelled, from necessity, to consume slave labor products, to a large extent, and thus still continue to be the principal agents which aid in extending and perpetuating slavery and the slave trade

3. That the legislative measures adopted for the destruction of the slave trade and slavery, especially by England, have tended to increase and extend the systems they were designed to destroy i

i. That the governments named cannot hope to escape from the necessity of consuming the products of slave labrr, except by calling into active service, on an extensive scale, the free labor of countries not at present producing the commodities upon which slave labor is employed 40

5. That Africa is the principal field where free labor can be made to compete, successfully, with slave labor, in the production of exportable tropical commodities. . 45

6. That there are moral forces and commercial considerations now in operation, wiiich will, necessarily, impel Christian governments to exert their influence for the civilization of Africa, and the promotion of the prosperity of the Republic of Liberia, as the principal agency in this great work ; and that in these facts Ues our encouragement to persevere in our colonization efforts 53

7. That all these agencies and influences being brought to bear upon the civilization of Africa, from the nature of its soil, climate, products, and population, we are forced to believe that a mighty people will ultimately rise upon that continent, taking rank with the most powerful nations of the earth, and vindicate the character of the African race before the world 63

Conclusion 70

LECTURE IV Fact,« for Thinking Men :

This is a synopsis of facts, chiefly embraced in the foregoing Lectures, and designed to demonstrate the indispensable necessity of colonization to the extension of tropical free labor cultivation : and to show, that opposition to African colonization is opposition to the promotion and increase of free labor.

The population of Africa is estimated at 110.000,000, in the first two Lectures, ft is now usually estimated at 150,000.000. (4)

A LECTURE

/IFRICAN COLONIZATION^:

INCLUDING A BRIEF OUTLINE

SLAYE TRADE, EMANCIPATION,

KELATION OF THE

REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA TO ENGLAND, &<

DELIVERED IN THE HALL OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES OF THE STATE OF OHIO.

By DAVID ^HRISTY,

AGEN'T OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY.

COLUMBUS:

PUBLISHED BY J. H. RILEY & CO.

tiffi

SI

Columbus, Feb. 2d, 1849.

The undersigned members of the General Assembly of the State of Ohio, desirous of promoting the discussion of the topics connected with a provision to be made for the people of color, and that the greatest publicityshould be given to the facts and statistics contained in your interesting and eloquent Lecture on African Colonization, delivered in the Hall of the House of Representatives, on the I9th ult., would respectfully request a copy of the same for publication.

To DAVID CHRISTY,

Agent, American Colonization Societt.

GEO. HARDESTY, SAMUEL BIGGER, CHAUNCEY N. OLDS, SETH WOODFORD, R. F. HOW/^^D, MILLER PENNINGTON J. HAMBLETON, JOHN A. DODDS, TANGY JCLIEN, WM. MORROW, JACOB MILLER, B. F. LEITER, LUTHER MONFORT, DAVID KLNG, J. H. DUBBS,

C. B. GODDARD,

F. T. BACKUS, A. L BENNET, PINKNEY LEWIS, J. G. BKESLIN, DANIEL BREWER, C. P. EDSON, ALEX. LONG,

G. E. PUGH,

J AS. R. MORRIS, S. L. NORRIS, WM. DUKBIN, JAMES M. BURT, J AS. H. SMITH,

Oxford, Butler County, Ohio, Feb. 23d.

Gentlemen,

Yours of the 2d inst. is received per mail. I thank you for the expression of respect tendered to myself, and the interest which you manifest in the cause of which I am the advocate. Your kind invitation to me to allow the publication of my Lecture, will afford me the opportunity, under the sanction of your names, of spreading before the public the facts which it embraces in relation to African Colonization, and may serve, it is hoped, to enlist many new friends to the cause of the young Republic of Liberia. I therefore cheerfully comply with your request.

I have taken the liberty, you will perceive, of adding another section, which time did not allow me to present in your hearing, and which was not fully matured on the evening in which you did me the honor to allow me the use of the Hall. I cannot expect that every one will agree with me in all my reasonings and conclusions, but the facts which are presented are of such importance that they cannot fail, it is believed, to arrest attention, and to lead to further investigation, and to increased efforts to promote the welfare of our colored population.

Yours respectfully,

DAVID CHRISTY, Agt. Am. Col. Soc. for Ohio.

Messrs. Hardesty, Bigger, Olds, and others.

LECTURE

AFRICAN COLONIZATION.

Ever since the fall of man, and his expulsion from that Eden of bliss, assigned him in his state of innocence, a warfare has been wacred between good and evil. The conflict has been varied in its results, sometimes good and at others evil having the ascendency. But why is it that an all-wise, all-powerful, omniscient and mfinitely benevolent Being should have permitted the introduction of moral evil into the world, and in his providence allow its continuance, we cannot determine, nor shall we wait to inquire.

We believe that errors of judgment and opinion, and all evil actions, and every form of wickedness and injustice in the world, have their origin in the moral depravation of man's nature, and that the contest between good and evil will necessardy continue until there shall be a moral renovation of his heart. This moral depravation of man's nature being general, its effects are universal, and the whole world has been but a theater upon which continued developments of its workings have been exhibited.

We believe that God has made provision for man's moral redemption,— for creating in him a new heart and renewing a right spirit within him— and that the Gospel is the ordinary medium through which this blessing flows to mankind. And believing this, we have full confidence in the success of all enterprises for the amehoration of the condition of mankind, which embrace the Christian religion as the basis of their operations.

The history of African slavery forms one of the darkest pages in the catalogue of woes introduced into the world by human depravity. It originated in the islands connected with this continent,in an error of judgment, but, strange to say, from motives of benevolence, andhas been pl-oductive of an accumulation of human suffering which afibrds a most painful illustration of the want of foresight in man, and the immensity of the evils which misguided philanthropy may inflict upon our race. i • •

In attempting to bring up in review this enormous evd in its ongin and various aspects, as connected with colonization, the subject naturally divides itself into the following heads :

(3^

I. The origin of the slave trade, with the efforts made for its

suppression.

II. The measures adopted at an early day for the emancipation of

the slaves introduced into the United States, with the results.

III. The provision to he made for the people of color when liberated.

IV. The practicability of colonizing the free colored people of the United States.

V. The effects of colonization on tlie native Africans, and upon

the missionary efforts in Africa.

VI. The certainty of success of the colonization scheme, and of the perpetuity of the Republic of Liberia.

I. A Portuguese exploring expedition was in progress, in 1434, along the west coast of Africa, having in view the double object of conquering tlie Infidels and finding a passage by sea to India. Under the sanction of a bull of Pope Martin V., they had granted to them the right to all the territories they might discover, and a plenary indulgence to the souls of all who might perish in the enterprise, and in recovering those regions to Christ and his church. Anthony Gonzales, an officer of this expedition, received at Rio del Oro, on the coast of Africa, in 1412, ten negro slaves and some gold dust in exchange for several Moorish captives, which he held in custody. On his return to Lisbon, tlie avarice of his countrymen was awakened by his success, and in a few years thirty ships were fitted out in pursuit of this gainful traffic. These incipient steps in the slave trade having been taken, it was continued by private adventurers until -i84l, when the King of Portugal took the title of Lord of Guinea, and erected many forts on the African coast to protect himself in this iniquitous war upon human rights.

Soon after the setUement of the first colony in St. Domingo, in 1493, the licentiousness, rapacity and insolence of the Spaniards exasperated the native Indians, and a war breaking out between them, the latter Avere subdued and reduced to slavery. But as the avarice of the Spaniards was too rapacious and impatient to try any method of acquiring wealth but that of searching for gold, this servitude soon became as grievous as it was unjust. The Indians were driven in crowds to the mountains, and compelled to work in the mines by masters who imposed their tasks without mercy or discretion. Labor so disproportioned to their strength and former habits of life wasted that feeble race so rapidly, that in fifteen years their numbers w^ere reduced, by the original war and subsequent slavery, from a million to sixty thousand.

This enormous injustice awakened the sympathies of benevolent hearts, and great efforts were made by the Dominican missionaries to rescue the Indians from such cruel oppression. At length Las Casas espoused their cause; but his eloquence and all his efforts, both in the Island and in Spain, were unavailing. The impossibility, as it was supposed, of carrying on any improvements in America, and securing to the crown of Spain the expected annual revenue of gold, unless the Spaniards could command the labor of the natives, was an insuperable objection to his plan of treating them as free subjects.

To remove this obstacle, without which it was in vain to mention his scheme, Las Casas proposed to purchase a sufficient number of Negroes, from the Portuguese settlements on the coast of Africa, to be employed as substitutes for the Indians. Unfortunately for the children of Africa, this plan of Las Casas was adopted. As early as 1503, a few Negro slaves had been sent into St. Domingo, and in 1511, Ferdinand had permitted them to be imported in great numbers. The labor of one African was found to be equal to that of four Indians. But Cardinal Ximenes, acting as Regent from the death of Ferdinand to the accession of Charles, peremptorily refused to allow of their further introduction. Charles, however, on arriving in Spain, granted the prayer of Las Casas, and bestowed upon one of his Flemish friends the monopoly of supplying the colonies with slaves. This favorite sold his right to some Genoese merchants, 1518, ani they brought the traffic in slaves, between Africa and America, into that regular form which has been continued to the present time.

Thus, through motives of benevolence toward the poor oppressed native Lidians of St. Domingo, did the mistaken philanthropy of a good man, co-operating with the avarice of the Christian world, entail perpetual chains and inflict unutterable woes upon the sons of Africa.

This new market for slaves having been thus created, the nations of Europe were soon found treating with each other for the extension of the slave trade. 'The Genoese^' as already stated, 'had, at first, the monopoly of this new branch of commerce. The French next obtained it, and kept it until it yielded them, according to Spanish official accounts, the sum of $204,000,000. In 1713 the English secured it for thirty years.' But Spain, in 1739, purchased the British right for the remaining four years, by the payment of $500,000. The Dutch also participated to some extent in the traffic.

The North American Colonies did not long escape the introduction of this curse. As early as 1620, slaves were introduced by a Dutch vessel, which sailed up the James river, and sold her cargo. From that period a hvf slaves were introduced into North America from year to year, until the beginning of the 18th century, when Great Britain, having secured the monopoly of the slave trade, as before mentioned, prosecuted it with great activity, and made her own Colonies the principal mart for the victims of her avarice. But her North American Colonies made a vigorous opposition to their introduction. The mother country, however, finding her commercial interests greatly advanced by this traffic, refused to listen to their remonstrances, or to sanction their legislative prohibitions.

But in addition to the commercial motive which controlled the actions of England, another, still more potent, was disclosed in the declaration of the Eail of Dartmoutli, in 1777, when he declared, as a reason for forcing the Africans upon the Colonies, that "Negroes cannot become Republicans : — they will be a power in our hands to restrain the unruly Colonists." The success which a kind providence granted to the arms of the Colonists, in their struggle for independence, however, soon enabled them to control this evil, and ultimately to expel it from our coasts.

In consequence of citizens of the Colonies being involved in the traffic, in the adoption of the Constitution the period for the termination of the slave trade was prolonged until January, 1808. But Congress, in anticipation, passed a law, on March 3d, 1807, prohibiting the fitting out of any vessels for the slave trade after that date, and forbidding the importation of any slaves after January, 1808, under the penalty of imprisonment from five to ten years, a fine of $20,000, and tlie forfeiture of the vessels employed therein. This act also authorized the President of the United States to employ armed vessels to cruise on the coasts of Africa and the United States to prevent infractions of the law.

On the 3d of March, 1819, another act was passed, re-afilrming the former act, and authorizing the President to make provision for the safe-keeping and support of all recaptured Africans, and for their return to Africa. This movement was prompted by the exertions of the American Colonization Society, which had been organized on the first of January, 1817, and embraced among its members many of the most infiuential men in the nation.

On the first of March, preceding the passage of this act, a gendeman from Virginia off'ered a resolution in the House of Representatives, which was passed without a division, declaring that every person who should import any slave, or purchase one so imported, should be punished ivith death. The incident reveals to us, in a very unequivocal manner, the state of public sentiment at that time.

In the following year, 1820, Congress gave the crowning act to her legislation upon this subject, by the passage of the law declaring the slave trade piracy. Tiiis decisive measure, the first of the kind among nations, and which stamped the slave trade with deserved infamy, it should be remembered, was recommended by a committee of the House in a Report founded on a memorial of the Colonization Society. Thus terminated the legislative measures adopted by our Government for the suppression of the slave trade.

We shall now turn to Great Britain, the most extensive participator in this iniquitous traffic, and ascertain the success of the measures adopted for its suppression in that direction.

Through the eflbrts of Wilberforce and his co-adjutors, the British Parliament passed an act in 1806, which was to take effect in 1808, by which the slave trade was forever prohibited to her West India Colonies. But the want of wisdom and foresiglit involved in the measures adopted to accomplish tliis great work, soon became manifest. Had Great Britain prevailed upon or compelled Portugal and Spain to unite with her, the annihilation of the slave trade might have been eflected. The traffic being abandoned by England, and left free to all others, was continued under the flags of Portugal and Spain, and tiieir tropical colonies soon received such large accessions of slaves, as to enable them to begin to rival Great Britain in the supply oi tropical products to the markets of the world, ^s,

But the philanthropic Wilberforce persevered in his efforts, and, after a struggle of thirty years, succeeded in procuring the passage of the Act of' Parliament, in 1824, declaring the slave trade piracy. 'I'liis was four years after the passage of the Act of our Congress which declared it piracy, and subjected those engaged therein to the penalty of death.

This decisive action of the two Governments was hailed with joy by tlie philanthropists of the world, and their efforts were now put forth to influence all the other Christian powers to unite in the suppression of this horrible traffic. Tlieir exertions were ultimately crowned with success, and their joy was unbounded. England, France, the United States, and tlie other Christian powers, not only declared it piracy, but agreed to employ an armed force for its suppression. This engagement, however, was not carried out by all of the Governments who had assented to the proposition; yet, still, the hope was conddently entertained that the day for the destruction of the slave trade had come, and that this reproach of Christian nations would be blotted out for ever.

But, alas, how short-sighted is man, and how futile, often, his reatest eflbrts to do good. The vanity of human wisdom and the utter imbecility of human legislation, in the removal of moral evil, was never more signally shown than in this grand struggle for the suppression of the slave trade. Instead of having been checked and suppressed, and the demons in human form who carried it on having been deterred from continuing the traffic by the dread penally of death, as was confidendy anticipated, it has gone on increasing in extent and with an accumulation of horrors that surpass belief. A glance at its history proves this but too fully, and shows that the warfiirre between good and evil is one of no ordinary magnitude.

Edwards, the historian of the West Indies, states, that the importation of slaves from Africa, in British vessels, from 1680 to 1786, averaged 20,000 annually. In 1792, Mr. Fox and Mr. Pitt both aefreed in estimating the numbers torn from Africa at 80,000 per annum. From 1798 to 1810, recent English Parliamentary documents show the numbers exported from Africa to have averaged 85, 000 per annum, and the mortality during the voyage to have been 14 per cent. From 1810 to 1815 the same documents present an average of 93,000 per annum, and the loss durino- the middle passage to have equalled that of the preceding peiiod. From 1815 to 1819 the export of slaves had increased to 106,000 annually, and the mortality during the voyage to 25 per cent.

Here, then, is brouglit to view the extent of the evil which called for such energetic action, and which, it was hoped, could be easily crushed by legislation. Let us now look forward to the results.

While the slave trade was sanctioned by law, its extent could be as easdy ascertained as that of any other branch of commerce; but after that period, the estimates of its extent are only approximations.

The late Sir Thomas Fowell Buxton devoted himself with un weaned industry to the investigation of tiie extent and enormities of the foreign slave trade. His labors extended through many years, and the results, as published in 1840, sent a thrill of horror throughout the Cln-istian world. He proved, conclusively, that the victims to tlie slave trade, in Jlfrica, amounted annually to 500,000. This included the numbers who perish in the seizure of the victims, in the wars of the natives upon each other, and the deaths during their marcli to the coast and the detention there before embarkation. This loss he estimates at one half, or 500 out of every 1000. 'J'he destruction of life during the middle passage he estimates at 25 percent., or 125 out of the remaining 500 of the original thousand. The mortality after landing and in seasoning he shows is 20 per cent, or one-fifth of the 375 survivors. Thus he proves that the number of lives sacrificed by the system, bears to the number of slaves available to the planter, the proportion oi seven io three — that is to say, for every 300 slaves landed and sold in the market, 700 have fallen victims to the deprivations and cruelties connected with the traffic.

The parliamentary documents above referred to vary but little from the estimates of Mr. Buxton, excepting that they do not compute the number of victims desli'oyed in Africa in their seizure and transportation to the coast. The following table, extracted from these documents, presents the average number of slaves exported from Africa to America, and sold chiefiy in Brazil and Cuba, with the per cent amount of loss ia the periods designated.

•p, , Annual average A v'ge casualties of voyage.

85,000

12,000

85,000

12,000

93,000

13,000

100,000

26,600

106,000

26,600

103,000

25,800

125,000

31,000

78,500

19,600

135,800

33,900

This enormous increase of the slave trade, it must be remembered, had taken place during the period of vigorous eflbrts for its suppression. England, alone, according to McQueen, had expended for this object, up to 1842, in the employment of a naval force on the coastof Africa, tlie sum of $88,888,888*^, and he estimated the annual expenditure at that time at $2,500,000. But it has been increased since that period to $3,000,000 a year, making the total expenditure of Great Britain, for the suppression of tiie slave trade, at the close of 1848, more than one hundred millions cf dollars ! France and the United States have also expended a large amount for this object.

Tiie disclosures of Mr. Buxton produced a profound sensation throughout England, and the conviction was forced upon the public mind, and " upon Her Majesty's confidential advisers," that the slave trade could not be suppressed by physical force, and that it was " indispensable to enter upon some new preventive system calculated to arrest the foreign slave trade."

The remedy proposed and attempted to be carried out, was " the deliverance of Africa by caUins: forth her own resources."

To accomplish this great work, the capitalists of England were to set on foot agricultural companies, who, under the protection of the Government, should obtain lands by treaty with the natives, and employ them in its tillage, — to send out trading ships and open factories at the most commanding positions, — to increase and concentrate the English naval force on the coast, and to make treaties with the chiefs of the coast, the rivers and the interior. These measures adopted, the companies formed were to call to their aid a race of teachers of African blood, from Sierra Leone and the West Indies, who should labor with the whites in diflusing intelligence, in imparting religious instruction, in teaching agriculture, in establishing and encouraging legitimate commerce, and in impeding and suppressing the slave trade. In conformity with these views and aims, the African Civilization Society was formed, and the Government fitted out three large iron steamers, at an expense of $300,000, for the use of the company.

Mr. McQueen, who had for more than twenty years devoted himself to the consideration of Africa's redemption and Britain's glory, and who had become the most perfect master of African geography and African resources, also appealed to the Government, and urged the adoption of measures for making cdl Africa a dependency of the British Empire. Speaking of what England had already accomplished, and of what she could yet achieve, he exclaims :

"Unfold the map of the worhi : "We command the Ganges. Fortified at Bombay, the Indus is our own. Possessed of the islands in the mouth of the Persian Gulf, we command the outlets of Persia and the mouths of the Euphrates, and consequently of countries the cradle of the human race. We command at the Cape of Good Hope. Gibraltar and Malta belonging to us, we control the Mediterranean. Let us plant the British standard on the island of Socatora — upon the island of Fernando Po, and inland upon the banks of the Niger; and then we may say Asia and Africa, for all their productions and all their wants, are under our control. It is in our power. Nothing can prevent us."

But Providence rebuked this proud boast. The African Civilization Society commenced its labors under circumstances the most favorable for success. Its list of members embraced many of the noblest names of the kingdom. Men of science and intelligence embarked in it, and, when the expedition set sail, a shout of joy arose and a prayer for success ascended from ten thousand philanthropic English voices.

But this magnificent scheme, fraught with untold blessings to Africa, and destined, it was believed, not only to regenerate her speedily, but to produce a revenue of unnumbered millions of dollars to the stockholders, proved an utter failure. The African climate, that deadly foe to the white man, blighted the enterprise. In a few months, disease and death had so far reduced tlie numbers of the men connected with tlie expedition, that tlie enterprise was abandoned, and the only evidence of its ever having ascended the Niger exists in its model farm left in the care of a Liberian.

'I'his result, however, had been anticipated by many of the judicious Englishmen who had not suffered their enthusiasm to overcome their judgments, but who had opposed it as wild and visionary in the extreme, on account of the known fatality «f the climate to white men.

Thus did the last direct effort of England for the redemption of Africa prove abortive. The slave trade has still been piosecuted with little abatement, and for the last ^gw years with an alarming increase. 'J'he statistics in the parliamentary report, before quoted, and from which we have extracted the table exhibiting the extent of the slave trade between Africa and America, down to 1839, also present the following table, including tlie numbers exported from Africa to America, from 1840 to 1847 inclusive, with the per cent, of loss in the mi " '"

liddle pass age and the amount.* It is as follows

Years.

Numbers.

I,oss.

r,r n.

^Dwunt.

64,114

10,068

45,097

11,274

28,400

7,100

55,062

13,705

54,102

1.3,525

30,758

9, 1 89

76,117

19,029

84,350

21,089

Here, then, we iiave the melancholy truth forced upon us, that the slave trade was carried on as actively in 1847 as from 1798 to 1810; while the destruction of life during the middle passage has been increased from 14 percent, to 25; and that while tlie vigorous means used to suppress the traffic, during these fifty years, have failed of this end, they have greatly aggravated its horrors.

And such was the conviction of the total inadequacy of the means which had been employed by the British Government to check or suppress the evil, that the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society at the close of the year 1847, after declaring that the slave trade was then more actively and systematically prosecuted than for many years, and that its horrors had been greatly increased, urged upon the Government, from motives of humanity, the suspension of all physical force, and the repeal of all laws inflicting penalties upon

* There is some discrepancy in the authorities from which we quote the figures. We have not hail access to the original document. One of our authorities gives the whole number of these exports from Africa to Brazil, and a proportional number to Cuba. This would greatly increase all our estimates based ujion the figures of this table.

Ttie Slave Trade. II

those engaged in tlie trafTic. It was proved thut the slave traders, when closely pursued l)y vessels of war, ol'ieri liide tlie evidences of tlieir guilt, when favored by die darkness of tlie niglil, I)y burying the shivcs with which they were freighted in die depths of the ocean; or by persevering in refusing to surrender, force the pursuing vessels to continue firing into them, and thus endanger and destroy the innocent victims crowded between the decks of tlieir vessels. It was also urged that the African Civilization Society be revived, but tliat, instead of irhife 7ncn, the emigrants be taken from the beltc^r educated and more enlightened of the West India colored population. Hy the adoption of diis course, and the civilization of the Africans along the coast, they hope to seal the fountain whence the evil flows.

This brief oudiue of the slave trade, and of the efforts made by Great IJritain for its suppression, ami the utt(!r failure of the measures which she had adoptiul to accomplish that oliject, prove, conclusively, two points which American philanthropists had for years urged as settled trutlis, viz :

1. y'hat I he planting and building vp of Christian Colonics on the coast of Jlfiica, is the onli/ prccciical remedy for the slave trade.

2. That colored men only, can with safety, settle upon the African Coast.

And so fully has the British Government now become convinced < f die truth of Uiese propositions, that Lord Palmerston has not only placed a naval force at the disposal of the President of liiberia for the suppression of the slave trade on territory recently purchased, where the slave traders refused to leave, but has, in connection with others, offered ample pecuniary means to purchase the whole territory between Sierra Leone and Liberia, now infestcid by those traffickers in human flesh, wiUi the view of annexing it to the litUe Rei)ul)lic, and thus rescuing it from their hands.