Socialism

Preface

In this book the author has tried to present, plainly and clearly, the ideas of socialism as he has found them in nearly a year's study of the subject. A twelvemonth is little time enough to give to a topic so comprehensive and important as the one here treated, and no pretense is made that the aim has been other than to present the surface facts of socialism in an attractive and popular way.

In the preparation of the work the best authorities have been drawn upon and their ideas given, either in their own languages, in some few instances, or in a manner seemingly better suited to the needs of readers who approach the subject for the first time. Credit has been duly given in some cases, but in others it has not been deemed necessary to do so because of the wav in which such extracts have been simplified, adapted, and combined with original matter. The socialist's replies to the individualist, in the final chapter, for example, have been

4 PEEFACE

made up from statements found in the works of Dr. Howard A. Gibbs, Jack London, and Prof. Eichard T. Ely. The objections of the individualist are such, it is believed, as would naturally arise in the minds of the opponents of socialism, and the author has not hesitated, in the answers, to make use of many ideas which occurred to him as likely to be of value.

With the hope of lending added interest to the narration of present-day conditions and conditions as they would probably obtain in a cooperative commonwealth, it has been thought best to describe the experiences of a working man in both cases in simple story form, as actual occurrences in the life of a laborer. For those who desire to pursue the study of socialism further, a list of the most important works regarding it is given at the end.

In view of the increasing amount of attention and serious thought now being given to socialism, not only by the workers, but by men of education and professional training, no one who desires to keep informed regarding the great movements of the time can afford to be without at least some knowledge of the subject. It is for the inquirer and the general reader rather

PREFACE 5

than for the socialist himself that the present treatise has been written, but it is hoped that, even those already familiar with socialistic doctrines will lind, in the method of arrangement and simplicity of presentation, something to commend and approve.

C. H. O.

Contents

CHAP. PAGE.

I Some Existing Evils ....... 13

Socialism's Growing Favor 13

Chapter II The Socialistic Programme

We have now reached the point where it is well to consider the means by which the socialist purposes to cure the evils resulting from our present industrial system. First and foremost he looks to a

Uisrioisr of Workers

Not only the workers of this nation, but of all nations, in the socialistic movement. Only by such union does he think that full success can be gained. In support of this idea, it is pointed out that the interests of the world's workers are separated by no national boundaries. The condition of the lowest and most ill-used workers in the most distant countries, socialists say, must tend, sooner or later, to drag down all the workers of the world to the same level. Therefore, the socialistic movement is a world movement. It knows of no conflict of interest between the workers of one nation and the workers of another. It stands for the freedom of the workers of all nations ; and, in so standing, it declares that it makes for the full freedom of all humanity. Once this union is brought about, the socialists expect to labor together for the founding of

The Cooperative Commonwealth

by seizing every possible advantage that may strengthen them to get complete control of the powers of government.

Socialism holds that the present industrial system is directly contrary to the democratic system of politics in this country. As the founders of the Republic believed that the government should be controlled by the whole people, so socialists believe that all the means of production should likewise belong to the people in common — such as the land, the tools, the machinery, etc.

In the cooperative commonwealth, the people as a whole, and not merely the few as at present, would own and control the railways, the tools and machinery, the mines, the land, and the raw material.

Under the present system, it is claimed that men are divided into two great classes. One of these, made up of wage-earners, can live only by their work. la order to work thev need tools and machinery, which they have not got. But these the capitalist does have. That is, he owns the land, the factories, the machinery, and the raw materials from which goods are made, and most of the money.

Under socialism all this is to be changed. When all have an equal interest in the tools and machinery, the land and the raw material, there can be no wage-earning system as at present, and no class-feeling.

Socialists, however, do not expect to bring all this about until they are strong enough to elect a socialist President, socialist governors, and a majority of socialist senators and representatives. In the meantime, as steps toward the desired end, they pledge themselves to support all legislation which will result in the following :

List of Eeforms

1. Shortened days of labor and increase of wages.

2. For insuring all workers against accidents, sickness, and lack of employment.

3. For pensions for aged and exhausted workers.

4. For the public ownership of the means of transportation (railways, steamships, etc.), communication (telegraph and telephone), and exchange.

5. For a tax on incomes and inherited fortunes, public rights and land values, the money so raised to be used for bettering the condition of the workers' children and keeping them from the workshop during the school age.

6. For giving the voting power to all adults regardless of sex, creed or color.

7. For preventing the use of military force against labor in the settlement of strikes.

8. For the free administration of justice, and free legal assistance. Judges to be elected by the people.

9. For the right of people to propose laws (the initiative as it is called) and to vote upon all measures of importance (the referendum). Under this system, any law passed may be vetoed by the people, and any law may be proposed which a small part of the population desires enacted.

10. For the election of senators by the people direct and according to population, instead of a fixed number from each State (two), who are elected by the legislature, as at present. Also, for the right to recall all officers of the government by those who elect them.

And, finally, for everything which will tend to improve the lot of the workers, and for whatever will lessen the industrial and political power of the capitalists, and increase the like powers of the working man, such as a working day of not more than eight hours ; equal pay for equal service, for men and women ; the doing away of the contract system in public works ; the issue of all money by the government instead of through national banks ; the abolition of a standing army and the formation of a national citizens' militia : the people to decide on peace or war ; for the construction of light, clean and well- ventilated houses for the people, such dwellings to be let at rents which will cover the cost of construction and maintenance alone ; and for free education in college or university for those who are fitted for such education, as well as in the elementary schools.

From all this, it will be seen that the socialistic programme is very complete. It will be noted, too, that much in accord with it has already been accomplished. Take, for instance, the first of the numbered items.

Peactical Eesults Within the meinoiy of men who are living to-day, a working day of from twelve to sixteen

hours was once not uncommon. worung'Say Under these conditions the working

man was more of a slave to labor than he is at present, and had much less time for self-improvement or pleasure. Nowadays most States have an eight-hour law for all mechanical trades, and in union shops and factories overtime work is paid for at the union over- time rate. Who can doubt that this is a change for the better ? While the increase in wages has not kept pace with the decrease in the number of working hours, union rates are generally better than the wages paid twenty-five years ago. But, although this is true, the cost of the necessities of life, as we have seen, is also higher, which offsets the increase in wages. It cannot be denied that the passing of eight-hour laws has been brought about by the demands of labor working together either as union men or as socialists.

Not so much has been accomplished toward insuring all workers against accidents and sickness, but some progress has been made toward the desired end. Many shops and factories have mutual-aid funds, from which money may be drawn

to tide employees over periods of Mu Fund^ id sickness or disability from other causes, when they are unable to work. Some of the funds also provide burial expenses for deceased members. Most of such funds, however, have been organized by the working men themselves, each member giving a small sum weekly toward its increase and maintenance. Liberal employers also often donate to it considerable sums annuallv.

The Boston & Maine Railroad employees have a mutual aid fund of this kind, and the management of the road itself has under consideration a pension system by which each man in its employ shall give a small portion of his weekly or monthly wage for the upbuilding of a fund to support retired members after they have been employed by the company for a certain number of years.

In the early summer of 1906 the National Tobacco Company organized an insurance plan

for its employees, wholly on its own A ances t y I s I tlm" account. By this plan the entire expense of the insurance is carried by the company itself, and it costs the employees nothing. The amount of the insurance, however, is small ($400) payable on the death of the employee to those he leaves behind him. But when the vast number of those employed by the tobacco trust is taken into account, it will be seen that the total expense will be considerable. The fact that the company was willing, on its own volition, to take this step at all is an encouraging sign of the effect which the constant efforts of the socialists for the better treatment of labor has had upon the public mind.

But, say the socialists, these are only individual cases. What is needed is the passing of a government measure for the payment of old-age pensions from the National Treasury. " It is," declares "The Vanguard," "a deep disgrace to America that here we have no legislation of the kind. Except by the Social Democrats, the question of old-age pensions is not discussed in this country. Yet there is no country on the face of the globe where they are such a crying necessity, as in this land of high pressure and early breakdowns. Year by year, as life becomes more strenuous and the pace of industry moves faster and faster, younger men are needed. The middle-aged can with difficulty keep up the speed.

Old men are entirely out of the race. As conditions are changing in this country, it is becoming impossible for working men to lay up their earnings for their last days. . . . The American people have been exceedingly liberal in their pensions for old soldiers. Why should they not do as much for the old veterans of labor ?. The men who, by patient toil with hand and brain, through a long lifetime, have built up the country deserve at least an equal reward with the heroes of the battle-field."

Insurance against lack of employment has not yet been brought about ; under the present business system it is difficult to see how it ever can be. This fact, says the socialist, is one reason for wishing to change the system.

Little has yet been done in this country toward public ownership of railways, steamships, telegraph and telephone lines, etc. In owIer e sifip b id C ea some cities attempts have been made

to own and operate lighting and other public service plants, but these have not generally been successful. It will not do, however, to argue from this that the idea is wrong, for the socialists point out that municipal ownership here has been tried only under a system in which graft and money-making seems to be the chief end of many public officials. With a form of government in which the piling up of fortunes would not be possible, and under which every man would feel that in working for the good of all he was best working for himself, the result might well be different.

An example of a successful — in the sense of giving the best public service at a minimum cost regardless of large financial returns — socialistic institution is the post office of the United States. Owned by the people as a whole, all share in many ways the advantages of this common ownership. In most countries the telegraph is also owned by the people. Forests are to a considerable extent so owned, and in some countries railroads are also controlled by the government. It is only necessary to continue the process by which these have been made public property, and apply it to everything, to bring about the conditions for which the socialists are striving.

New York State already has an inheritance tax, by which a certain portion of inherited fortunes is turned into the State Treasury. Massachusetts and other States have similar, though perhaps less effective taxes, and no doubt

all will gradually fall into line.

In Tlxes nce I'hese are all of a socialistic nature, and socialists therefore regard them as steps in the right direction.

But in the way of their political demands, given in the rest of the numbered items, little headway has been made. Not until these demands are favorably acted upon by a majority of the lawmakers will socialistic government be an actual fact. Hence the socialist's call to all working men to unite under his banner, so that bv force of numbers those who believe in the justice of his case may be elected to public offices.

Chapter III The Life Of A Working Man

In order to understand why the socialists say that a change in social conditions is really needed, let us tell the life story of a laborer under the present system, and, later, describe the advantages to be obtained under the best socialistic government.

While of course, it is doubtful if any one man would have quite the experience that is related here, it would not be impossible as business is now carried on for one to have it. All the facts and figures regarding the treatment of children in the great factories, and the troubles of labor in its struggle to find work, have been taken from accounts of those who have made a special study of the subject.

Suppose we give the person whose life story we are to tell, the plain, honest name of John Green.

Green was born, we will say, in a little New England village. He started life as the son of a carpenter, who usually had work enough to keep his family from actual want, even if there was not much left over.

For the first few years of his life Johnny was happy. There were a number of children of his

own age to play with. Some of De chiidren 0f these were sons and daughters of rich parents and some, like himself, were children of tradesmen who found it hard at times to make both ends meet. But that fact made no difference to Johnny nor to the others at that age.

To be sure, some of his playmates had better clothes than he had, a greater number of toys, and other things dear to children's hearts, but our young hero did not care much about that, except now and then when he wanted something that some of the rest possessed and was told at home that he could not have it.

But, as he grew older, he began to think that things were not divided up as they should be. " Billy " Jones, for instance, had a nice, brightly painted " express-wagon," while he had to get along with one which his father made for him. To be sure, it was a good one, but still it was not like Billy Jones's, and it had not been bought at the store. Billy also had two new suits of clothes a year, while Johnny thought himself lucky if he got a new suit in two years. More often the clothes he wore were made over from those which had been cast off by his father.

Few of us do believe that the good things of life are divided equally. The earth itself is bountiful. It is covered with green grass Products an d shrubs and pretty flow T ers to please the eye, and with trees and plants that bring forth fruit and vegetables for the food of all. On the hills and mountains and in the woods, and in the mines under the earth are to be found wood and coal enough to supply the human race with heat to cook its food and to keep it warm when warmth is needed. So, too, the mines yield the metal from which are made money, tools and machinery.

But in spite of this we do not all have an equal share, and some have hardly any share at all. In fact, the very poor think themselves lucky if they can get enough of anything to keep body and soul together, as the saying is. To some extent this has always been so. History shows that in every age there have been those who were better off than others. In early times men laid the difference to the will of God. Those who had everything looked down upon those who had nothing as made of common clay, who could never expect to be anything better because God had made them so.

The Feeling in America

But while this was so in the old countries across the ocean, this idea found little foothold here in America. When this government was first formed, it was declared that all men were created free and equal. To be sure, all men did not have the same amount of money or property; and there were even some among the early people of this country who looked down upon others, just as.there are some to-day who scorn those who are not so well off as they are.

The Class Feeling

As Johnny grew older he began to notice that his playmates who had rich parents did not seem to care so much about playing with him. Indeed they began to put on airs and slight him because he was the son of a poor man. When they had parties, Johnny and other children in no better circumstances were not invited. Johnny was of a sensitive nature and these things made him sad or angry as his mood might be at the time.

" Why is it," he asked his father one day, " that Billy Jones's folks have everything and we have

nothing?"

a Question " Simply because Billy Jones's folks are rich and we are poor," was the answer.

"But why aren't we rich, too?" asked the boy.

" Well, for one reason because mv father did not leave me money as some do, and for another because I suppose I am too honest," was the bitter reply. " Billy Jones's father got his money in ways that I should not want to follow. He kept a store and gave short weight, put fine, white sand in his sugar to increase its bulk, and did other things that no really honest man would do, but which many business men have winked at/.

" During war time, when everything was high, I bought of Jones several yards of calico to make

your mother a dress, paying him

in Got Riches thirty cents a yard for it. After I

had paid him he boasted to me that

the cloth was from a big stock of calico that he got in before the war, for which he paid only six cents a yard. 1 He was the only one in town who had calico on hand, and other things which the people could get only at several times the original cost to him. He called this business enterprise ; I call it cheating. It was in such ways that lie and others like him grew rich. Not content with a fair profit, they took advantage of every chance to squeeze the people who must go to them for what they wanted, or go without."

" Have all rich men got their money that way, father?" asked Johnny.

14 Oh, no, there are some who are honest, but shrewd and saving, and quicker than other men

to see ways in which to make money The Honest Rich grow, while still giving others a fair

and honest return, and acting on the plan of ' Live and let live.' These are looked up to and respected by those around them. It is true, too, that some fortunes of very moderate proportions are the result of two or three generations of successful but fair business methods."

Soon after this conversation, Johnny's father was taken ill and for a long time was unable to

1 A fact in the experience of a relative of the author.

work at all. What with doctor's bills and ordinary expenses his little savings soon melted away, and the family were reduced to hard straits.

During a period when things were at their worst with them, Johnny's aunt, who lived in a large town in Maine near the sea, wrote that, while she was too poor to aid them herself, she thought she could get Johnny a job in a canning factory in her neighborhood, where children worked in large numbers. The wages would be small, but they might help to keep the family going until the father was able to work again.

The Evils of Child Labor

So Johnny was sent on to Maine to become a worker in a cannery. He was then ten years old,

but young as he was he found him- The cannery self working beside children half his age. During the rush seasons they were kept at work from daylight to dark, while a man stood by to beat them if they lagged. Under this treatment many of the children seemed less like boys and girls than little old men and women who had lost all idea of playtimes and school-days, and grew paler and thinner each week. Seemingly without pity, the owners of the cannery treated them like machines, and the laws of the State allowed them to do so.

From a usually bright and happy boy, Johnny became moody and silent, going about his work as stolidly as a badly used beast of burden. Neither his mother nor his father dreamed of what he was going through, and from having known of such things all her life his aunt looked upon the labor and hardships of children as a matter of course.

Johnny was the son of a poor man and must work like all poor boys. What mattered it if he

and others like him no longer knew The wo°rk Must anything about the joys of childhood ? People must live even if they have to put their children at work almost as soon as they are out of the cradle.

If they do not work the poorest of them either starve to death, roam the street at will, or go to school hungry, as sixty to seventj^ thousand of them do in New York City alone, unable to study because of the feeling of hunger.

Working a large part of the time from daylight to dark, Johnny grew old beyond his years, and it was not long before he began to ask those about him if boys and girls were as badly treated elsewhere. At last he found some one who

could answer his question. From Babes at work him he learned that in the New

York canning factories mere babies are employed ; that in one canning factory of that State a child of four earned nineteen cents a day stringing beans ; and that in another, children of six and seven were to be found working at two o'clock in the morning.

He was told, too, that in the cotton mills of the South more than sixty thousand children under

fourteen, hundreds being as young So ton M?iis 0t " as seven or eight, are kept at work

for long hours.

In answer to a question asked her by a kindhearted lady (Miss Jane Addams, the noted social

settlement worker of Chicago), one A L Ans e wer rls little girl in a cotton mill in Augusta,

Ga., too young to talk plainly, said : " When I work nights I'se too tired to undress when I gits home, and so I goes to bed wif me clo'es on."

One of the older boys where Johnny worked told him that he had a cousin who had gone blind

while working at the glass trade, The Glass Trade which can use boys instead of men

for much of the work, and at a third of the price. Others in this trade also become blind or have their sight impaired forever.

He learned, too, that the mines employ thousands of young boys, from eight to fourteen years

of age, who work twelve hours for other Trades sixty cents a day ; while the cigar

factories also use thousands of young children. 1

All these things made a strong impression on Johnny's mind, and he still thought of them long after he had left the canning factory.

1 These facts are all given in John Spargo's book, " The Bitter Cry of the Children,' ' published in the early part of 1906.

CHAPTER IV the life OF A working man {Continued)

Between twelve and fifteen Johnny had a better time of it. His father, who had removed to a city, was at work again, and the boy lived at home and went to school. He had been out of school so long that he was backward in his studies, and for that reason was put into a class of children much younger than himself. This did not make his lot any easier, for his schoolmates of his own age made fun of him until he showed a mind to stop their taunts with his fists, when he got to be known as a bad boy.

But there was good stuff in Johnny and he tried hard to learn, for he had made up his mind that he must fight his way through the world, and that the more he knew the better he could wage the battle. With all its drawbacks, too, his life at school was far easier and happier than that in the canning factory, at which he always looked back with a shudder.

He had just passed his fifteenth birthday when his father died, and Johnny bade good-bye to school-days forever. He must now work to support his mother, and he started out to find a job. From store to store he went, from shop to shop and mill to mill, but no one wanted him. No one ! Well, not quite. After three days he found some one who did want him.

There was a big express strike on in the city. The drivers of the express wagons had asked for higher wages, and had been refused. So they struck. They were in a fair way to win when the express companies began to hire strike-breakers. Johnny was one of these. He was tall for his age, and the companies were in such straits that they eagerly snapped up any one who was willing to take out a wagon.

Because nearly all trades are now crowded, there has grown up a large class who have work

only part of the time. Many of The idle class these, finding that they can live by begging have become tramps who seek the city in winter and go abroad through the country in spring and summer. A large number of these would not work if they could, but there are also among them many who remain tramps only because they cannot get work.

These are ready to take any job that offers. Knowing this, the employer feels still more free to do as he likes with his laborers. If they do not like it he can easily find others to take their places. Instead of using part of his profits to better the lives of those who have helped him to become rich, he spends his money on himself for things that he does not really need or saves it for his own use in the future.

Men who have studied the subject say that, under present conditions, these idlers are necessary ; for, if all of them looked for work honest laborers would have a far harder task finding something respectable to do.