The issue, presented in a series of letters on slavery

Front matter

Qass.

Book.

THE ISSUE

Contents

LETTER I. p^cE.

Answers to seven questions. Influence of the Colonization Society a the bouth. Action of pious people— difficulties in the way of

fhf A "•ci^"^^'" o'""'] "^ ^^" slaves-northern aid-influence of the Ann-Slavery Society at the South. Southern vicMs of the right 01 slavery. -

Letter V

The present excitement on this subject is injurious to truth to the abo it.onists themselves, to the master and the slave-The deba e excluded from the South, and good interrupted- T!. • ! .. ... 31

LETTER VT.

Slavery originally forced on the southern states:— Nature of th^ proposal now made to them, to rehnquish th ir property and Zt themselves poor-This they will not do tillToSed of duty-Bitter mveciive wUl not convince-A plan proposed-. • - 39

VI CONTENTS.

LETTER VII. Page

Objections answered — Negroes held as property — ^Unkind interfc rence — Right of slavery again — The true distinction — Law of love — Anti-Slavery Society of Maine, their noble resolution — Agency offered. • 44 *

Letter VIII

. ^ The issue — Ami- Slavery Societies, their origin, character, motive, ^ course of action — Premises defective^Liberty, a natural right, ^ ji defined and illustrated, tested. — Measures, pursued — The issue a ^ ^, division of the Union — This avowed — state of public opinion at the South — Resolution of Mr. Thompson, false in point of fact — Proved — United States Mail at Charleston — Mr. Dresser in Tennessee — End of this course. 51

LETTER I. South Carolina, -A-Ug. 12, 1835

Dear Brother, — The subject to which you particularly call my attention is no longer a "delicate subject." I am willing to say nothing to you in relation to it, which I would not desire to say to every minister, every man and woman in New England. The time has come when, as you say, " Something, by way of light and persuasion on the subject of slavery, must be done," — and I may add, not for the South alone.

I regret that I cannot answer your very candid letter, before the "Convention on the subject of slavery," which, you say, is to be held in Portland on the 12th inst. That is now impossible. But I will pray the Author of all light to direct you, and I trust the candor expressed in your letter, and which I know pervades your character, will characterize the meeting, and that it may result in great good to the poor slaves, for whose benefit it is called.

It appears to me that two inquiries, when you are met, will exhaust the subject. First, What ca?i we do ? And then, What ought we to do ? It is plain that you ought not to do what you cannot do, — probably not all even that you can do. You cannot interfere with the subject by legislation, at least, so far as the respective states are concerned. That is settled by the Constitution. You can, however, seek an amendment of the Constitution. This is provided for in the instrument itself. And only in that method prescribed for amending the Constitution, cart you act on the subject through the government. You cannot address the slaves themselves on the subject. To this? course, there are not only insurmountable moral, but physical objections; you would not excite rebellion if you could, and you would not be permitted to approach them with that design if disposed. Yon cannot benefit the slaves by violence, either in the use of physical force, or opprobrious epithets, or by crimination of the motives or conduct of their masters. You cannot give them their freedom, nor teach them, nor find access to them, except hy the voluntary consent of their masters. But you can impart "light," if you have it, and use "persuasion," and open yourselves to the same influence — and this is what you ought to do.

The questions propounded in your letter, I will answer briefly and in all candor. Some more full statements than are now at hand, I will communicate in other letters.

"i. What is the actual influence of the American Coloni- :iation Society at the South, and do its warmest friends now think it will ever remove slavery from the land?^' I answer: it is not easy for me to say what the actual influence of the American Colonization Society is at the South, as to the extent of that influence. The reflecting"part of the community, I believe, are friendly to it, as calculated to relieve this country from a portion of its most miserable population, the free blacks ; but principally as a means of introducing the Gospel into Africa, and preventing or diminishing the slave trade. Its ability to remove slavery from the land must depend on other friends of the slaves besides their owners. These masters cannot, if they would, hire themselves to give up their property. Is it not enough that they manumit their slaves? Has the black man no other friends to help him ? There are now, and always have been, masters who are ready to give up their slaves, if others will transport them. They can do no more. You are aware that the laws of this and many other states prohibit, for the best of reasons, that slaves should be ^et free without transportation — that is, a removal from the state.

"2. What do pious people at the South intend to do in order ever to bring slavery to an end?" They intend to seek the moral and intellectual elevation of their slaves, and prepare them for a better world, and for whatever the providence of God may appoint for them here. The way is now dark, and they appear willing to receive "light." This, however, must come from some other source than from those who begin by calling them villains, and by asserting- what the slaveholders themselves know to be false in point of fact. The people of the South are as ready as the people of the North to make sacrifices. Show them any course that commends itself to their judgment, and they are as little blinded by a selfish or avaricious spirit as any people on earth.

"3. Is there any greater difficulty in the way of its abolition than there was in the British dominions ?^^ I answer: that I do not kn^ow of any. But who will purchase these slaves ? The British government will not as they did those of the West India Islands. V/ili the friends of the negroes at the North do it ? I should be glad to see the experiment tried in this country, and then we should know where the difficulty lies. The experiment there, however, is but half perfected. The negroes are free. It remains to be proved whethBr their freedom is to be a blessing to them.

" 4. What is done for the instruction and salvation of the colored people?'''' I answer: much is done. Some pious masters de\^ote themselves entirely to the religious instruction of their slaves. They are generally instructed by the ministers. In many places the time of the clergy is equally divided between the whites and blacks. In many of our churches, the majority of communicants are blacks. In some sections, where they are numerous, missionaries are employed for their exclusive benefit. But I will not enlarge, as I shall take an opportunity to furnish you with statistics, and more minute information on this subject.

"5. Is the way open for the people of the North, through the medium of the American Home Missionary Society, or in any other way, to do any thing for the religious instruction and moral improvement of the slaves by preaching the Gospel to them?'' I answer: the black population are entirely accessible to religious teachers, and ministers are called for and generally welcomed by the owners, who are willing to contribute liberally to their support. Under the present state of excitement ministers coming directly from the North are, of course, looked upon with jealousy. No northern minister, however, who has an established character, is obstructed in his endeavors to instruct the negroes.

"6. What infiuence do you think is exerted at the South, by the Anti-Slavery Societies of the North ?" " The Anti- Slavery Societies of the North," as I understand, comprize those who, in opposition to all others, require ema?icipation of the slaves immediately, and at all hazards. They oppose gradual emancipation, and Colonization and all plans of amelioration with the same uncompromising application of their abstractions, and with the same bitter invective, and the same reckless disregard to consequences, as they oppose slavery itself. I know of no good influence, which these societies have exerted or can exert here. They have undoubtedly been productive of great evil. No one here believes their schemes practicable. If literally practicable, every man knows that their execution would be attended by the most disastrous consequences both to master and slave. There was never, perhaps, greater unanimity on any subject than the whole South presents on this. I do not know of a single southern man in this State, wherever he may have be^n born, or whatever his profession, who is not decidedly opposed to the principles of the Anti-Slavery Societies of the North. And the negro has as firm friends here as any where. There are many men at the South who have made themselves poor for the benefit of the slaves — who have "cast in all that they had." Who at the North has done this ? Here are men who have relinquished fortunes of twenty, thirty, fifty, and one hundred thousand dollars for the sake of giving liberty to the enslaved. Who at the North has done so much ? Many more are ready to do it so soon as they can be convinced it will bring a real blessing on their slaves. What abolitionist has done so much ? Not the North alone is liberal in this matter. The South is liberal. Let the course of duty be known, and dollars and cents will have little influence to obstruct or aid the execution of this duty. But let me say, the principles of

LETTERS ON SLAVERY. li

the abolitionists, can never prevail here. They will be opposed at the threshold. That interposition will never be permitted — tha4; emancipation cannot now be effected. Blood may flow — ^but the fetters of the slave will be riveted the stronger. The country may be deluged in blood, but it will only serve to perpetuate slavery. This is the "in« fluence exerted at the South by the Anti-Slavery societies of the North." So far as the negro is concerned, these societies could do nothing worse for him, were they his worst enemies. This is the sentiment of the best friends of the slaves, and especially of those who are most anxious for a policy, which shall result in final emancipation- Northern men at the South too are unanimous on this subject. The political i?iflucnce of this great moral question, I will remark upon in a future letter. And lest the motives under which I write, should be mistaken, let me say — that, although now in the midst of a slave population, I can be influenced by no regard to the opinions of those about me. I do not intend to continue my residence in a slave country. But my views of the right of slavery form a different subject from the question, What is now our duty in regard to the slaves of our country ! That distinction I will endeavor hereafter to consider.

" 7. Do Christian people, if there are any, who hold slaves, think it is right ? And that it would be right, if in comirig years, the scale should be turned, and the colored people should enslave the descendants of their present masters, and treat them just as they are now treated?^'' You know, my dear brother, that Christians at the South hold slaves, do you not? You did not, therefore, intend to imply that tlie piety of a slaveholder must be doubtful. There are those, who cast such imputations — who indeed can hardly cast any thing else. But I will not presume you designed it, because the language you use does not necessarily require that construction. Nothing is gained by such imputations. Much, now not to be recovered, has already been lost. Most Christians, in answering this question, would require a distinction to be made between the right of slavery in the abstract, and the "right" as applied to the circumstances in which they are placed, and would answer the question differently in the two cases. But as

2*

12 LETTERS 0?f SLAVERY.

a more full answer to this question will come into connection with a branch of the subject I have reserved for another letter, I will not introduce it in this, already too extended. The second branch of the question will then also, naturally, come under consideration. In the meantime permit me, dear brother, in the love of my country as an American citizen, and the love of the church as imposing the strongest obligation on us all, to subscribe myself in every latitude your attached brother.

LETTER II. South CaroU7ia, Aug. 15, 1832

Rev. Silas McKeen :

Dear Brother,— In reply to your question, " What is done for the instruction and salvation of the colored people ?"— I have already said something ; and now propose to add such facts as lie directly within my reach.

Within a few years, increased efibrts have been made by Christian masters, and by ministers, to impart religious instruction to the slave population, and brmg them under a moral influence. Great efforts have been made by the legislature, by enacting severe penalties to prevent irregular trading with them by unprincipled white persons, in which they were always under temptations to steal articles for traffic, and purchase in return intoxicating liquors. The vice of intemperance has been, by this and other means, greatly diminished among them. The Sabbath is very generally regarded as a day of rest, if not of devotion. I have rarely, for several years, seen it made by them a day of amusement, as I am told it formerly was. Great and increasing care is used by masters to remove the most common sources of temptation, to provide for them good and separate sleeping apartments, to promote and encourage the marriage relation, and give a due respect to families by special indulgences and privileges. Provision is generally made in the construction of churches to accommodate them in separate seats, and in some places churches are fitted up especially for their separate use. Sabbath school and family instruction is extended to them extensively by religious families ; and, as a missionary field, the black population of our plantations is attrading the attention, and enlisting the voluntary services of all who can feel the missionary spirit, or be warmed into action by the love of souls.

So much is true in regard to the individual and separate efforts of Christians to promote the spiritual interests of their slaves. In most of the ecclesiastical bodies of the several religious denominations, the same spirit is manifested.

The Synod of South Carolina and Georgia have made the religious condition of our slave population a subject of special consideration for several years. In regard to the spirit which prevails in this Synod, I will state a fact, as the best illustration I can give. An intelligent gentleman from the North, who attended on the Sessions of our last meetings and heard the discussions on this subject, declared to me that he was entirely satisfied, and that meeting had done much to mitigate and destroy the strong prejudices against southern slavery, with which he had just come into the country. This remark referred, of course, to slavery as it ?ioiu exists at the South. Nor does our action end in eloquent speeches. Resolutions have annually been passed expressive of the obligations of ministers, churches, and masters, to extend the means of grace among the slaves, both designed and calculated to excite the members of our communion to diligence in their duty. Nor is this all. These principles have been followed out, and great and increasing efforts have been made in behalf of the African race among us. Our clergy generally pay a particular attention to their black congregations. Many of them give the entire afternoon of the Sabbath to them. Sunday schools among them are almost universally organized. Several of our most talented and most promising young ministers are devoting their entire services to the blacks, and, to do this, have declined calls to some of the most distinguished stations in our Church.

Our Synod, at its last meeting, appointed a committee to " take into consideration the propriety and expediency of forming a Society for the religious instruction of the colored population." This was done at that time in consequence of a proposal from the Synods of Virginia and North Carolina to form a Southern Society for this purpose, called "The Southern Evangelical Society." This committee have prosecuted the duties of their appointment with great zeal and faithfulness, and will be prepared to report at our next meeting at Columbia in November.* Measures will then no doubt be taken, which may be, on due deliberation, thought best calculated, subject to the laws of the land, to promote the religious character and salvation of the slaves.

A reference to the religious statistics of the principal denominations will furnish further evidence of the degree of attention paid to the instruction of the slave population. The Methodists are perhaps better organized and more efficient in this service than either of the other denominations. They have eight missionaaies entirely devoted to the black population, and their preachers are very successfully as well as actively devoted to this part of their charge throughout their respective circuits. Their Church embraces, in this State 30,000 members, of whom about 20,000 are blacks.

The Episcopal Church has 2500 members, of whom 600 are blacks.

The Baptist Church has 36,000, of whom, according to the best estimate that can be made, about 20,000 are blacks.

The Presbyterian Church has about 8000 members, of whom, in the entire absence of separate reports, I reckon 3000 blacks.

The Reformed Presbyterians have 50 communicants — the Associate Reformed 2155 — the Associate 140, making in the aggregate 2345 ; of these I suppose at least 345 may be blacks.

The Lutheran Church number nearly 2000 communicants, including several hundred blacks.

A few other fragments of other denominations may add 1000 to the number of Protestant professing Christians in this state, making in the aggregate nearly 88,000 communicants in the whole population. Multiply this by 6,

♦ This committee made their report, which, on account of the public excitement then existing, was laid on the table, and the whole subject has slept to the present time. This is one effect of the abolition movements.

and you will have 528,000, very nearly the present pop* ulation of the state.

If you now subtract 51,000 from 315,000 the last census of the slave population, for the immense emigrations to the West during the last six years, you will have a slave population of 264,000, numerically equal* to the whites, and with 45,000 black communicants you will have a larger proportion of black than of white communicants. 8 or 10,000 free blacks, I have not brought into this estimate, as there is among them but a single professor of religion within my personal knowledge ; and I am assured also, there are very few in the knowledge of others.

More particulars might be added of a similar character ; but here is an outline, a correct one I believe, of the means now used in this state for the "instruction and salvation of the colored population " I have confined my remarks to South Carolina, that I might more closely testify to what I know. I haA'-e no doubt that a still more favorable statement might be made for Virginia, and perhaps for North Carolina and Georgia. I might also dwell on a very different picture by speaking of the religious destitutions, and vite and misery of the slave population, the picture on which we are accustomed to dwell at our public meetings, when attempting to look at our duty, and excite to redoubled exertions. But I suppose you have had a faithful representation of every thing that can be said on that side. I know it will be cheering to your heart to dwell on a verdant spot of moral vegetation in a field so little cultivated and known.

And now, dear sir, where is the man, who can come into this enclosure, and pronounce the curse of God upon it ? Who can rudely tear down the wall, by which this field is protected, and desolate these little gardens, now green with moral vegetation, fragrant with the flowers of

* This is the best estimate I can make after consulting with some whose ju'lornient may be considered entitled to the most re?pect. The census of 1830 statps the whole population in round numbers at 581,000. Whites 258,000-s!avcs 315,000— free colored 8000 But the s'rong tide of emisration which has been selling westward, for the last five or six years, has greatly diminished the population of this state — particularly of the slaves.

paradise, and bringing forth fruit unto eternal life ? Who would turn this cultivated soil into the wilderness? The abolitionist, if he succeeds, does this. 1 regard not now his motives or his principles — he does this. I can admit no reply to this position, that he will proceed to instruct them as free men instead of slaves. I say still, he does this. He turns an enclosed field into the wilderness. He cannot instruct them with success. He may send the first generation to perdition, and go into the laborious process, employed among other heathen, of educating their children to feel a religious influence. But he loses his hold on one generation. I appeal to facts. Our free black population, your own free black population, are proof. Can we not do better for them? Is it not our duty to do somethino[ better for them .''

I love to dwell on the religious privileges and prospects of our black population, in contrast with their brethren, who remain free in their native deserts. I love to contemplate the wisdom and benevolence of that Providence, which has permitted them to be enslaved that they may become free indeed. I dwell with increasing interest on the prospect, which connects Africa with the fulfilment of her Divine promise, through the converted slaves of this country, transplanted to their original soil wholly a good seed. Africa shall be compensated for her wrongs, and repaid an hundred fold. Mothers have bewailed their sons torn by violence from their embrace, and subjectted to slavery — but when these mothers have gone to the account of those, who have "sinned without law," and the inhuman slave dealer to the account of those, who have " sinned in the law," these sons shall return again to their native shores, free and "white in the robes of the Lamb," to proclaim liberty to Africa groaning under a sorer bondage, hailing Christian America under God, "^Ae Deliverer OF OUR RACE." While I greatly fear that Great Britian, in a noble endeavor to act nobly, has precipitated her colonial slaves to a deeper ruin, I would ask for myself and for my country, such a distinction in the annals of Africa as I have just recorded.

LETTER III South Carolina, Avg. 18, 1835

Rev. Silas McKeen :

Dear Brother, — You ask : " Do Christian people, if there are any, who hold slaves, think it is right? And that it would be right, if, in coming years, the scale should he turned and the colored people should enslave the descendants of their present masters and treat them just as they are now treated /"'

This question is intended as a pinch. The enslavement of their descendants is not a contingency contemplated by the people of the South. The answer, however, to the last part of this question, if answered at all, would be consistent with their present practice, I say in candor, that on the supposition that my descendants should be placed in precisely the condition of the slaves in this country my prayer would be that they might be spared the false friendship of a generation of abolitionists. My principles as expressed, I should desire to have applied to myself, to my descendants, in a change of circumstances. You do not understand me as justifying the manner in which the slaves are " now treated" by bad masters and bad men, nor do I suppose that you expected to have the question answered by such men. You seek an answer from reflecting men ; from Christian men ; and in this view I have given you a reply. Believe me, Christian masters seek to act conscientiously in this matter ; they apply the law of love in retaining their slaves in bondage, and good men here are the very last men, who will practically be influenced by the abolition principles. This may appear a marvellous doctrine to some, but it will be strictly verified in the extremity of the experiment.

All the reasoning of abolitionists, whose motives I would by no means impugn, and whose benevolence is worthy of sounder argument — all their reasoning whiclj has fallen under my particular observation, seems to be briefly this, " Slavery is a sin. The only proper treatment of sin is to leave ofl" sinning, entirely, of every kind and degree, at once and forever. Therefore, immediate emancipation is the duty of all who hold slaves." This argument is as fallacious as it is specious. Let it be examined by your child. He has caught an animal of the forest, and for his mere selfish gratification has confined it in a cage, deprived of the free air and liberty of its native mountains and plains. You teach him from the morality of the Emancipator or New- York Evangelist. It is a sin, my child to deprive this simple animal of its native freedom for your own personal gratification. Therefore, you must go straight and open the door of its cage and let him out to be devoured by the dogs. Would not the boy confound you by the morality of his own little Sunday School books ? Would he not say : — " Your premises are right. It is wrong to deprive even the meanest animal of liberty and happiness, for which, in his measure, the God of nature has fitted him — but it would be more wicked still to let him loose among the dogs, where a greater evil must befall him, and double injustice be done. I can do much better for him. I will return him to his native woods and restore him safely to his range of freedom." Try the argument by your own views of justice and personal convenience. Your horse has been stolen. The hor§e has been off'ered for sale, and I have bought him and paid my money. I have put him to my own service — your horse to my service. Convinced at length the horse is yours, I open my gate and turn him out into the high way to stray still farther from his rightful owner, or to be taken up a^ain and sold. I cannot keep a stolen horse a minute. Would you think I did " right ?" No.

Now you ask me — " do good people who hold slaves think it is right V I answer : I believe slavery, in the abstract, or the subjection of freemen to a state of bondage is regarded by Christian people to be wrong. But they do not believe that immediate emancipation of their

20 LETTERS ON SLAVER^*

staves would be " right.''^ And, therefore, under the circumstances, they do think it is " righV for them to hold slaves. They believe it would be doing the slave great injustice to abandon him so. They think they can do much better for him, that they owe him something, and I believe that pious people at the South are disposed to restore to the slave " four fold" for all the injustice that has been done to him.

Let me introduce you to the plantation of my friend, the Rev. Mr. B. He is a Presbyterian clergyman, and has several hundred slaves, and is entirely devoted to their religious instruction. They form his congregation. He regulates them by wholesome laws and considers them all as members of his family. They are required to work regularly, but not hard. He requires of them, perhaps, one third the labor which a New England farmer commonly demands of his son, and this is a very fair graduation of the amount of the slave labor generally at the South. They assemble at an early hour in the evening in the chapel, where they receive daily religious instruction. If difficulties have occurred on the plantation during the day, or wrongs been committed, they are all settled here. A public reprimand in the chapel is commonly regarded as the most dreaded punishment which can be inflicted. On the Sabbath, they form his congregation of hearers, and attend on Sunday school instructions. They are provided with every comfort of life, and made as happy in this world's goods as they are capable of being. Their houses arc good, their food suitable and abundant, and the plantation, with all its goods, is theirs so far as it can contribute to their wants. When the master sells his crop, he purchases a new suit of clothes for each of his slaves of the same material with his own, and they all appear in the chapel clad in similar fabric. They are contented and happy, in the way of improvement, and many of them, in the way, it is believed, of eternal life.