Ireland yesterday and today

Introduction

The Irish people owe much to America — more, perhaps, than to any other nation in existence. The friendship between the two countries has been of long standing. The Irish exiles, driven forth by the exactions of landlordism in the early years of the eighteenth century, powerfully contributed to the victory of Washington and to the establishment of the republic on a basis of strength and security. The idea of the Irish Volunteers, who won.Grattan's Parliament, came from America. In the "dark and evil days" of '98, and during the post-Union struggles, down to the time of the Great Famine, Ireland could always command a large and generous sympathy in America. Whilst the British government refused to recognize the extent of the Famine, which was the direct consequence of British misrule, the American government forwarded shiploads of food and clothing for our starving people.

When the Great Clearances swept millions of our race from the homes of their fathers and doomed them to emigration beyond the seas, America gave them a welcome with open arms. The leaders of the Young Ireland movement and of the Fenian movement found hospitality and help in America. And, when Parnell appeared upon the scene, it was America that hailed him as the deliverer of his country and gave the greatest impetus to his success. Since then the sympathy and support of America for Ireland have been never-failing.

When I refer to America in this connection, I do not mean merely Irish-America, from which Ireland naturally expects support, both sentimental and material. I mean America as a whole, the thinking men of all parties in the republic, whose sympathy constitutes one of the greatest assets of the Irish movement for national self-government, because it is morally impossible for England to maintain in vi INTRODUCTION

Ireland a system which the judgment of America reprobates and condemns.

This sympathy of America has been made manifest in many ways, but in none more constantly or more effectively than in the public press of the country. Some of the greatest of American newspapers have been steadfast and persistent champions of the Irish cause, and amongst the most widely circulated and most influential of these great molders of public thought and action a high place of honor must be given to The North American, of Philadelphia, the reputation of which, as a leading exponent of American ideals, is not confined to< the United States, but enjoys a recognition which is world-wide.

Some seven years ago, when the Irish movement was passing through one of its most exciting and critical stages, the proprietors of The North American sent one of the ablest members of their staff, Mr. Hugh Sutherland, over to Ireland to> describe, for the information of the American people, the Irish situation as he found it. The result was a series of brilliant and illuminating articles, which attracted widespread attention, and which served to concentrate American interest on the nature and the importance of the struggle which was then taking place in Ireland.

Meantime, the Irish cause has been marching on, and the effects of the concessions wrung by the Irish Party from 1 the British Parliament have begun to make themselves apparent in various directions. In order to describe these effects and to strengthen the appeal of the Irish people to America for a continuance of its sympathy and support during the final stages of the national movement, Mr. Sutherland was this summer again deputed by The North American to visit Ireland and to record his impressions of its changed condition as compared with that when he previously visited it, and this he did in a second series of letters no less remarkable than the first.

The publication of these letters in book form and their wide circulation in America cannot fail to be of enormous service to Ireland. Without, of course, binding myself to an absolute acceptance of every opinion expressed in the letters, I have no hesitation in stating that I recognize in

INTRODUCTION vii

them a powerful, eloquent and convincing plea on behalf of Ireland. They exhibit a thorough and comprehensive grasp of the Irish question in all its details, historical, political, moral and material, and for these reasons I heartily commend this volume to the serious consideration of American politicians and thinkers of all parties and of all creeds.

Aughavannagh, Aughrim,

County Wicklow, Ireland, November 12, 1909.

Preface

This book is made up from letters written by the Associate Editor of The North American, of Philadelphia, and published in that newspaper in 1902 and 1909. During these two years the writer visited Ireland and studied the conditions which have given rise to the complex and interesting problem known as "the Irish Question." The volume records his observations at these two periods.

The first section, "The Problem of the Land," comprises the letters of 1902. The second section, "The Land Problem Solved," comprises letters on the economic conditions found in 1909, and sets forth the wonderful progress made in seven years toward accomplishing the vast and intricate task of replacing landlordism by a system of tenant proprietorship. The third section, also written in 1909, is a discussion of "The Demand for Home Rule."

When The North American undertook, seven years ago, the treatment of these matters the Irish Question was little understood by Americans. Generations of agitation, marked often by bitter factional strife, had even dulled public interest in a problem affecting the very life of a sister nation. Moreover, the American press had acquired a habit of ignoring or slighting the Irish struggle for justice. This avoidance was due, first, to a fear of arousing sectarian animosities, and, second, to indifference. The North American had no such fear, having confidence in the good sense and fairness of American public opinion when rightly informed, and felt no such indifference toward the fate of a people bound to this nation by strong ties of blood and sympathy.

It is creditable to American newspapers that to-day they discuss the economic problems and the national demands of Ireland far more freely and frankly than ever before. It is creditable to Great Britain that she is dealing courageously and broad-mindedly with the urgent needs of land reform, and that public opinion, even in England, now indorses the century-old demand of Ireland for self-government, no less than five hundred of the six hundred and seventy members of the present House of Commons being advocates of Home Pule.

The purpose of this book is to present an American view of both economic and political conditions in Ireland seven years ago and to-day, partly for the interest such presentation may have for those

PREFACE ix

of Irish blood and sympathy, but chiefly for the information of the American public and American newspapers. The material has been gathered through personal observation of conditions and personal examination of official reports and records. Beyond this, most of the proofs have been read by government officials, and the facts and figures in regard to the government works may be accepted as accurate. For the comment thereon, of course, the writer alone is responsible.

The historical summaries, particularly those referring to the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, have been sharply assailed by readers moved by religious feelings ; hut, as the authors quoted are in most instances of British birth and sympathies, the statements can hardly be challenged as prejudiced in favor of the Irish view. It is impossible to treat adequately, in a few pages, the history of seven hundred years ; but the writer is satisfied that what is written is true and necessary to an understanding of the economic and political conditions of to-day.

As to the religious factor, this is discussed somewhat informally, but quite frankly, in the "Postscript" on page 225. It might not be a bad idea to read the postscript before reading the book.

Authorities consulted by the writer included many government records, such as the reports of the Devon Commission (1845) ; Department of Agriculture; Land Commission; Estates Commissioners; Congested Districts Board; Local Government Board, and Irish Universities Commission, besides the numerous Acts of Parliament dealing with land, laborers, local government and education; the speeches of Gladstone, Bright, Derby, Bedmond and other leaders, and the writings of Bryce, John Richard Green, Goldwin Smith, Lecky, etc. Valuable material was gleaned from the following books :

"The Kingdom of Ireland" (1887), by Charles George Walpole; a history to the time of the Union.

"Ireland and the Empire" (1901), by T. W. Russell, Unionist M. P.

"A Hundred. Years of Irish History" (1902), by R. Barry O'Brien.

"The Fall of Feudalism in Ireland" (1904), by Michael Davitt.

"Ireland and the Home Rule Movement" (1907), by Michael F. J. McDonnell.

"Contemporary Ireland" (1908), by L. Paul-Dubois; an exhaustive study by a French scholar and historian.

"The Making of Ireland and Its Undoing" (1909), by Alice Stopford Green (Mrs. John Richard Green); an impressive historical narrative of the destruction of Irish commerce and industries by legislation.

"Dublin Castle and the Irish People" (1909), by R. Barry O'Brien; a minute and authoritative account of the present system of government in Ireland.

The writer is glad to acknowledge especially the courtesy and x PREFACE

aid of Mr. Henry Doran, Chief Land Inspector of the Congested Districts Board, whose skill as an administrator and tireless devotion to an arduous office have had much to do with the economic transformation in the most unfortunate parts of Ireland. Acknowledgment is due, also, to John Dillon, M. P., for assistance in gathering facts, and to John E. Redmond, M. P., Chairman of the Irish Parliamentary Party, for his valued and effective Introduction.

One word more may be permitted in regard to the publication of this book. Its purpose was best explained in a letter from the writer to Michael J. Ryan, Esq., of Philadelphia, President of the United Irish League of America, which was read by him at a mass meeting in the Academy of Music, Philadelphia, on November fifth, 1909. The letter was as follows:

"I regret that I find it impossible to accept your invitation to appear at to-night's meeting. ... I should be very much gratified, however, if you would make an announcement by reading this letter and adding such comments as may occur to you.

"A very strong and flattering demand has been expressed that the letters upon Irish affairs, published in The North American in 1902 and 1909, should be put in book form. Though the interest in the articles was wide and their effectiveness in spreading information upon a little understood subject has been generously commended, The North American feels that their preservation in permanent form will have more lasting results. This thought has been most cordially indorsed by Irish leaders both here and in Ireland. Mr. Redmond and Mr. O'Connor, among others, have written me urging the publication, and the Chairman of the Irish Parliamentary Party has thought it worth while to write an introduction for the book.

"As The North American has no other purpose than to aid in spreading a general understanding of the Irish problem, it sought these indorsements before attempting the publication. Having received them, it enters cordially into the project. * * *

"In this connection I wish to make it perfectly clear that neither The North American nor the writer will take any profit whatsoever from the publication. The North American has supported the Irish cause because this newspaper's policy demands the advocacy of every movement looking to liberty and good government. It has gone much further in this direction than any other newspaper, because it is convinced that the project is deserving and that it needs persistent championship in order to win for it that without which it would fail — the public opinion of America.

"For these reasons The North American dedicates the forthcoming book to the Irish people, and cordially offers the profits to the

PREFACE xi

advancement of the cause. All who purchase t^e book, therefore, and induce their friends to purchase it, may have the satisfaction of knowing that the proceeds of each copy sold, above the bare cost of publication, will add to the funds of the Irish Nationalist movement.

"In view of these facts, we invite you and all other officers of the League, and all good Irish men and women, to do what you can toward distributing the volume, and making it, so far as it is worthy, an American textbook of Ireland's progress and Ireland's national aspirations."

In regard to the book, the writer has no other ambition than thai this hope shall be realized.

HUGH SUTHERLAND.

Philadelphia, December first, 1909.

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