The great future of American and Africa

Front matter

A O-

.^ Ci

.0

CHAPTER II.— Slavery, if perpetuated, fatal to Nations. Teachings of the Egyjjtian Bondage of Israel, its divine Purpose 35

Parallel between Egyptian and American Bondage 38

Reason calls for the Exodus of the African Race 40

What duties — what ! sacrifices the call demands of us 43

What the Past says to the Future, if we refuse the Demand 45

The inevitable Fate of Nations — hftw shall we retard it? 46

The consent of all parties necessary to the Exodus 48

CHAPTER in.— The Public Domain viewed as a Means for Emancipation.

Degrading Eflects of the Mismanagement and Misappropriation of the Domain 50

Description, History, and Extent of the Domain 56

Abuses and Proper Uses of the Domain 60

Congress unfit to manage the Domain 68

CHAPTER IV.— Plan for

Constitutionally Removing the Public Lands from the Custody of Congress, and for effecting Emancipation.

Proposal for a Convention of the People to consider the Subjects of Emancipation, Colonization, and the Appropriation of the Public Domain 71

Plan of Organization for a Board of the Public Domain.. 72

Appropriations to Public Works in Africa, to prepare for the Exodus 73

Education of the Young Negro for Usefulness in Africa 75

The " Redemption" System will aid the Exodus.. 76

Immense Results of the Plan, in Civilizing and Christianizing Africa 77

Proposed Appropriations for American Public Schools, which would ultimately extinguish the State Debts,&c 79

Folly of the " Free JTcmestead."

Scheme' when contrasted with this Plan SO

CONTENTS.

Means of preventing Injury to the South from the loss of Slave Laborers during the Exodus, by encouraging American Manufactures 80

Necessity of prudently husbanding the Proceeds of the Domain, to remunerate the Master for the loss of the Slave... 81

Amplitude of our Resources to meet all Demands, if carefully managed 82

Beneficial Results of the proposed Management of the Domain upon Agriculture, Commerce, Currency, and Public Morals ; 84

Tendency of California Gold to extend Slave Territory 91

Farther Remarks on the Evil Tendency of the Free Homestead Bill 93

CHAPTER v.— First Duties of the proposed Board of the Public Domain, in relation to the Exodus.

Preparation of Africa fo? the Reception of Immigrants 9t;l

Preparation of Colored Artizans and Teachers of Religion, for Emigration to Africa 97

Adaptation of African Rivers for public Improvements 100

Relation of the River Niger to Liberia and the Nile ih.

Vast field for Rail-roads and Internal Trade 101

Grandeur of the Future of Africa, if aided according to the proposed Plan lu5

The Execution of the Plan ■\vould pay in full our Debt to the Negro Race 10*7

CHAPTER VI.— Our Tendency to National Decay through tlie Influence of Slavery, provi^J by the Earlier and m*»ro Recent History of our j)f;licy.

Active Interest of the People in the policy of Government, in Colonial Times 110

The same Activity in Early National Times 117

The Administration of John Adams llB

Acquisition of Right of Entry on Indian Lands by Treaty., lb.

Popular Resistance against Law, how met 119

The Administration of Thomas Jefferson 121

"Weakness of the Frontier ib.

Weakness of the Government.... ib.

The Administration of James Madison 122

War with England ib.

Project for demanding Canada as an Indemnity 123

This Action discountenanced by Government ib.

Apathy of the Federalists and general calm, but Honesty in management of Affairs 124

The Administration of James Monroe 125

Just Guardianship of the Public Lands ib.

Early but trifling pre-emption Grants 125

Prudence and Economy still l^redominant ib.

First comsiderable Grants of Land for Public Improvements ". 128

The St. Joseph's Purchase ib.

The Administration of Andrew Jackson 129

Reverse of the Picture ib.

Large Purchase of Laud from the Indians ib.

Loose extensions of the Right of Pre-emption 130

Attempts to check mad Speculations inLands 132

Financial Ignorance ih.

Agricultural madness and its conscijuences 13.>

€ X T B N T S.

Apparent Prosperity %b.

Causes of the consequent Collapse 134

Retirement of Andrew Jackson., ih.

Administration of Martin Van Burcn— he i," treads in the footsteps,"... 135

Financial Crisis (b.

Suspension of Specie Payments. 136 False Views and False Policy.. 137 Administration of William Henry Harrison, and John Tyler 139

No Wisdom learned from Experience 140

Extravagance, Corruiition, and abuse of the Public Domain continued ; ih.

Administration of Jas. K. Polk., 141 The Mexican War, for the extension of Slavery, and Speculation in State Debt ih.

No Reformation of Abuses 143

Presidential Usurpation 144

Proposal to reduce the Price of certain unsold Lands to Twenty Five Cents per Acre.. 145 Millions of Acres Squandered... 14G Administration of Zachary Taylor and Millard Fillmore 152

Application of California for

Admission into the Union ih.

The Slave Question in full Agitation ih.

Efforts to dissolve the Union... ih.

The Compromise ih.

Administration of Franklin Pierce 153

The Pre-emption Laws at the Bottom of the disasters of the Country 154

The Free Homestead Bill, the J longest step in the march of National Decay ib.

The Inevitable consequences of ) our present Policy, in rela. tion to Territory, if continued in connexion with the i Permanence of Slavery 156

CHAPTER VIL— A plain talk with the Fiee Man of Colour in the United States.

Motives for an African Exoflus.. 168

The Influence of the Abolitionist injurious to the Slave 169

Kindness the Law, and Cruelty the exception with the Slave Master : bu"> the Exceptions are such that Humanity demands Emancipation iTo

The Establishment of an African Nationality essential to the Advancement of Freeman and Slave ib.

The Abolitionists substitute Feeling for Reason, in Argument and Practice ; they act upon Individual cases illegally, and advocate the Impracticable 172

Equality impossible to the Free Coloured Man here — Consequences of attempting it iTs

America has nothing to offer the Free Coloured Man here, comparable with African Independence 174

Political Objects of the Abolitionist Agitators ib.

The Attempt at unconditional Emancipation must produce Civil War 175

Condition of th^ African Race in Civil War 176

Possibility of a peaceful Division of the Union Condition of the Coloured Race in thatCase.... 177

Twe distinct Races cannot exist together in Equality 178

The true political Position of the African Race in this Country 179

The Coloured American still a Captive African 180

Rights of Captives 0,-

Value of the plea of Necessity in excusing the forced Retention of aCaptive 181

Peculiaritiei of African Capti-

C () N T K X T -S.

TitT, and their political Conseqaences If^l

Reasons why the Free Man of Colour should favour Coionization and African Nationality 184

Reasons for Exodus, though all Public aid should be refused.. 186

Climate of Africa; folly of judging it by the health of the Coast ISI

African health and difficulties compared with those of our early Colonies, fcc 191

Effect.s of African Progress on

^ Slavery in the United States., i^.

Folly of depending upon 'the pretended political friends of the Negro, for political eleration here 194

False friendship of Great Britain. 19a

Folly of depending upon Nations or People for aid, " because it is right." 19*7

Is there "labor enough for all" in this Country? 211

Proposed exploration of Africa by Free Blacks 215

Further remarks on the erroneous Policy of the Abolitionists 220

Concluding Appaals.... 222

TO THE CONGRESS OF THE UXITED STATES.

In recommending this Essay to your serious attention, I am actuated by no disrespectful motive, though approaching you with the self-confidence of a legitimate American sovereign, addressing the no less legitimate agents of the sovereign authority.

That our Union has been, and still is endangered by the great sectional question of the age, ijou know — that the embarrassments of that question have been increased by a fatal policy in relation to that heaviest of national trusts, the Public Dom.ain, i believe: — therefore, as a party directly interested in that trust, and familiar with its history, I feel bound, in justice to myself, my country, and the heirs of her greatness, to object to the manner in which it has been administered by you. The grounds of my objections, and my idea of the mode in which the trust may be made conducive to our national glory and prosperity, to the removal of the greatest evil which threatens our future, and to the present and peraianent happiness of more races than one — are developed in the following pages, which to you are hereby

Respectfully dedicated

By your constituent and fellow citizen, THE AUTHOR.

Preface

The following pages are addressed alike to ttie American of the white race, and the free Negro of the United States. They embrace the outline of an extensive system of reform, including the ultimate emancipation of the entire African race; not by the slow process of colonization, by a private society with slender means; nor by the headlong policy of "abolition," which asks of the master sacrifices that never will be — never can be made. This system includes also the permanent and effectual establishment of common schools, with ample provision for their maintenance; and it provides incidentally for the gradual extinguishment of the debts of those states which are now burdened with such responsibilities, and for many other public facilities to all the states, without undue or inequitable advantage to any of them. Nor, in effecting these desirable purposes, does it propose any unconstitutional or anti-American proceeding.

The reader will be startled, perhaps, at the vastness of such a scheme. Probably, he may exclaim,

14 PREFACE

" where shall we find the means for such an incalculably expensive project?" The author is liable to all the errors inseparable from human judgment — he may be liable to the misleadings of enthusiasm; but — read and decide! He cannot plead ignorance of the problem which he has undertaken to discuss, in excuse for his mistakes; for, he has not attempted to wander beyond the field in which he has grown gray in observation and reflection. Unless, then, he has been strangely deceived by his wishes, the reader will rise from the perusal of these pages, convinced that our beloved country holds at her command wealth amply sufficient to accomplish all these ends, as rapidly as their accomplishment is desirable, — and this without jarring the finances, or imposing fresh burdens on the public. Nay more! He sincerely believes that the system of appropriation herein recommended supplies the only hope of checking the current of public corruption, and also much of the private and petty looseness of morals by which both government and society have been advanced in degradation within the last twenty years.

The mere attempt to secure such blessings for his fellow citizens, requires no apology from the author; he feels that it, also, confers upon him the right to expect a careful examination of his views,

PREFACE 13

before even iheij are condemned — and he asks no more.

To the free raan of color he would say> that, in the final chapter, which is especially addressed to him, there will be found no flattery, but ample kindness. It is very rarely that persons of this class receive direct attention from those who discuss their interests and their well-being. It may be invidious to attribute this fact to the real indifference of pretended friendship, where nothinc^is to be gained personally by the seeming philanthropist; but, the fear of hostility should not lead us to the concealment of truth. In the picture of the hopelessness of the political condition of the African race with us, and the bright future of Africa, this treatise offers to that race the only advice that can prove truly and practically useful to it; and the author has no hesitation in urging the genuine philanthropist to press the consideration of this advice upon the down-trodden people who wear

OUR WHOLE DUTY TO THE BLACK MAN.

Chapter I. Slavery A Disease

Allegorical Account of the past Treatment of Slavery — Its Treatment by the Colonizationists, and by the Abolitionists — Both have neglected the Magnitude of the Evil, and the Question of Justice to the Master in the Remedy — A combined Treatment necessary.

What is to be done with Slavery in the United States? This is a question which urges itself upon every inquiring and reflecting mind, when we observe, for the last few years, with the assembling of each Congress, the whole nation convulsed in contending on the one hand for, and on the other against, some new principle applicable to Slavery. Moreover, the mind of individuals, of nations, and indeed of the whole Christian community is aroused, and full of inquiry into the subject of African Slavery, especially as it exists in the United States.

This inquiry, in itself, naturally suggests the question, why is it that Slavery, especially chattel slavery, exists at all? The causes are numerous, B (17)

18 OURWIIOLEDUTY

but the most prominent of those which have led to its estabhshment in the United States are, the love of power which one nation desires to exercise over another, with a view to wealth regardless of the means, and a licentious indulgence of human passions, to secure national wealth and individual idleness.

In each and every cause conducing to chattel slavery and its continuance, you will find concealed the germ of an evil, which, in its full development, destroys the glory of nations. But these causes have been so thoroughly examined, and are so fully understood, that little remains to be said upon the subject ; nor do I desire to do so. My object is, to point out the mode of practically adapting means to the accomplishment of emancipation in the United States. With this view, I shall be obliged to speak, first, of what has been done ; and secondly, what yet remains to be done, whenever it shall become the desire of the nation to render justice to the African. And when speaking of what ought to be done in order that the means may be made sufiicient to the purposed end, I feel I am treading upon the borders of a field which has not yet been cultivated b}^ the people with sufficient zeal and care to produce a profitable harvest ; a field upon which so few of the advocates of African emancipation have entered, in order to show the "world its length and breadth, its resources, its fertility of soil and its capacity of being cultivated, that I fear I shall be traversing a country little known, its value little understood, and, perhaps, little cared for, though capable of contributing immensely to the advantage of both master and slave. To the development of the vast promise of this region my efforts shall be directed.

Nearly all that has yet been attempted with a view to the entire emancipation of slaves in the United States, has been done by the " Colonization " and "Abolition" societies; the one society looking forward to the time when, through its means, ultimate emancipation shall be consummated — the other, claiming to emancipate at once and unconditionally, upon the abstract principle of right to the slave. If this latter Society would inoXn^Q justice to the master in its theories, then, in point of feeling, little difference would exist between them.

But whatever may be the opinions, sentiments, and rules of conduct on the part of these societies, all thinking men admit that slavery, as it exists amongst us, is a disease of the most fearful character, in its consequences upon the body politic ; that it is an excrescence of vast mamitude, tending: to react upon, and debilitate the whole body in such a way as to produce an unhealthy action throughout the entire system. The symptoms of the disease which this excrescence has ah'eady produced, are not to be mistaken ; they are of a convulsive character. The excrescence has taken deep root, and is of long standing; and although measures to check the further growth of the tumour have been in part successful, the many attempts which have been made to destroy it seem never to have had the desired effect, but, on the contrary, whenever a cure has been talked of and attempted, the symptoms have invariably tended towards " convulsion."

To cure this evil, two physicians presented themselves. Both have tried their skill, and neither has yet given up the patient.

The first, recommended that such remedies should be applied as would cause portions of the protuberance to drop off, from time to time, and create as little irritability in the nerves of the patient as possible; and the employment of means promising such results met the approbation of many of the best friends of the patient. The remedies, too, seemed to be such as common sense and correct reasoning would dictate ; but the cure has not been effected by these means. Yet many, very many of the most ardent admirers of the sufferer, won even to an untiring attachment by his solid virtues, still believe that the removing of the excrescence by mild remedies, such as tend gradually to reduce the size of the protuberance, without the loss of blood or a violent agitation of the system, constitutes the only proper plan of cure. They are, moreover, fully possessed of the belief that, if something effective is not speedily done to eradicate the tumour and allay the irritability of the patient, his constitution will be fatally undermined at no distant day. This doctor has the fullest confidence that his remedies, given in doses large enough to produce the desired effect, would complete the cure; but he complains that the medicine is of the most costly character ; that, thus far, he has been at the entire expense of providing it ; that he has borne this expense in consequence of his regard and high respect for the patient, and that he could desire nothing more than that he should enjoy a long life and happy old age. But, for all this, the patient does not look smilingly on the means of cure. He will not even acknowledge that one of the remedies upon which the doctor piques himself very much, as having been the means of great relief, is really a good remedy ; being fearful, perhaps, that if he should acknowledge its excellent and beneficial influence, he would be called upon to purchase largely of the costly article. Now in this, I think Uncle Samuel — I may as well name him, for no doubt you, reader, have a great regard for him — behaves much hke the miser who would rather suffer a consuming disease to prey upon his very vitals, than be at the expense of a dose of medicine, but never fails to swallow such medicines as are supplied gratuitously by his friends.

But this manifestation on the part of the old gentleman is somewhat strange ; for he is rich, and can hardly be said to be miserly, as he spends money in vast sums for all necessary purjDOses. Indeed, in anything that seems to improve his condition, he never appears backward. He has one very bad fault, however, which is, that in all that relates to his health or the management of his estate, he has a too willing ear for the quack in medicine and the demagogue in politics ; consequently he is often the victim of deceit in his undertakings. For example ; not very long ago, he was persuaded that one of his neighbours had a very valuable farm adjoining his own; that he ought to purchase it, and that he could do so to the great advantage of his whole familj", especially as his neighbour owed him a considerable sum of money. But it so turned out that his neighbour was not very willing to sell. He was then advised to give him a few kicks and cuffs, and threaten to drive him off his fiirm altogether ; upon which no doubly he would be able to purchase.

Well, he followed this advice. He broke the peace, and gave his neighbour a most awful drubbing. This drubbing cost him a round sum of money. He had also to buy the land at full price afterwards ; yet, and as soon as the purchase was made, these same persons who persuaded him to do a thing not calculated to elevate his character for noble deeds, turned right upon him, and advised him to give away all the lands thus purchased, and all such besides as might be in his possession and unoccupied, in other places, in parcels of one hundred and sixty acres, to any and everybody who might choose to take them as a gift, whether such persons should have contributed much, or little, or nothing, to the acquisition of these lands ! The good that would result from this advice was not easily to be understood — the evil connected with it seemed palpable. That such a measure should be expected to result in good, seemed to be in direct opposition to all the dictates of political economy, and in violation of all experience in the management of individual estates. That such a measure would incapacitate the old gentleman from carrying forward to a successful issue any large project of philanthropy, in relation to education or anything else, in improving his estate by new roads, or, indeed, in effecting improvements of any kind — scarcely admits of a doubt.

g| OURWHOLEDUTY

That a like policy would ruin an individual, and render every member of his family beggars, is most certain. Uncle Samuel understood, too, that wherever land ranged at the highest prices, there was the the most industry observable, and there was the enjoyment of the most liberal distribution of comforts. So he could not be persuaded to give away his lands. But unfortunately, just at this time, it was discovered that his new purchase contained a vast amount of gold! And then, without asking Uncle Samuel, " Will you give me the land or not T away these people ran from all parts of the world, China and all, and, taking the land without money and without price, began to dig gold. Now the worst feature in all this lawlessness is, that when the old gentleman sent his strong men to whip his neighbour into selling part of his farm, he absolutely weakened himself, both morally and physically, so much, that he was powerless in defence of his own property ! Had he made an honourable purchase, he could have controlled his property by the same force with which he subdued his neighbour; by which means he could have maintained his lawful authority and his just rights.

Here we find a source of the deepest regret. Under this dejoredation upon his rights, he loses, lir.st, all claim to high moral conduct, and, secondly, lie also loses the very means required to purchase the expensive remedy already referred to, without which his life will probably be sacrificed; which means might be abundantly procured from his newlypurchased acres.

Leaving our allegory for the moment, it is plain that a reasonable rent for the California gold mines would secure a revenue that would colonize every African in the United States in the course of one hundred years. Nor ought the entire emancipation of the slave to be consummated in less time, if we would give to him the largest advantages which emancipation is capable of rendering him.

But, (to resume our parable,) when Uncle Samuel has shown himself on the one hand entirely regardless of the means of cure applicable to his case, and, on the other, has displayed an utter recklessness of conduct by not refraining from such practices as are calculated to spread the disease more widely, how can we believe that he is sincere in his avowed fears that the disease will prove fatal to him in mind and body ? Yet it is certain, and he knows it as well as any one, that this disease never 3^et failed to destroy those upon whom it laid its festering fangs, body and soul ! It has been seen, too, that the old gentleman has a hankering after the estates of his neighbours, and as he grows more prodigal in his

26 OURWnOLEDUTT

expenses andimmoi'al in his ijractlces,\iQ seems to entertain less fear of the disease than he did in his youth, and still refuses to spend money in medicine ; so that the first doctor is quite out of patience a^ well as purse.

Another set of friends, who advocate a different medical school, being determined that he should not die by obstinacy, forced upon him the attendance of another physician, who called himself Abolition, and who loved Uncle Samuel as much as did Colonization ; but he was more ardent in his feelings, and pronounced the continuance of the disease death to the patient, and said that the longer it continued, the more difficult would be the cure; that everything that had been done thus far had been of no use ; that the disease was daily growing worse ; that even the remedies which he once thought were calculated to do good, he was now convinced were all pernicious in character, and oppressive and demoralizing in effect. With the same confident boldness, he asserted that the disease was gangrenous, and that nothing short of immediate extirpation would save the patient's life.

To this course of practice the old gentleman demurred. He was fearful that the removing of the disease at one single operation would kill him ; and, in this opinion, he had some of his best tried friends to agree with him. He gave, as further reasons why the operation should not be performed, that he had inherited the disease ; that it had now become constitutional with him; that although he should submit to the operation of having the gangrenous part of the excrescence removed, he was fearful the disease would break out in sores upon other parts of the body, and that the remedy proposed, would, after all, prove to be ineffectual. The doctor then contended that, if extirpation was not allowed, it would be absolutely necessary to use such means as would tend to prevent the disease from spreading, and that it often happened, especially in diseases of the slcin, that the application of a blister plaster upon parts of the body where the skin was yet sound, but predisposed to the disease, would prevent the malady from extending itself over the whole body. This remedy, he thought would, in all probability, also prevent this gangrenous sore, although deep-rooted, from enlarging itself in its malignant proportions. At all events, he declared that there could be no very serious harm in trying it -, for that, in the youth of the patient, this disease showed itself with all its malignant symptoms in dark qjots over the whole body, and, in consequence, a large plaster was applied over more than one-half the surface, black spots and all. By this application.

he said, the disease was prevented from extending itself over the parts to which the remedy was applied ; yet he was sorry to acknowledge that this remedy did not effect a complete cure, and bring ease and comfort to the black spots ; that, in them, the evils of the disease still continued, and that the pains and sufferings which those spots still manifest, are such that even the parts where " the blister drew," cannot be said to be entirely healed. But, as the sore had become gangrenous upon those portions of the body to which the application had never been made, he held it right and proper to employ it there', in order to prevent the disease from spreading over parts where the skin had ahvays been sound. But being not exactly clear in his own mind that the remedy he proposed would have the desired effect, he candidly stated that only a few years before his brother Colonization took charge of the case, a remedy similar to the one he was now proposing had been again tried; but the blister was not fairly drawn before the symptoms of convulsion in the patient grew so strong, that a large portion of the plaster was cut off, and it was not allowed to extend beyond a certain line upon the bod}^ This had the eflect of allaying the irritability of the patient. Yet tliat the remedy Avas a good one, he had not the least doubt ; for, so far as the plaster

TOTIIEBLACKMAN. 29

was allowed to take effect, there was no appearance of these black spots in a malignant form ; and rather than not try the remedy, he would apply it if he was sure that it would convulse the whole body of the patient, even to dissolution! He made the application, and it had the effect of producing convulsions throughout the whole system ; so much so, that fears began to be entertained upon all sides, that the constitution of Uncle Samuel would give way under the operation. The doctor was then compelled to yield to the solicitations of many of the old gentleman's old advisers — who were men that believed he had a constitution so strong and so well balanced for the attainment of good health, that it would naturally throw off, in time, the scrofulous disease inherited from his ancestors. The doctor had to submit to the compromise. But he did not do it gracefully, or with a good will. He still says that he cannot be mistaken in the prognostics of the disease, and that he will continue from time to time to apply the proper remedy, although the patient should die under the operation. Thus far, however, his efforts seem to tend towards an aggravation of the disease upon those parts of the body where the sore is most deeply rooted. This sore has in many instances assumed a most inflammatory character ; it has become more poinful in itself; it festers, and throws off a vast quantity of frothy matter ; it requires more bandaging to keep it within its old limits. Even the pressure of the bandages aggravate the disease. It cannot be said that the abolition doctor has accomplished much by the application of any of his remedies. Yet I think it must be allowed that he has effected much more by his assiduous inquiries into the nature of the disease, and that he is not unreasonable in his opinion, that the death of the patient is inevitable if the disease be not cured. He has brought all right-minded men to a full conviction that he is correct in his jprognostlcs, though he is w^rong in his remedies !