The city guard : a history of Company B First Regiment Infantry, N. G. C. during the Sacramento campaign July 3 to 26, 1894.

Front matter

Shelf M'M* LS^-

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

THE "CITY GUARD"

Preface

On September 1, 1894, shortly after the return of the company from its campaign at Sacramento, a committee of four was appointed, to be known as the history committee, to gather as much material concerning that campaign as possible, and to put it in a readable and concise form. The following were appointed: Lieutenant George Filmer, Corporal A. McCulloch, Privates W. J. Hayes and Wm. D. O'Brien.

The committee began its work enthusiastically and at once, as they believed that the most beneficial results could be attained by " striking while the iron is hot." Their progress was necessarily slow; but when taken in connection with the circumstances, that the committee were engaged in earning their livelihood during the day, and thus limited in their work upon the history to their spare moments, and further, that they also took great care to prevent inaccuracies from creeping into their labors, the progress made, when viewed in this light, cannot be said to be unusually slow.

The idea of publishing a history was not an original idea, but rather it is the result of the gradual development of an incipient idea by a process of evolution containing three distinct steps. First it was only intended to have a short account written of the campaign and pasted in the company's scrapbook; then, with this as a basis, the idea developed into the form of a printed pamphlet, and finally blossomed into the shape in which it now appears.

It was the intention of the committee to have the entire book set up by members of the company who were compositors by trade, and who had kindly volunteered their services. But, on account of the limited time that the volunteer compositors could bestow upon the work, it was found necessary, after about one-half the book had been thus set up, to give the work to an outside publishing house, in order to present to the company a complete history of the campaign before the memory of this memorable event would be beyond the " time of which the mind of man doth not run." And even though the members of the company were unable, through no fault of their own, to set up the entire work, the committee desires to acknowledge its appreciation of the kindness and the valuable assistance given by these members, viz: George Claussenius, W. L. Overstreet, Win. McKaig, J. Brien, and R. E. Wilson.

The committee further desires to thank Lieutenant Hosmer, Adjutant First Battalion, First Regiment Infantry, N. G. C, and Sergeant H. B. Sullivan, "of ours," for the kind assistance they rendered the committee in making negatives of each tent crowd of the company.

It may be well here to mention the fact that at the request of the committee, Captain I. B. Cook consented to write the brief history of the Company. For this work and the thoroughness with which it is done, the committee extend to him its sincere thanks.

The committee do not pretend to uphold the book as a work of any great literary merit; and, while they do not propose to offer any excuses for the book, still they hope at least that it is free from any obvious signs of crudity or provincialism: it stands upon its own merits.

The work is largely of a personal nature, and, as such, has made the introduction of personalities unavoidable; but while this is so, the committee have tried to eliminate every thing of such a character which, in their judgment, would offend the most sensitive nature. In case, however, their judgment has erred at times, and things do appear which wound the feelings of some, the committee trust that the attempted witticism, for it is nothing more, will be received in the same spirit that it is offered, namely "peace, goodwill to all."

In judging the results of their labor the committee beg that those judging will say, in the words of Miss Muloch: " Not that they did ill or well, But only that they did their best."

THE CAUSE (?;

Chapter I. The Strike And Its Effect

iSj^S the tiny stream that wends its course down the mountain slope on the way to the sea grows gradually larger and deeper by the successive uniting with it of similar streams until at last it becomes the mighty river in which its identity is completely lost, so a small I labor movement springing up in a little town named Pullman in the vicinity of Chicago, and spreading out westward and southward, became larger and greater at each successive juncture with it of the employees of the railroad until at last, when its progress was stopped by the cool waves of the Pacific, it had grown to be a movement of gigantic proportions, stupendous in its effects, in which the primal cause of the movement was lost. California was particularly affected. Never before in the history of the State had she experienced such a movement as this. Traffic was completely stopped. Business was paralyzed. Goods could neither be received nor sent away. Merchants were laying off their employees and getting ready to close up their houses. Not a wheel of the Southern Pacific Company was turning in the State.

This movement had its source in a disagreement between the managers and the employees of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company. By successive reductions the wages of the employees had become greatly reduced, far below that which the existing condition of affairs would seem to justify.

This, considered with certain other circumstances, caused a great deal of dissatisfaction among the men of the works. The accompanying circumstances, which served to intensify the dissatisfaction, were of a nature peculiar to the town of Pullman itself. A fair estimate would place the inhabitants of this town at about four thousand, all of whom are directly or indirectly dependent for subsistence upon the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company. Not only are they connected with the company by bond of employer and employee, but also are they related as landlord and tenant, and as creditor and debtor. Pullman has been nicknamed "the model town." But there is more than one way of looking at this model town, just as there is more than one way of looking at a model jail. To a man like Carlyle, who had no sympathy for transgressors of the law, a jail like the famous Cherry Hill prison of Pennsylvania would be a model jail; for here a prisoner is confined in a single cell for the entire term of his confinement, with no other occupation than that of picking jute. But to the prisoner himself who is incarcerated there, it is a model jail, where he " who once enters leaves all hope behind." So with the town of Pullman. To the stockholders of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company, who see in its organization innumerable opportunities for enriching themselves at the expense of the workman, it is a model town. But to the poor employees, who encounter at every turn the grasping hand of the monopoly, it is a model town symbolical of all that characterizes slavery. In the hands of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company resides the entire property of the town. They not only own the water and gas works, and the houses, but also sell to their employees the very necessities of life. All the inhabitants of the town are tenants; none are freeholders. From this it is easy to imagine the situation when a large cut was made in the wages. The corporation, you may be sure, never thought of making a corresponding reduction in the rent of the houses, or in the water and gas rates, or in the price of food. With greatly reduced wages, reduced to considerably less than what the artisans engaged in similar crafts were getting in the adjacent municipality of Chicago, and with rents and water, and gas rates correspondingly higher, the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company expected its employees to adjust themselves to the new condition of affairs. The chasm, however, was altogether too wide to be bridged. The men were compelled by the force of necessity to resist the reduction.

ITS EFFECTS. 11

About the beginning of May, 1894, a committee of thirtynine, representing every department in the works, waited upon Mr. Pullman, president of the company, and laid the case before him. They asked that the old rates, which were one-third higher than the present rates, be re-established. In spite of the fact, that at about the time the committee waited upon Mr. Pullman the company was paying large dividends, and had an enormous reserve fund, and further still, in spite of the fact, that Mr. Pullman had enough of spare cash to donate one hundred thousand dollars to a church, the petition was denied. The plea given was, that the state of business would not stand the increase of wages. The matter did not stoj3 here. The car company was very indignant at the apparent intrusion of the workmen into the affairs of their business. How dare employees suggest to them how they shall conduct their business. The outcome of it was, that the men who formed the committee were individually discharged from their service. This was the straw that broke the camel's back. The entire body of workmen struck. This was the direct strike.

A new element now enters into the strike. The employees of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company, as a body, were affiliated with an organization known as the American Railway Union. The constitution of this latter organization was of such an elastic character as to be capable of being stretched so far as to include not only those who worked for the railroad proper, but also all who were employed upon any kind of railroad work whatsoever. The strike was referred by the workmen of Pullman to this higher body for settlement. The American Railway Union investigated the grievances of the men, and concluded that the strike was a just one; one worthy of their support. On June 23d, after having tried for a period of six weeks to adjust the difficulties between the men and their employers without success, the Executive Board of the Union gave notice to the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company, that, unless they agreed to the terms of settlement by the 27th of June, a boycott would be placed upon all Pullman cars. In other words the members of the union would refuse to handle any trains to which were attached Pullman cars. The 27th of June coming around with no signs of compliance on the part of the Pullman Company the threat of the union was put into execution. The entire Santa Fe System, comprising about seventeen different lines and operating throughout that part of the country southward of Chicago to the Gulf and westward to the Pacific, was affected. This new phase of the strike, known as the sympathetic strike, was destined to be the greatest labor movement that America had ever experienced.

This is the method by which the American Railway Union undertook to bring the Pullman corporation to terms. In their letter to the public they stated that it was not their intention to tie up the railroads. They were willing to handle trains, provided Pullman cars were left off. This was, they said, the only means they had of striking the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company. In case a quarrel arose between them and the railroad companies it would be a quarrel that was forced upon them, and not one of their choosing. The railroad companies, on the other hand, were unable to separate their interests from the interests of the Pullman Car Manufacturing Company, so they took the quarrel upon their own shoulders. They were determined to send trains out with Pullman cars attached, or else they would not send any at all. On the 27th of June, the day that the boycott was placed upon Pullman cars, traffic over the entire Santa Fe system came to a standstill. The railroad employees, that is, those employees who were engaged in the strike — the firemen, switchtenders and switchmen — refused to move trains with Pullman cars attached, and the railroad companies refused to send out trains without them. And so began the sympathetic strike.

Every State, in which the lines of the above-mentioned system operated, was severely affected. In the East the unique position held by Chicago with regard to the different lines of railroads made it the hotbed of the strike. Seventeen different lines meet in Chicago. These being tied up, Chicago became the congregrating point for many thousand strikers, some of whom were exceedingly desperate characters. Chicago, in the course of the strike, was the scene of many aggressive operations, and numerous were the conflicts between the troops and strikers, of which some resulted in fatalities. In the West the strike presented some features which were not manifested in the East. No State suffered more severely from the strike than did California. That the effect was so severe on California was due probably to its isolation; to its entire dependence upon railroad transportation, and to the fact that a great part of its produce consisted of fruit, which has

ITS EFFECTS. 13

to find a ready market in the East. These facts, coupled with the fact that the tie-up came at that time in the year when the fruit was ripe and ready for shipping, and thus dependant upon rapid transportation for its value, are evidence enough of the injurious effects of the strike upon California. And yet, in spite of the ruinous consequences, it is strange to say that the sympathy of the people was almost unanimously with the strikers. The press of California has been severely criticised by the Eastern press for the manner in which it espoused the cause of the strikers. Yet the California press was only reflecting the opinions of the people.

The first scene of act one of the strike in California took place on the 27th of June. The overland trains, which are the only trains that carry Pullman cars with the exception of the Yosemite, did not leave the Oakland mole that day as usual. Throughout the 27th and part of the 28th all other trains ran as usual. But on the 28th President Debs of the American Railway Union telegraphed from Chicago to the heads of the local unions to tie up the entire Southern Pacific Company. The strike now began to operate in California with full force.

In such railroad centers of California as Los Angeles, Oakland, and Sacramento the strike assumed threatening aspects. In Sacramento the aspect was particularly alarming. Los Angeles and Sacramento are the two controlling centers for all lines that leave the State. The strike in neither Los Angeles nor Oakland reached the importance or received the attention that it did in Sacramento. This was due to the fact that in Los Angeles it was brought under control before it gained much headway. While in Oakland, though Oakland was invested by a large number of strikers who managed to do a good deal of mischief and damage, such as cutting the air-brakes on freight trains, and even going so far as to stop the entire local system, thus compelling the residents bf the bay towns to resort to a provisional ferry; yet even while they did all this, it made little practical difference to the outcome of the strike whether the strikers reigned there or not as long as Sacramento or Los Angeles remained under their control. Sacramento and Los Angeles therefore were the backbone of the strike in California.

As the time wore on a peaceful settlement of the strike seemed to grow less. The railroad company, on the one hand, was determined not to yield. The strikers, on the other hand, were getting impatient and angry at the rigidness of the railroad officials, and with this, growing more conscions of their power, seemed ready to set aside all legal restraints and resort to violent deeds to force an acquiescence to their will. Sacramento, where the strikers held forth in full sway, was the point toward which the attention of the people was directed. Speculation became rife as to what would be the outcome. That things could not continue in such a state much longer was universally conceded. The seriousness of the affair, however, kept rolling on. Complaints of people tied up at the different places in the State were increasing every day. Baggage and freight was accumulating with wondrous rapidity. Delayed mail — and here is where the strikers came in conflict with Uncle Sam — was piling up on every hand. It was only a question of time when the dam would break.

It was on June 29th that the first rumors were heard about calling out the State troops. A situation like this cannot fail to be other than closely related to the life of the National Guard. While California had been hitherto practically free from movements of this kind the Eastern States had not been so fortunate. It seems next to an impossibility for a railroad strike of any size to occur without its being accompanied by violence and crime. Time after time had the Eastern National Guard been called out to suppress strikers, who had finally deteriorated into rioters. The one seemed to follow the other as effect follows cause. As soon as a strike was inaugurated the people of the East looked for the effect, namely the calling out of the National Guard. This mode of thinking influenced the thought of California. The people now began to look to the State troops. The members of the National Guard were especially interested in the situation, for when they joined they little thought that they would be called upon to face any real danger. A sham battle at camp was about as near as they ever expected to get to an actual engagement. But as things began to look serious, their interest in affairs grew in intensity. "Great Heavens! we might be called out." So they anxiously awaited further developments.

Chapter II. The National Guard Called Out

IS§F

MY: X July 1st Uncle Sam took a hand in the game. ^Mip Attorney General Olney sent instruction to the United States district marshals, whose jurisdiction was over that territory affected by the strike, to execute the pro cess of the court, and prevent any hinderance to the free circulation of the mails. In accordance with these orders the United States marshal of the Southern District of California called upon General Ruger, commander of the western division of the Regular Army to furnish assistance at Los Angeles. Six companies, three hundred and twenty men, under the command of Colonel Shafter, were dispatched on July 2d for this place. They left San Francisco on the 10:30 p. m. train. To act in conjunction with the Regular Troops, Barry Baldwin, United States Marshal for the Northern District of California was at Sacramento with a large number of deputy United States marshals, sworn in for the occasion. The plan was to break, almost simultaneously, the blockade at these two places. The regulars experienced but little difficulty at Los Angeles. Not so, however, with the United States marshal and his deputies at Sacramento. The mob of strikers here was larger, more desperate, and better organized than at any other place in the State. On the afternoon of the 3d of July Baldwin attempted to open up the blockade. The operation of making-up the trains was calmly watched by the lb THE STRIKE IN CALIFORNIA.

strikers. Everything seemed to be going smoothly, when all of a sadden at a given signal the strikers rushed forward, and in a few minutes demolished what had been the result of several hours labor. At this the wrath of Marshal Baldwin knew no bounds. He attempted to force his way through the strikers, but was thrown several times to the ground. Regaining his feet after one of these falls he drew a revolver; but, before he could use it, he was seized and disarmed, and, were it not for the presence there of some cool heads, would have been severely handled. The marshal seeing the hopelessness of the situation withdrew, leaving the depot in possession of the strikers. That very afternoon, however, he called upon Govenor Markham for military assistance to aid him in forcing and maintaining a free passage for the mails. In response to this call Major General Dimond of the National Guard of California was ordered to furnish the necessary assistance, using his discretion as to the number of men required. It was deemed advisable to call out a large force, as the experience of the Eastern militia in strike troubles showed that the display of a large force had a salutary effect. The following troops were ordered out: Of the Second Brigade, commanded by Brigadier General Dickinson, the First Regiment Infantry, under the command of Colonel Sullivan, the Third Regiment Infantry, Colonel Barry commanding; one-half of the Signal Corps, under the command of Captain Hanks, and a section of the Light Battery, consisting of Lieutenant Holcombe, twelve men and a Gatling gun; of the Third Brigade, Companies A and B of the Sixth Regiment, under the command of Colonel Nunan; of the Fourth Brigade, commanded by Brigadier General Sheehan, Companies A, E, and G; of the Second Infantry Regiment, Colonel Guthrie commanding, the Signal Corps and Light Battery B. In all about one thousand men. The following troops were ordered to hold themselves in readiness: The Fifth Regiment Infantry, Colonel Fairbanks commanding, consisting of two companies in Oakland, one in Alameda, one in San Rafael, one in Petaluma, one in Santa Rosa, and one in San Jose; the Second Artillery Regiment, Colonel Macdonald commanding, and the First Troop Cavalry, commanded by Captain Blumenberg. The San Francisco troops were ordered to be ready to leave that evening. Companies A and B of Stockton, under command of Colonel Nunan, were ordered to be ready to join the San Francisco troops as they passed through Stockton the following morning. The Sacramento troops were to join the main body upon their arrival at the Capital City.

Colonel Sullivan received orders to assemble his troops at about 5:35 p. m. Colonel Barry was notified a little later. Both proceeded immediately to carry out their orders. The calling out of the troops had been anticipated by the officers of the National Guard. On Monday evening, July 2d, Colonel Sullivan called a meeting of the company commanding officers and arranged with them a plan that would insure the effective and rapid massing of the troops. The plan was this: The roll of each company was to be divided up into squads and a noncommissioned officer assigned to each squad, whose duty it would be, in case it became necessary, to see that the members of that squad were notified. Experience proved that the plan was exceedingly effective. Captain Cook lost no time in applying it to Company B. On the very same night he assembled the non-commissioned officers of the company, and assigned a squad of the company to each. Further, each non-commissioned officer, for the purpose of expediency, was given the following pre-emptory order:

" San Francisco, July 3d, 1894.

" Company Orders No. 8.

" You are hereby commanded to report at your armory immediately in service uniform upon reading this order. Bring your blankets, suit of underclothing, and two days' rations to pack in your knapsack. Report without fail. Let B Company be the first in line for suppressing riot.

Irving B. Cook, Commanding Company."

This was the plan by which the company was to be massed at short notice When the time came to test its effectiveness it had been so well applied to the company that it was like pressing the button and the entire machinery started in motion. Within an incredible short space of time after Captain Cook received orders to assemble his company, noncommissioned officers in charge of squads were speeding on their respective missions of notification. Many members, hearing that the militia were called out, reported without receiving any official notice. Company B was not the only company, nor was the First Regiment the only regiment, that had taken time by the forelock and laid plans for the rapid massing of their men. Subsequent developments showed that arrangements had been made beforehand in all the companies of both regiments and that these arrangments had well fulfilled their end.

Thus far we have but considered one end of the action. Let us therefore transfer ourselves to the other end, namely the thresholds of the homes of the members. Here scenes occurred the memory and influence of which will never be forgotten. What a feeling of gloom and of sadness settled upon that household after the notifying officer had hurried up the steps, rang violently the door-bell and notified him, who was both a member of the family and a member of the National Guard, to report for duty at the armory. We may now talk lightly of the things we have done. We may now laugh heartily over the experiences of those campaigns. The public may sneer at the results which we have accomplished, but who could say on the night we were called out that the duty which we were ordered to perform was not such that we had no assurance of ever returning again to the bosom of our families. Is there a man who would speak lightly of the tear that glistened in the mother's eye or the quivering of her lips? Who is there that would ridicule the sobbing of the sisters and of the wives, or sneer at the deep, heartfelt emotion of the father hidden beneath a gruff voice. Shame on him who has for these no thought but scorn ! " Parting is such sweet sorrow," the poet sings. Until the night of the 3d few of us however recognized this truth. Parting is sorrow, but ah! how sweet it is to know something of that great affection with which we are held. Thank God there come such times as these when the mist of humdrum life is lifted and we behold our position in the hearts of our family.

Many of us still remember how, while in our boyhood days, our souls used to thrill and how inspired we were when we read that after the battle of Lexington, old Israel Putnam left his plow yoked in the fields, mounted his fastest horse, hurried to Boston and offered his services to his country. But when we left those happy days behind us and went out into the cold, prosaic, and selfish world, and thought of Putnam's noble and inspiring patriotism, a feeling of regret would arise within us to feel that there were no more Putnams. But during the late excitement we were undeceived. Right here among us we have such patriots. Patriots whose example ought to inspire and thrill every citizen. Like Old Putnam, they also paused in the midst of their toil and, without waiting to be notified, hastened to offer their services to their State. AVould that the grave could open up, so that Old Putnam might rest contented in the belief that the destinies of this Republic are presided over by young patriots worthy of their revolutionary sires.

To come back to the First Regiment Armory again. Throughout the evening it presented both inside and out an animated appearance. Fully five hundred people were gathered in front of the armory watching the course of developments. Inside of the armory men were hastening to and fro. Others were gathered into groups talking in an excited tone over the unusual event. In Company B's rooms members were busily packing their knapsacks, rolling their blankets, and getting into their uniforms. Every now and again some member who was notified late in the evening would come running in and endeavor to make up for lost time. The experience of being called out was to them a novel one. Whoever thought that they — the National Guard, the " tin soldiers" — would ever be called upon to do anything more arduous or dangerous than to parade the streets on a holiday for the sake of eliciting admiration from the fair sex. Here was an opportunity for them of a lifetime to dissolve forever the charge of the contemptuous wretch, who stands upon the edge of the sidewalk during a parade of the National Guard and sneeringly remarks: " If they only smelt powder, how they would run." Every member of the Guard determined that they would on this occasion establish a reputation far beyond the possibility of ever being open to the charge of being " sidewalk soldiers" again. They would — and many a noble resolve was made that night. To those standing upon the street watching the preparations of the militia to depart and who derisively jeered, the men said nothing, but to themselves said: "You just wait a few days my fine fellows and we will show you what we can do." But alas, who can ever tell what the wheels of time will bring forth. At the same time everyone was more or less excited. Some were gay, others were thoughtful, and again some probably felt a peculiar sadness, feeling perhaps as though they were taking their last leave of those persons and things which were closely associated with their lives. Even the turning of the key of their locker was done with tenderness. For who knew that this would not be the last time. All, however, w r ere ready for orders.

THE STRIKE IN CALIFORNIA.

At 9:40 p. m. the command was given to "fall in." Company B proceeded to the drill-hall, where they were formed by First Sergeant A. F. Ramm. On roll-call the following men answered to their names: