Front matter
HE MILITARY
OCCUPATION OF iU»H IMERS©** I^TCiilfci:
Glass.
Chapter 1 17
1. The War with Mexico. 2. Causes and Leading Events. 3. Position Claimed by Mexico. 4. The United States and Its Claims. 5. Annexation of Texas No Just Cause for the War. 6. Mexico Begins Hostilities. 7. Congress Declares Existence of War.
Chapter II 38
1. Organization of the Army of the West, Under General S. W. Kearny. 2. March Across the Plains and Concentration at Bent's Fort. 3. The Army Invades New Mexico and Crosses the Raton Mountains. 4. The Army Reaches Las Vegas and General Kearny Makes Address. 5. The Army Moves on the Capital by Way of San Miguel and the Apache Pass. 6. General Manuel Armijo Masses Mexican Forces at Apache Pass. 7. General Kearny Receives Word that Armijo Has Fled and Army Dispersed. 8. Army Proceeds to Santa Fe. 9. General Kearny Takes Possession of Capital and Hoists the American Flag. 10. Proclamation Issued, Claiming New Mexico for the United States. 11. Kearny, with a Substantial Force, Marches Down the Valley of the Rio Grande and Returns to Santa Fe. 12. Kearny, with Portion of the Army, Leaves for California, Colonel Doniphan Remaining in Command at Santa Fe.
Chapter III 95
1. The March to Chihuahua. 2. Colonel Doniphan Ordered Against the Navajo Indians. 3. Treaty with the Navajo Indians by Doniphan. 4. Colonel Doniphan Proceeds Down the Valley of the Rio Grande. 5. Battle of the Brazito. 6. Colonel Doniphan Occupies El Paso. 7. Marches on the City of Chihuahua. 8. The Battle of Sacramento. 9. Occupation of the City of Chihuahua.
10. Departure of Army for Saltillo and Monterey.
11. Return of the Army to the United States.
Page.
Chapter IV 122
1. General Sterling Price in Command at Santa Fe. 2. The Archuleta Conspiracy. 3. The Taos Revolution. 4. The Killing of Governor Charles Bent. 5. The Battles of La Canada, Embudo, Taos and Mora. 6. The Leaders Are Tried by Court Martial and Hanged. 7. Fight with Indians at Red River Canon. 8. Fight at Las Vegas and Destruction of the Town. 9. Fight at Arroyo Hondo. 10. Fr. Antonio Jose Martinez. 11. Legislative Assembly Under Military Rule. 12. Differences Between Military and Civil Authorities. 13. Formation of the Territory of New Mexico.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES.
1. General Stephen Watts Kearny 203
2. Governor Donaciano Vigil 207
3. Willard P. Hall 230
4. Diego Archuleta 238
5. Thomas H. Benton 250
6. Carlos Beaubien 267
7. Christopher (Kit) Carson. 271
8. Manuel Antonio Chaves 285
9. Nicolas Pino 310
10. David Waldo 323
11. William Gilpin 337
12. John W. Reid 346
13. Francis P. Blair, Jr 368
14. General Sterling Price 358
15. Henry Connelly 365
1 6. James Magoffin 376
17. Antonio Jose Otero 361
18. Richard Hanson Weightman 381
ILLUSTRATIONS
Subject. Page.
Portrait of General Stephen Watts Kearny 3
Portrait of General A. W. Doniphan 18
Government Scout — He Led the Way 22
The Army of the West Crossing the Great Plains 25
Old Fort Bent 27
A Valuable Aid to the Commissary Department 30
The Army Crossing the Sapello 34
General Kearny Addressing the People of Las Vegas .... 37
The Army Leaving Las Vegas for Santa Fe 39
Ruins of Pecos Pueblo — Ancient Aztec Kiva 42
Ruins of Old Catholic Church at Pecos Pueblo 44
Alcalde of Pecos Announcing Flight of General Armijo. . 47
The Army at Apache Pass 51
Portrait of General Manuel Armijo 55
Fac-Simile of Proclamation of General Armijo 58-59
Raising American Flag Over Old Palace 66
Old Palace, 1909 68
Proclamation of General Kearny at Santa Fe .70-71
Fac-Simile of Oath of Allegiance of Juan Bautista Vigil y
Alarid 76-77
Plan of Santa F6 and Its Environs 81
Portrait of Governor Charles Bent 85
Fac-Simile of Page of Stamped Paper 88
General Kearny and Command on the Gila, En Route
to California 90
Santo Domingo Indians Entertaining Kearny and Staff. . . 92
Fac-Simile of Page of Kearny Code 94
Portrait of General Doniphan at Seventy Years of Age ... 97
Portrait of General Sterling Price, 1846 99
General Doniphan Concluding Treaty with Navajo Indians 101 General Doniphan's Command Crossing the Jornada del
Muerto 1 03
Plan of the Battle of Brazito 104
Fac-Simile of Black Flag Carried by Mexicans at Battle
of Brazito 106
The Battle of Brazito 108
Subject. Page.
Cannon Captured at Battle of Sacramento 110
Plan of the Battle of Sacramento 112
Charge of Captain Reid at Sacramento 114
The Missouri Mounted Volunteer 117
Old Church at Taos 126
Battle of Taos— Death of Captain Burgwin 130
Portrait of Fr. Antonio Jose Martinez 135
Battle of Mora 137
Fight at Las Vegas 143
Monument to General Doniphan at Liberty, Missouri 189
Portrait of Gen. S. W. Kearny 202
Portrait of Donaciano Vigil 206
Portrait of Willard P. Hall 229
Portrait of Don Diego Archuleta 238
Fac-Simile of Certificate of Decoration of Cross of Honor
to Archuleta by Mexican Government 241
Don Diego Archuleta in Plaza, 1884 245
Fac-Simile of Brigadier General's Commission to Archuleta by Governor Connelly 246
Portrait of Thomas H. Benton 249
Portrait of Carlos Beaubien 266
Portrait of Christopher (Kit) Carson 270
est Pueblo at Taos 273
Old Home of Carson at Taos 276
Grave of Carson at Taos 281
Portrait of Manuel Antonio Chaves 284
Portrait of Nicolas Pino 309
Portrait of David Waldo 322
Portrait of William Gilpin 336
Portrait of John W. Reid 345
Portrait of General Sterling Price 357
Portrait of Governor Henry Connelly 364
Portrait of Frank P. Blair 367
Portrait of James Magoffin 375
Portrait of Richard Hanson Weightman 380
Introduction
A comprehensive history of New Mexico remains to be written. Many books and pamphlets, covering various periods in its history, have been published but no one of them is entirely free from errors and inaccuracies.
The general lack of knowledge of the events which have transpired in this portion of our country, even during so brief and recent a period of our history as that covered by this volume, displayed by the average citizen in casual conversation, has prompted and induced its preparation. While making no special pretense as an historical writer, the author has attempted to record, with reasonable accuracy, the events of the American Occupation period. For more than a quarter of a century a citizen of New Mexico, he has always been interested in securing all the information possible relative to its past. No opportunity was lost by way of inquiry of the old residents of the City of Santa F6 and elsewhere during the first years of his residence in the Territory. Almost all of the old men, who were personally cognizant of the affairs of New Mexico during the war with Mexico, have passed away, but in many note books has been faithfully recorded every statement of consequence, bearing upon the history of New Mexico as communicated by them to the author. Old documents, pictures and books and letters have been collected and preserved with scrupulous care.
While yet very young and living in Jackson county, Missouri, the author met and was well acquainted with General Doniphan and Colonel John W.
Reid, who had been a captain in Doniphan's regiment. On many occasions he has listened to a recital of the events transpiring during the great march from the Missouri river to Chihuahua. General Doniphan was always willing to tell of his experiences. Colonel Reid often told of the battles of Brazito and Sacramento. It was he who actually led a charge of cavalry up the hill at Sacramento, against an enemy entrenched and resisting with heavy artillery the assault of the gallant Missouri volunteers. From him was learned the story of the battle of Brazito, how the black flag waved from the lance of the Mexican officer who demanded the surrender of Doniphan, the flight of Ponce de Leon, the Mexican general, the defeat of the enemy at Sacramento, the occupation of Chihuahua, its evacuation and the army's march to join General Zachary Taylor. These stories made great impressions; the pictures formed of battles, of fights with Indians, the hunting of buffalo, the treaty with the Navajos and the descriptions of localities and individuals, have never been eradicated and are as vivid and as realistic as though of yesterday.
New Mexico, in its more than three centuries of Spanish, Mexican and American control, has been the theatre of much historic drama. Here is presented to the student a wonderful field of historic research. The American Occupation period has been chosen as the one most easily described, and, at the same time, one of the most interesting in the history of the American people, containing, as it does, the deeds of men who won the West, men whose courage, devotion to country and true citizenship enabled them to "accomplish the greatest military achievement of modern times, a single regiment of citizen soldiers, marching nearly six thousand miles through five states of a foreign nation, living' off the resources of the invaded country, almost annihilating a powerful army, conquering and treating with powerful Indian tribes, and, returning home, graced with the trophies of victory, all with the loss of less than a hundred men."
Such deeds should appeal to every loyal American and should find portrayal in every school house throughout the land, thereby inspiring and instilling the lessons of patriotism, honor, valor and love of country.
In the preparation of this volume occasion has been had to consult the following authorities:
Kendall's Santa F6 Expedition.
Gregg's Commerce of the Prairies.
Marcy's Prairie Traveller.
Bartlett's Explorations in New Mexico.
Reports of Operations of the Army of the West — Emory, Abert, Cooke and Johnston.
Hughes' Doniphan Expedition.
The Doniphan Exposition — Connelley.
Campaigning with Doniphan, Edwards.
Reports of Wheeler and Powell.
Messages of the Presidents, Jackson, Polk and Taylor.
History of New Mexico — Prince.
Letters on The Mexican War — Ex. Document Number GO.
The Vigil Papers — N. M. Historical Society Library.
New Mexican Archives at Washington, D. C.
Court Records — Santa Pe and Taos.
New Mexico Historical Society Library.
The portraits and illustrations are copies of old prints, oil paintings, documents, books and many steel engravings and wood cuts and lithographs. These have been faithfully and artistically reproduced. A number of the illustrations are by K. M. Chapman, an artist of Las Vegas, N. M., drawn from combinations of old pictures and, with the use of historical data and present physical conditions, all are authentic and reliable.
RALPH E. TWITCHELL.
Las Vegas, New Mexico, January 1, 1909.
OF THE
Territory of New Mexico
FROM 1846 TO 185I
THE MILITARY OCCUPATION OF NEW MEXICO,
1846-1851.
Chapter I
1. The War with Mexico. 2. Causes and Leading Events. 3. Position Claimed by Mexico-. 4. The United States and Its Claims. 5. Annexation of Texas No Just Cause. 6. Mexico Begins Hostilities. 7. Congress Declares Existence of War.
Accuracy of knowledge, intimate acquaintance with facts, mastery of the sources of evidence and of statements, are the necessary fundamental factors in historical writing. Great diligence and patience are important adjuncts.
In the presentation of many related truths, the historical writer often finds it most difficult to convey an impression which is itself a composite truth. In the review of some period of the military history of our country a faithful presentation does not necessarily consist in recording every fact and omitting none. Modes of presentation oftentimes give impressions which are contradictory. Facts, it matters not how exhaustively acquired, are merely the stone and mortar of the writer of history. One does not have to be an artist that he may properly examine and read archives, but some thought and study are required for the making of truthful comment as to the significance of their contents.
Proper conclusions demand great research. To obtain them, the facts demand analytical study. The leading features must be grasped. Their relations
Reprint of Portrait in Hughes' Doniphan Expedition.
must be understood, and, with this material in hand, a presentation will be logical.
The true historian delights in sharing the emotions of a great general whose place in history has been fixed by some conspicuous deed of valor.
The writer of history, in his presentation of events occurring during a given period, may be compared to the lawyer in the preparation and presentation of a case. The lawyer first acquaints himself with the facts. He then applies the law and forms his conclusions. The writer of history digests all the accounts of any series of events. From these, varied though they may be, he draws a conclusion. The lawyer, as he brings out the facts for the consideration of a jury, is engaged in preparing the mind of the juror for the formation of a conclusion. Later, in his capacity of advocate, he does not recite to the jury what the witnesses have said verbatim, but, in a logical presentation of the principal facts, endeavors to assist the juror in the formation of a conclusion similar to the one he has himself drawn from a study and investigation of the weight which should attach to each.
So the historical writer should not be merely a narrator, a chronicler. He should not be the witness giving testimony. He should be the lawyer, the advocate, the painter, the artist evolving an historical picture for the mind and creating impressions which result in conclusions.
We have all read historical narrative which, by the superabundance of details and occurrences, even though one read as carefully and as intelligently as is possible, produces a generality of impression, which may be likened to the viewing of a moving picture film ; here and there, as the film unwinds, an incident catches the attention and probably is retained by memory, but of the whole we have nothing but a rapidly moving succession of images to which there is little but beginning and end.
There have been many accounts of the events occurring during the Avar with Mexico. The gallant deeds of Doniphan and his men have been sung in song and story. There have been criticisms of the policy of our government for its prosecution of the war. During and immediately succeeding the war many narratives and memoirs found way into print. The de bates in congress, the reports of commanding officers, the messages of President Polk, the multitude of letters and proclamations, all bear witness, when digested after the lapse of more than half a century, that the dignity and honor of the American people, as voiced by the great majority of the congress of the United States in the Act of May 13, 184G, wherein it was declared that "by the act of the Republic of Mexico, a state of war exists between that government and the United States," demanded that all differences between our country and Mexico existing at that time must be settled by the god of war.
"The world had twice witnessed the extraordinary spectacle of a government, in violation of its own express agreement, rejecting a minister of peace from the United States, clothed with full powers for the amicable adjustment of existing differences/' said President Polk. Modern history presents no case in which, in time of peace, one nation has refused to even hear propositions from another for the termination of existing difficulties between the two. This was the state of affairs when the Act of May 13, 1846, was passed.
It was manifest destiny that the American Republic must sooner or later become the possessor of its present area.
Nine years before the actual commencement of hostilities, President Andrew Jackson was of the opinion that the treatment of American citizens by our sister republic had become intolerable and should be no longer endured. In a message to congress in February, 1837, he said that "the length of time since some of these injuries have been committed, the repeated and unavailing applications for redress, the wanton character of some of the outrages upon the property and persons of our citizens, upon the officers and flag of the United States, independent of recent insults to this government and people by the late extraordinary Mexican minister, would justify, in the eyes of all nations, immediate war." But in a spirit of kindness and forbearance, in a matter of such national concern, unlooked for in a man like Andrew Jackson, he further declared that war should not be used as a remedy "by just and generous nations, confiding in their strength for injuries committed, if it can honorably be avoided," and added, "it has occurred to me that, considering the present embarrassed condition of that country, we should act with both wisdom and moderation by giving to Mexico one more opportunity to atone for the past before we take redress into our own hands, and to avoid all misconception on the part of Mexico, as well as to protect our own national character from re proach, this opportunity should be given with the avowed design and full preparation to take immediate
He Led the Way — Government Scout.
satisfaction, if it should not be obtained on a repetition of the demand for it."
Committees of both houses of congress, to which this message of President Jackson was referred, fully sustained his views of the character of the wrongs which we had suffered from Mexico. In fact, no difference of opinion upon the subject is believed to have existed in congress at that time. Both the executive and the legislative branches of our government concurred, and vet, such was the forbearance and desire to preserve peace, that the wrongs of which our country complained and which gave rise to these solemn proceedings in congress, not only remained unredressed but additional causes of complaint of an aggravated character were constantly accumulating.
POSITION OP MEXICO.
The government of Mexico claimed that the United States was overwhelmed with a desire to extend its territory at the expense of that of Mexico, and that so far as Texas was concerned, it had been the firm and certain determination that the Texas Republic should become a part of the United States. That the American government had connived at it and that this fact created an imperious necessity that Mexico, for her own honor, should repel it with proper ttrnmess and dignity. It was declared by the supreme government of Mexico that it would look upon the annexation of Texas as a casus belli; and, as a consequence, negotiation was by its very nature at an end, and war was the only recourse of the Mexican government.
Mexico declared that agents of the United States had been active in the Republic of Texas, promoting the cause of annexation, and, availing themselves of the statu quo of Mexico, had so prepared and directed affairs that annexation was hastened and effected by means of violence and fraud.
Her statesmen beheld with amazement, at such an enlightened and refined epoch, a powerful and well consolidated state, availing itself of the internal dissensions of a neighboring nation, putting its vigilance to sleep by protestations of friendship, setting in action all manner of springs and artifices, alternately plying intrigue and violence, and seizing a moment to despoil her of a precious territory, regardless of the incontrovertible rights of the most unquestioned ownership and the most uninterrupted possession.
ir Fhe Mexican Minister of Foreign Relations stated that "if war should finally become inevitable, and if, in consequence of this war, the peace of the civilized world should be disturbed, the responsibility will not fall upon Mexico. It will all rest upon the United States ; not upon Mexico, who, with a generosity unequalled, admitted the United States citizens who wished to colonize in Texas, but upon the United States, who, bent upon possessing themselves, early or late, of that territory, encouraged emigration thither with that view, in order that, in due time, its inhabitants, converting themselves from colonists into its masters, should claim the country as their own, for the purpose of transferring it to the United States. Not upon Mexico, who, having in due season protested against so enormous a transgression, wished to remove all cause for controversy and hostilities, but upon the United States, who, to the scandal of the world, and in manifest violation of treaties, gave protection and
'Correspondence between Don J. M. de Castillo y Lanzas and John Slidell, March 12, 1846.
aid to those guilty of a rebellion so iniquitous. Finally, not upon Mexico, who, putting out of view her own dearest interests, through her deference for peace, has entertained as long as was wished, the propositions which, with this view, might be made to her, but upon the United States, who, by frivolous pretexts, evade the conclusions of such an arrangement, proposing peace at the very moment when they are causing their squadrons and their troops to advance upon the ports and frontiers of Mexico, exacting a humiliation impossible to be submitted to, in order to find a pretext, if no reason can be found, which may occasion the breaking out of hostilities."
POSITION TAKEN BY THE UNITED STATES.
In response to the declarations made by the Mexican Minister on Foreign Relations, Honorable John Slidell, Special Envoy of the United States, declared that, in the face of incontrovertible evidence, Mexico had abandoned all intention or even hope of ever reestablishing her authority over any portion of Texas, and that the statement that "Texas had been an integral part of Mexico, not only during the long period of Spanish dominion, but since its emancipation, without any interruption whatever during so long a period," came as a great surprise to him, and to learn that "the United States had despoiled Mexico of a valuable portion of her territory, regardless of. the incontrovertible rights of the most unquestionable property and of the most constant possession," was not sustained, and that from the time of the battle of San Jacinto, in April, 1836, to the moment of writing, Texas had sustained and exhibited the same external signs of national independence as Mexico herself, and
Old Fort Bent.
Reprint from Hughes" Doniphan Expediti with quite as much stability of government ; and, quoting from Mr. Daniel Webster, Secretary of State, "practically free and independent ; acknowledged as a political sovereignty by the principal powers of the world; no hostile foot finding rest within her territory for six or seven years, and Mexico herself refraining for all that period from any further attempt to re-establish her own authority over the territory." "How weak," said Mr. Slidell, "must be the cause which can only be sustained by assertions so inconsistent with facts that are notorious to all the world; and how unfounded are all these vehement declarations against the usurpations and thirst for territorial aggrandizement of the United States! The independence of Texas, then, being a fact conceded by Mexico herself, she has no right to prescribe restrictions as to the form of government Texas might choose to assume, nor can she justly complain that Texas, with a wise appreciation of her true interests, has thought proper to merge her sovereignty in that of the United States."
"The Mexican government can not shift the responsibility of war upon the United States by assuming that they are the aggressors. With what reason does Mexico attribute to the United States the desire of finding a pretext to commence hostilities? The appearance of a feAv ships of war on the Mexican coasts, and the advance of a small military force to the frontier of Texas are cited as evidence that the declarations of desire to preserve the peace are insincere. Surely it can not be necessary to remind your excellency that the menaces of war have all proceeded from Mexico."
"With these avowed intentions on the part of Mexico, and, so far as words can constitute Avar, that state actually existing, with what fairness can she complain of precautions having been taken by the United States to guard against the attacks with which they have been menaced."
On the day following the sending of the letter from which the foregoing extracts have been taken, the ISth day of March, at Matamoras, more than twelve hundred miles from the seat of the Mexican government, General Francisco Mejia, in command of the Mexican forces in that department, delivered an address to the inhabitants of his district and to his soldiers, among other things, declaring:
-"Fellow Countrymen : — With an enemy which respects not its own laws, which shamelessly derides the very principles invoked by it previously, in order to excuse its ambitious views, we have no other resource than arms. We are fortunately always prepared to take them up with glory in defense of our country ; little do we regard the blood in our veins, when we are called upon to shed it in vindication of our honor, to assure our nationality and independence. If, to the torrent of devastation which threatens us, it is necessary to oppose a dike of steel, our swords will form it ; and on their sharp points will the enemy receive the fruits of his anticipated conquest. If the banks of the Panuco have been immortalized by the defeat of an enemy, respectable and worthy of the valor of Mexico, those of the Bravo shall witness the ignominy of the proud sons of the North, and its deep waters shall serve as the sepulchre of those who dare to approach it. The flame of patriotism which burns in our hearts will receive new fuel from the odious pres-
2 Address of General Mejia — Letters on the Mexican War —Ex. Doc. No. 60, page 128.
ence of the conquerors; and the cry of Dolores and Iguala shall be re-echoed with harmony to our ears when we take up our march to oppose our naked breasts to the rifles of the hunters of the Mississippi."
This address was delivered nearly one month prior to the commencement of hostilities and is abundant evidence of the preparations then making by Mexico for a conflict which she evidently courted.
It was also claimed by the American congress and the President of the United States that Mexico, by evasion and the interposition of many forms of difficulty and delay, had twice violated the faith of treaties, by failing and refusing to carry into effect the sixth article of the Convention of January, 1843. That con vention declared, upon its face, that the arrangement between the two countries was entered into for the accommodation of Mexico. Awards for claims against Mexico, for losses sustained by American citizens at the hands of citizens of our sister republic, amounting to several millions of dollars, made by a duly constituted commission appointed by both governments, Mexico was unable to liquidate.
The United States was asked to postpone the time of payment and the request of Mexico was promptly complied with. Again Mexico failed to comply with the terms of the convention, which provided for an indemnity to our citizens for acknowledged acts of outrage and wrong, and refused to make payment. The policy of our government toward Mexico was one of kindness, consideration and forbearance. In addition to her failure to comply with her solemn obligations, as declared by treaty, she was constantly giving cause for new complaints and new demands for indemnity to that extent that, while the citizens of the United States were conducting a lawful commerce with Mexico under the guaranty of a treaty of "amity, commerce and navigation," many suffered all the injuries which would have resulted from open war. The treaties, instead of affording protection to American citizens, were the means of inviting them into the ports of Mexico, that they might be plundered of their property and deprived of their personal liberty, if they dared insist upon their rights. 3
It was believed by the American people and so declared upon the floors of congress, that, 4 "in so long suffering Mexico to violate her most solemn treaty obligations, plunder our citizens of their property and imprison their persons without affording them any redress, we have failed to perforin one of the first and highest duties which every government owes to its citizens" and that "the proud name of American citizen, which ought to protect all who bear it from insult and injury throughout the world, has afforded no such protection to our citizens in Mexico." In a message to congress, President Polk declared : "We had ample cause of war against Mexico long before the breaking out of hostilities; but even then we forebore to take redress into our own hands until Mexico herself became the aggressor by invading our soil in hostile array and shedding the blood of our citizens."
The annexation of Texas to the United States was no just cause for offense to Mexico. It was pretended that such was the case, but the contention is wholly inconsistent with the well-known facts connected with the revolution by which Texas became independent of
'Debates in Congress — 1846.
'Message of President Polk, December 8. 1846.
Mexico. Texas had declared her independence and maintained it for more than nine years. She had an organized government in successful operation during that period. Her separate existence, as an independent state, had not only been recognized by the United States, but by the principal European powers as well. Treaties of commerce and navigation had been concluded with her by different nations, and it had become manifest that any further attempt on the part of Mexico to conquer Texas would be vain. Mexico, herself, had become satisfied of this fact, for, while the question of annexation to the United States was pending before the people of Texas, the Mexican government, by formal act, agreed to recognize the independence of Texas, provided she would not annex herself to any other power. This formal agreement, whether or not the proviso was carried out, was conclusive against Mexico.
Meanwhile the President of the United States had declared that our relations with Mexico were in a very unsettled condition; that a revolution had occurred in Mexico by which the government had passed into the hands of new rulers. 5
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You’ve reached the end of The history of the military occupation of the territory of New Mexico from 1846 to 1851 by the government of the United States : together with biographical sketches of men prominent in the conduct of the government during that period.
