Half-hours in southern history

Preface

This is a book of sketches and might be entitled, A Sketch Book of Southern History. It aims to give in brief outline the salient features of Southern heroism and achievement, and to state rapidly the South's side of the long controversy between the sections.

The author has tried to be fair, candid, and truthful. Extremists of either section will not like the volume. The fact that he is a Southerner, however, the author will attempt neither to palliate nor to deny ; but he has aimed to write "with malice toward none, with charity for all."

The facts stated in this volume have been gathered from a thousand sources ; none have been manufactured. Of Southern civilization, the author speaks from experience, as he remembers vividly two generations that represented the Old South so-called. The work is a labor of love ; its object, justice to all.

Williamsburg, Va v March 31, 1907.

Contents

Illustrations 13

Chapter I Page

"before the war" 15

no "solid" south 17

"there is glory enough for us all" 19

roanoke island, st. augustine, and jamestown. . . 21

"sic semper tyrannis" 2j

Harvey and Berkeley 27

George III and His "Friends" 30

Taxation Without Representation 30

"Treason ! Treason !" 33

VIRGINIA AND CAROLINA 36

Tea Parties 36

Mecklenburg and St. John's Church 41

INDEPENDENCE 44

The Year 1776 46

THE SOUTH IN THE WAR OF THE REVOLUTION 5 1

Heroes and Heroines 51

Maryland •. 51

Virginia 52

North Carolina 59

South Carolina 63

Georgia 68

Heroes of the Frontier 71

PAGE

Troops and Battles 72

Miscellaneous 74

THE SOUTH AND THE CONSTITUTION 78

The Federal Convention of 1787 78

The States Create the Union 83

THE SOUTH'S PART IN MAINTAINING AND EXPANDING

THE UNION 86

The War of 1812 86

The Mexican War 90

Miscellaneous 96

Chapter II Page

"truth is mighty and will prevail" 98

the south's history written by her enemies. ... 99

tired of hearing him called "the just" io4

culture and refinement 105

manliness and self-reliance i08

"OLE MARSTER" Ill

"OLE MISTIS" 114

THE PLANTER CIVILIZATION 1 16

THE CAVALIER AND THE PURITAN II9

THE YEOMANRY OF THE SOUTH I23

TRUTH, PURITY,, AND PIETY 126

SLAVERY IN THE SOUTH I3I

THE FEUDAL BARON I34

THE "LAZY" PLANTER I38

UNCLE TOM'S CABIN AND OTHER SLURS I42

"OF THE OLD SCHOOL" I44

CONTENTS

CHAPTER III PAGE early causes of estrangement i46

Lights and Shadows 146

Views of the Constitution 150

The League or Compact Theory 150

The Partnership View 153

Federalists and Anti-Federalists 156

LATER CAUSES OF ESTRANGEMENT 1 58

THE GREATEST CAUSE OF ESTRANGEMENT 1 02

Slavery in the North and the South 162

The North Sells Out 165

Who Did Sin? 167

"The Higher Law" 173

A New God Demanded 174

The Plot Thickens 175

The Last Straw 179

THE RIGHT OF SECESSION l8l

New England Pioneers of Secession 181

Late New England Secessionists 185

Nullification in the North 189

"the war" 192

CHAPTER IV PAGE the real hero 197

WHO ? I98

"gideon's band" 200

mr. roosevelt explains 201

"wearied out by their own victories" 203

the soldier's joys 204

"what is life without honor?" 205

CHRIST IN THE CAMP 2.0J

"pirates" 208

CHAPTER V PAGE the truest patriots 213

wives and mothers of heroes . 214

the recruiting officer 2l6

"the uncrowned queens of the south" 217

"stitch, stitch, stitch" 219

"gallant black tom" and treacherous isaac 221

war poets of the south 222

"starvation parties" 223

"a ministering angel thou" 225

CUPID AND "GENERAL LEE's SOCKS" 226

A STARVING NATION 227

THE "TRIUMPHAL MARCH" THROUGH GEORGIA 23O

THE WOMEN DECLINE TO SURRENDER 232

HEROINES IN HOMESPUN 234

HER MONUMENTS AND HISTORIES . 236

CHAPTER IX PAGE a prostrate nation 266

the wolf at the door 268

the hounds of peace -. 270

the reign of terror 272

the freedman's bureau 274

the schoolmarm in tradition 275

reconstruction through destruction 2y/

the carpetbagger and the scalawag 280

the third triumvirate 282

the ku klux klan 285

reconstruction by the southern people 287

the race problem 2qt

morals and religion 297

zaccheus is coming down 3 qi

Chapter X Pagb

Conclusion - 305

Recapitulation 305

Patriotism 307

Index 311

ILLUSTRATIONS

Opposite Page

george WASHINGTON (frontispiece)

JOHN MARSHALL l6

PATRICK HENRY 32

THOMAS JEFFERSON 48

JAMES MADISON 80

JAMES MONROE , 96

ANDREW JACKSON I28

JEFFERSON DAVIS l6o

HENRY CLAY 176

JOHN C. CALHOUN I92

J. E. B. STUART 208

JOSEPH E. JOHNSTON 224

R. E. LEE 24O

T. J. JACKSON 256

ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON 264 •

N. B. FORREST 288

Chapter I The South In Olden Days I

''Before the War"

ALL our lives, we have heard about the times "before the war," and this is a familiar phrase among our people. "The war" is an era with us of the Southern states. Our fathers and grandfathers have told us, around the old fireside, of the good days they saw before the terrible clash between the sections. "Before the war," "during the war," "since the war" — all are household expressions south of the Potomac. Not even the war with Spain has robbed us of these phrases; the war of the '6o's is still "the war" among our people.

"Before the war" — that was a joyous era with our beloved people. Not altogether blissful, to be sure, — for life is never that — but bright, happy, and hopeful. Of course our fathers had their troubles and disappointments; life, even then, had its sunshine and its shadows ; but their sunshine was brighter than ours, and the day was longer.

They had a beautiful old civilization, and their homes were refined and comfortable, many of them elegant ; while friends true as steel thronged around them, ready to enjoy their boundless hospitality and to return it on a lavish and open-handed scale.

In political affairs, the South was vastly better off than it is to-day, far happier in the Union, not only recognized, but trusted with leadership for several decades. Her statesmen had a prominent part in the conduct of the government, more than three- fourths of the presidents before i860 being men of Southern birth or of Southern antecedents.

Opportunities being given, the South gave the Union many of its greatest soldiers. Still others were sprung from families that had recently migrated from her borders to found new commonwealths beyond the Ohio. Immediately you think of George Washington, Francis Marion, Light Horse Harry Lee, Daniel Morgan, William Henry Harrison, Zachary Taylor, and Andrew Jackson, whose names will be ever famous in the military annals of our earlier periods.

"Before the war," no impassable gulf yawned between North and South. Of course there was some unpleasantness ; indeed, at times, some bitterness. Various questions arose, and some of them made New England threaten at times to leave the Union, so as to get away from her Southern sisters. This, however, generally "blew over," as we say, and did not keep Southern men from being called to high and honorable places in the government. How is it now in this so-called "era of good feeling" ? What high and honorable places does any president give your father or any of your relatives ? What Southern gentlemen are sent to represent the United States at the courts of any great European

JOHN MARSHALL nation? How many Southern vice-presidents have been elected in your day? What party in your state wishes to push some eminent man of your state for the presidency, and thus blight his political career forever ?

Why is this? Why is the South thus isolated, cut off from the rest of the Union? Why this "Solid South" that you read about so often in the newspapers ? It is on account of "the war" and of the problems that have resulted from it. The causes of this war and the nature of some of these problems we shall talk over in the following pages. We regret that such talks are necessary. We regret that, after forty years of peace, the South's side is so generally misunderstood, is so inadequately treated in many books and in the schoolroom. Whatever the reasons for this, it is high time for Southern teachers to be up and doing. The youth of the South must be told the true story of Southern heroism, of Southern genius, of Southern fortitude, and must b taught, clearly and fully, why the South left the Union that she did so much to create and to make illustrious.

II No "Solid South"

"The Solid South" is a phrase born within recent years. It is the child of war and bitterness. We love to think of the days when there was no such phrase in our language and no such fact in our history. Local jealousies and sectional animosities have, of course, existed from the earliest periods of our history, but they were not bounded by the Potomac 2 river. No surveyor's line, no river, separated two great unfriendly sections of our country; that is comparatively recent. The North voted enthusiastically for numerous Southern presidents. The North called Washington twice to the head of the American army and twice to the presidential office. She called Marshall to the Supreme Bench, and has put him among her idols. More recent alienation between the sections is unnatural and unnecessary. If Virginia and New England disliked each other during the early days of our history, so did New York and New England ; Connecticut and Pennsylvania. To-day, however, the South is in many respects almost cut off from the Union, almost as little connected with the Federal government as Korea or Madagascar.

Not so was it in the revolutionary and ante-bellum eras. Did Adams and Ellery and Roger Sherman and Rush and Franklin go off in a corner and act without the advice of the Southern delegates? The answer rises to your lips: "No; they worked hand in hand with the great patriots of the South, and wrote their names alongside those of Carroll, Wythe, the Lees, Jefferson, Rutledge, Middleton, John Penn, George Walton, and other men whose fame can never perish."

Who was called to lead the armies of the young nation in its fight for independence? Did sectionalism place the sword in weak and impotent hands ? No, those were better days than ours; for we have seen a Fitzhugh Lee, gallant chevalier and statesman, left to play soldier, clean camps, administer capsules, in the swamps of Florida, when he should have been leading the armies of his country to the walls of Havana. We have seen the same distinguished man assigned an insignificant part in the government of Cuba after that island came under the care of the United States. Our forefathers, however, saw a better sight. They saw John Adams, of Massachusetts, urge George Washington, of Virginia, as commander-in-chief of the American army, and saw a throng of New England people shout applause, as the great son of Virginia accepted his sword under the Cambridge elm, on the soil of Massachusetts. They saw such great Northern soldiers as Anthony Wayne and Nathaniel Greene follow the Virginian to victory under the same banner as Marion, Sumter, and Pickens of South Carolina; "Light Horse Harry" Lee, Hugh Mercer, Andrew Lewis, and Daniel Morgan, of Virginia; Francis Nash and William R. Davie, of North Carolina; Joseph Habersham, of Georgia ; John Sevier and Isaac Shelby, heroes of the frontier.

"Give us back the ties of Yorktown!

Perish all the modern hates!

Let us stand together, brothers,

In defiance of the Fates; For the safety of the Union

Is the safety of the States ! " *

III "There Is Glory Enough for Us All*

In drafting the constitution, also, men of the North and of the South stood shoulder to shoulder. Just as they

♦James Barron Hope, Yorktown Centennial poem.

risked their "lives," their "fortunes," and their "sacred honor" together, so they sent their greatest men to consult together as to the kind of government they should form for themselves and their posterity.

Of the details of the constitution of 1787, we shall speak more fully in a later section of this chapter. Here we may pause for a few remarks by way of introduction. A Southern state, Virginia, led the way in calling for a convention to frame a constitution for the thirteen free and independent states. It was Madison and Washington, of Virginia, who saw more clearly than almost any other men north or south that the young nation just cut loose from England needed a strong government to keep it from falling to pieces at home and from being despised abroad. Along with these patriots, we should mention Alexander Hamilton, the brilliant statesman of New York, and both Madison and Hamilton are often spoken of as "the fathers of the constitution." Another great man of that era was John Jay, afterwards chief- justice. When we think of the constitution, we cannot fail to think of Washington, whose personal influence alone induced many men to vote for the great paper that was ready in September, 1787, to be submitted to Congress and to the several states for adoption. In all these details, we see clearly that the great men of all sections worked hand in hand for the general welfare. Neither section can claim all the glory; the "honors are even."

In the foregoing sentences, we have seen in generous emulation men from both sides of the Potomac. Again, in the convention that drafted the constitution, we find, besides several already mentioned, Rufus King, of Massachusetts; Benjamin Franklin, James Wilson, Robert Morris, and Gouverneur Morris, of Pennsylvania; John Dickinson, of Delaware ; and Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, standing shoulder to shoulder with Daniel Carroll, of Maryland ; Edmund Randolph and George Mason, of Virginia; Hugh Williamson and William R. Davie, of North Carolina; Abraham Baldwin and William Few, of Georgia ; John Rutledge, Charles and Cotesworth Pinckney, of South Carolina.

IV Roanoke Island, St* A« gustine* and Jamestown

A great poet tells us, "The poetry of earth is never dead." This means that the poetical in life, in the universe, appeals incessantly to humanity, and that, as long as man has sorrows to bemoan and joys to cheer him, the poet will be needed to inspire and console him.

Not all poetry is written in words, and clothed in rhythmical language. If there are, as Shakespeare says, "sermons in stones," there are also poems in places, in great events, and in the great ideas that thrill mankind. There is something thrilling, something too deep for utterance, welling up within us as we look at the "old gateway" and the "ivy-mantled tower," coming down to us as relics of antiquity. He who has no such poetry in his soul, though he may not be quite "fit for treasons, stratagems, and spoils," lacks that imagination which givt * to life and to travel "the glory and the freshness of a dream."

With romance and poetry, our Southern past is glorious.

Carolina has her Roanoke Island, associated with the name of Walter Raleigh, whose whole career is wrapped in romantic glamour. It is the glory of the South that this great chevalier and soldier stands in the forefront of her history.

Of Roanoke Island you have read in your histories. Here was made the first English settlement in the New World; and "the lost colony of Roanoke" is the most pathetic romance in our history. The word Croatan carved upon that tree will be the sad enigma of the centuries; and myriads of children yet unborn will wonder whether the settlers were murdered by the savages, died of starvation, or perchance were adopted into some tribe of Indians.

Another sacred shrine is St. Augustine, Florida. All Americans love to visit the old town and look at its ancient gateway. It was on this spot that the white man made his first permanent settlement in America, and, though the relations between the Spaniards, whose ancestors planted this town, and the race to which we belong have not always been pleasant, we feel a solemn thrill as we think of the time when the great white race to which we both belong first planted a home on this mighty continent.

Still dearer to us of English blood are the ruins of Jamestown. The feelings that stir our hearts as we stand under the shadow of the old tower are too deep for utterance, and we almost beg to be left alone with our awe and our solemn meditation.

Whence those deep feelings, those unutterable emotions? It is the reverence for antiquity, the lofty sentiment that raises us above the brute creation. Misers are not without it; hard-hearted lovers of the "almighty dollar" cannot resist it ; and hundreds, if not thousands, of the richest in our -land visit that spot every year, tread reverently its sacred sward, read the inscriptions upon its old tombstones, and hear in imagination the echoes of the old bell that used to call the fathers of America to the house of worship.

Dear to every American should be that now deserted island. Proud should Virginians be that they are custodians of that shrine with its sacred memories; for it was on that spot, on the 13th of May, 1607, that the first permanent English settlement in America was made. There the first English home in America was established; there Reverend Robert Hunt, the first English minister in America, read the new liturgy of the reformed Church of England, and under a spreading canvas, with the green sward of nature as his carpet, "sang the Lord's song in a strange land." Its tower no longer rings with the reverberating peals of holy bells, calling to meditation and to prayer. Only the dead are there. All is in ruins. Yet we feel, as we stand in those sacred precincts, that the poet* was right when he said,

"Yes, give me a land that has legends and lays."

What other section has a Pocahontas? Others here and .there have a kind Indian woman shielding the whites from treachery and cruelty; but Pocahontas, "the Princess of the Forest," the daughter of kings, the mother of statesmen that have been and that are to be — she will ever stand alone, unique, on the canvas of history, inspiring the artist's brush, the historian's pen, and the poet's lyre.

•Father Ryan.

The saving of John Smith by Pocahontas may some day be proved a myth by historians. With the people, however, the great masses, who love everything romantic and poetic, Pocahontas will forever bend over Smith, between him and the club of the cruel Indian, and save him from the bloody death that hangs over him. Maidens, too, will ever sigh over the love affairs of Pocahontas, and drop a tear of sympathy. They will think how cruel it was that she should be told that Smith had died in England and that, believing this, she had listened to the wooings of Rolf e, while her own "dear Captain" was thinking of her in England far away.

Why is the year 1619 immortal in our annals and why is the date July 30, 1619, mentioned with rapture and with reverence by our historians? The same lofty sentiment explains it. It is the inborn respect for antiquity, the reverence for what is venerable in our history. Because in that year and on that day, there met, in the church at Jamestown, the first American Congress, the first body of lawmakers that ever came together on this continent, and there and then the twenty-two burgesses, or representatives, of Virginia, with an independence and an earnestness never surpassed and rarely equalled, discussed some of the most important questions that ever engaged the attention of a legislative assembly of any people.

Possibly, "state pride" might lead the present writer to exaggerate the importance of this great assembly: let us hear what John Fiske, of Massachusetts, says of the charter under which this assembly met: "The Magna Charta of

Virginia hardly second to any other

state paper of the 17th century." This is from a Northern historian, fair to the South generally, but not especiallyanxious to glorify any section other than New England. John Esten Cooke, the Virginian, says of this same assembly, "The event was a portentous one. The old world had passed away, and the new was born."

And these first American lawmakers were worthy of the day. They took up the greatest subjects that ever engaged the attention of a legislative body. They passed on the rights of certain men to seats in the assembly, that is, on the eligibility of some of their own members ; discussed the dangers arising from cruel Indian neighbors ; discussed agriculture, their main source of support; made laws in regard to the church, which was then an established or state church; and took steps to found a college for the education of their sons, thus making the South the pioneer in the higher education of America.*

This same assembly petitioned the London Company at home to grant them authority "to allow or disallow of their orders of court, as his Majesty hath given them power to allow or disallow our laws." This is the claim of local self-government. It sounds the first note of the great contention between local self-government and outside interference, the contention which fired the eloquence of Patrick Henry in 1765, flashed from the sword of Washington ten years later, and nerved the arm of Lee and his heroes in the great war for Southern independence.

Two years later, another great idea was planted in Virginia. Sir Francis Wyatt was sent from England as gover-

•In this connection we may state that the first female college in the world was established in Macon, Georgia.

nor, and brought with him a "formal grant of free government by written charter/' "the first charter of free government in America" (1621).

The South, then, was the cradle of American civilization. If Thanet is dear to all Englishmen as the place where their fathers first set foot upon the soil of England, if Athens is proud of her Acropolis and loves every foot of its great rock, every American must feel a thrill of awe and of sacred rapture, as he treads the verdant sward of Jamestown and thinks of the day when the Susan Constant, the Godspeed, and the Discovery cast anchor off that green peninsula, and the great Anglo-Saxon race planted its first home on the new continent.

In concluding this chapter, let us go back for a moment to our text which is taken from the verses of a great poet who said that his name was "writ in water," but who, because he believed that the poetry of earth was never dead and has. taught others to believe it, is now numbered among the immortals. Yes, in this practical, money-loving age, we need more than one Keats to help us "hitch our wagon to a star."

However, there are still many that feel the poetry of earth. Even wealthy stockbrokers and porkpackers sometimes find poems in places. Some would buy the shrines of the South and ship them to Chicago. Shall we sell the tower of Jamestown? Shall a syndicate have it and move it to Cincinnati ? What rich young university shall buy the poetry and, the glory of old William, and Mary College? When shall we auction off the old gateway at St. Augustine ? Would Carolina sell King's < Mountain for its weight in gold and silver? Shall the tomb of Washington be moved from Mount Vernon to some Northern city where more may visit it?

"There is grandeur in graves, there is glory in gloom,"

sings one of our heartbroken poets ;* and he knew it all by experience. He sang out of a full heart. He had stood by the ruins and had sat by the graves. He tells us, in his own language, what Keats had already sung, that "the poetry of earth is ceasing never;" but that, as with other forms of beauty, "its loveliness increases, it will never pass into nothingness."

V

"Sic Semper Tyrannis" (i) HARVEY AND BERKELEY

In resisting tyranny, also, the South may claim priority. Her sons have always loved freedom and hated tyrants.

In the histories of Virginia, you have read a good deal about "the thrusting out of Sir John Harvey." This was, we may say, a "bloodless revolution."

Harvey was the governor of Virginia, sent out (1629) by. Charles I, king of England, and was a worthy disciple of his tyrannical master. Besides being a tyrant, Harvey was unprincipled in money matters, "robbing the treasury and trying to sell lands belonging to individuals." The Virginians 1 called an Assembly "to hear complaints against the

♦Father Ryan.

Governor;" and "On the 28th of April, 1635," as the old record quaintly puts it, "Sir John Harvey , thrust out of his government, and Capt. John West acts as Governor till the King's pleasure known." After a short contest with the people of ^ irginia, Charles yielded, and Harvey vanished into nothingness.

About forty. years later, the Virginians again rose up in rebellion. This time, they were armed, and ready to play sic semper tyrannis with an orchestra of gun and cannon. We refer of course to Bacon's Rebellion.

For. many years, the Virginians and the New England colonists had had grievances against England. The Navigation Acts, first passed in 1651, were pressing hard upon all the colonies, compelling them to ship their tobacco, and other produce to England in English ships, prohibiting them from purchasing manufactured goods from any country but England, and from trading with each other in any article of importance. This meant ruin and starvation to our colonial fathers.

In 1673 came something still more galling. In this year, "the merry monarch," Charles II, to reward two of his favorites for their valuable services — probably for telling smutty jokes well or for inventing new pleasures — granted them "that entire tract of land and, water commonly called Virginia," to have and to hold for thirty-one years. This was practical confiscation.

In 1676, came the straw that broke the camel's back. The once-popular and beloved governor, Sir William Berkeley, had grown peevish and tyrannical in, his old age, and was afraid to give arms to the Virginians, for fear they might use them against him and his royal master. When the Indians rose up in 1676, Berkeley refused to grant a commission to a brave and eloquent young planter who wished to lead his people against the Indians. After parleyings and wranglings between the followers of Berkeley and of the young planter, Nathaniel Bacon, civil war broke out, and hundreds of men fought on each side. Suddenly Bacon died of a fever, and the "rebellion" ended. His grave is unknown to this day. He was buried secretly, so that Berkeley might not "hang, draw, and quarter" the dead rebel, as he no doubt intended to do.

History settles accounts strictly with men like Berkeley. They go down to oblivion "unwept, unhonored, and unsung." So with the once-honored and courted vice-regal governor of Virginia. His name is rarely mentioned save in scorn or in contemptuous pity. At his home near Williamsburg, no traveler drops the tear of love or heaves the sigh of admiration. Bacon, on the contrary, is honored in America. Northern and Southern writers unite in singing his praises. Monuments are even now going up to perpetuate his memory; and, by a strange freak of fortune, his name has been given , to the post-office recently established at Greenspring, the old home of Berkeley.

Bacon, then, is the first American . rebel against armed tyranny. His faithful lieutenant, Thomas Hansford, is the first American martyr to liberty. Well may Virginia cherish the memory of such sons ! Well has she earned the right to blazon sic semper tyrannis upon her scutcheon, — that motto under which her sons have fought under rebels whose fame grows brighter with the ages.

•5 /

If Virginia had her Harvey and her Berkeley, New England had her Andros, and North Carolina her. Tryon. Only in the matter of priority did Virginia have v the advantage of her sister colonies; for it was not till 1651 that the people of Boston rose up against Andros, "the tyrant of New, England," and shipped him back to old England ; ^and, in 1771, some of the brave men of the "Old North State" rose up against the infamous Tryon and fought against him at the river Alamance.

Probably no one thing did more to bring on the Revolutionary movement than the conduct of several of these royal governors like Andros, Tryon, and Dunmore. In selecting such men, England showed herself perversely blind to her own interests and indifferent to those of her colonies. It would seem that America had to be free, and that "offenses must needs come;" but , "woe to him by whom the offense cometh."

(2) GEORGE III AND HIS "FRIENDS"

(a) "TAXATION WITHOUT REPRESENTATION"

In judging England for her treatment of our colonial ancestors, we must remember that she was no worse than other nations. The relation between colonies and the mother country is far more pleasant now than in earlier periods of modern history. In the eighteenth century, colonies were supposed to exist entirely for the benefit of the mother country; the idea of mutual benefit was hardly dreamed of except by a few statesmen, who were regarded as political dreamers.

These facts will help us to understand why the English parliament frequently reenacted the Navigation Laws, and made them harsh and galling. This of course produced hard feeling against the mother country. Moreover, our ancestors resorted to all kinds of means to evade the Navigation Laws ; and thus many of our people got into the bad habit of taking the law in their own hands — which, if not checked, will ( undermine the foundations of government, and ruin any race or nation.

English people often say that American children are taught to hate England. If so, it is the fault of the books and the teachers. Whatever indignation we may justly feel should be directed rather against George III and his advisers, his ministers, as we call them. Even then, however, we should remember that George had a constitutional tendency towards insanity, and that he was not always responsible. Moreover, he k had bad advice, bad teachecs, from his very boyhood. His mother, for instance, was a highstrung woman, and brought him up with the idea that he must "be king;" and in 1760, at the age of twenty-five, he tried to rule according to the methods of the Stuarts, one, of whom had been beheaded (1649), and another driven into exile (1685).