Story of the war. Pictorial history of the great civil war

Front matter

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STORY OF THE WAR.

Dedication

To our brave and heroic countrymen who in the fierce struggle of our Great Civil War battled in the cause of patriotism, whether they marched under the Stars and Stripes or followed the ensigns of the "Lost Cause;" whether they wore the Blue or the Gray; and who still survive to enjoy honors from their admiring countrymen;

To the memory of those who sleeping on battle-field or in cemetery await the trumpet sound of the great resurrection;

To Grant of the North, to Lee of the South — to the followers of both — and to every patriotic 5on of America — who would have the true story of this great fratricidal struggle chronicled by an impartial hand with justice to all, extolling virtue, heroism and patriotic devotion to principle wherever found,

Preface

IN oflfering to the public a new History of the Great Civil "War, a few words oi explanatiou are necessary. Of histories, general and special, relating to the late struggle a number have been published, but they were nearly all written at a period so close to the war that the writers were unconsciously biassed by the strong feelings which they shared in common with their fellow-citizens during the occurrence of the events they relate. Time had not softened their prejudices sufficiently to enable them to write with the judicial calmness necessary to the proper treatment of such a subject. It is hoped that in the long years that have elapsed since the return of peace enough has been made plain, and sufficient calmness has been gained, to enable the writer to prepare a history which shall do impartial justica to the struggle itself and to the actors engaged in it.

It has been my aim to present a continuous narrative covering the entire area of operations, both military and naval, and free from those interruptions which in general history are unavoidable. I have endeavored to carry the reader with me over sea and land, wherever the sounds of war were heard, and to present to him in a series of vivid and faithful pictures the events which marked the progress of the great struggle. Of the movements of the hostile forces, and of the commanders under whom at different times and at different places these movements were made, I have expressed my opinion with great freedom, awarding praise or blame as truth or justice seemed to call for the one or the other. I do not expect that my judgments will find favor from all classes ak leaders, but I know that they are the judgments of an unbiassed mind, solicitous for the truth and constrained only by the irresistible logic of facts.

My information I have drawn from sources too n'."nerous to be mentioued in detail. Contemporary magazines and pamphlets, private letters and documents of various kinds which have been kindly placed at my disposal, — all have been consulted with more or less profit. In cases of doubt, where testimony was absent or conflicting, I have corresponded with some of the principal leaders in the ni iV PREFACE.

strife ; and the information thus derived from both Northern and Southern sources has been to me of incalculable value. Of the results of the labors of others in the same field, it is hardly necessary to say, I have taken full advantage. To the exhaustive history of the war by Dr. Lossing, and to the scarcely less exhaustive, but in some respects more philosophical, work of Dr. Draper, I confess myself under great obligations. I have perused with profit and with pleasure Prof. William Swinton's " Decisive Battles of the War ;" and in his " Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac " I have found much with which to illumine and adorn these pages. Of the " History of the Civil War in America," by the Comte de Paris, so far as it has advanced, I cannot speak too highly; and in the preparation of some of the earlier chapters of this work I have found it a useful book of reference. In terms of similar praise I desire to speak of the " Memoirs of General Sherman " and of Badeau's " Military Life of General Grant." From among the many other works which I have consulted with advantage, and to which I cannot refuse to admit my indebtedness, I would mention the " Rebellion Record," " The Great Civil War " by Tomes and Smith, " Grant and his Campaigns " by Dr. Henry Coppee, Tenney's "Military and Naval History of the Rebellion," " The Battle of Gettysburg " by Samuel P. Bates, Pollard's " Lost Cause," and " Chancellorsville " by Hotchkiss and Allan.

As it is, this work is now given to the public ; and if it shall be found that, while doing reasonable justice to all the parties concerned, I have in any degree been able to render such disastrous struggles impossible for the future, I shall feci

that the hours spent over these pages h.-^ve not been spent in vain.

J. L. W"

PICTORIAL HISTORY

THE GREAT CIVIL WAR.

Chapter I

Ihe Aim and Object of this History.— The Causes of the War.— State Eights.- The Tariff and Slavery.— Diverge ing Interests of North and South. — Effect of the Abolition of Slavery in the British Colonies on American Sentiment. — Tlie Missouri Compromise. — The Fugitive Slave Bill. — Repeal of the Missouri Compromise.— Formation of the Republican Party. — Kansas Struggle. — Triumph of the Anti-Slavery Party. — The Campaign of 1856. — Buchanan elected President. — The Kansas-Nebraska Struggle. — Buchanan's Unfortunate Administration.— The Dred Scott Decision. — The John Brown Raid.— The Sale of Arms to the South.— Secession and Organization of the Confederacy. — Election and Inauguration of President Lincoln. — His Address. — The Firing npon Fort Sumter.

In many respects the American Civil War was the most momentous struggle that ever marked the history of the world. Not only did it employ larger armies and fleets than were ever called for by other combatants; not only did it exceed the immortal campaigns of Frederick and Napoleon in the magnitude and brilliancy of its operations; not only did its theatre comprise an area larger than the whole continent of Europe, embracing as many varieties of climate, and presenting as many natural obstacles to be overcome ; not only did it inaugurate a new era and a new mode of warfare, — but it also served to develop the strength and resources of the country it was supposed to be wasting, and to make plain to the world the true character, the immense resources, and the especial genius for war of the American people, and to offer a convincing proof of the imperishable nature of free institutions when entrusted to the keeping of a race of men trained to understand and value them— men willing and resolved to maintain them even at the cost of their lives. The magnitude and grandeur of the events of this great struggle give to them a picturesqueness, so to speak, which must make a faithful account of them deeply interesting to our people.

To write the history of such a struggle must be no easy task, for while lauding the glory of the conqueror the virtues of the vanquished must not be forgotten. In such a task passion and prejudice, sectional pride and intolerance of opposition, have no place; the faithful historian must record events as they occurred. Such a task we propose to ourselves in the work now before us.

In the following pages it will be oui

CAUSES OP THE WAE.

aim and endeavor to caiTy the reader with us, as we follow the contending armies and mark the progress of the conflict ; to halt, from time to time, as the embattled hosts confront each other, listening to the roar of battle and witnessing the wild work of war — the devastation of fields, the desolation of homes, the carnage, the slaughter, the tortured agony of the wounded, and the ghastly features of the dead ; to rejoice with the triumphant defenders of the right, without being ungenerous to the erring and the vanquished ; and finally, to point out the blessed results which flowed out of the terrible struggle, not to the United States alone, but to all nations and to all peoples.

Preliminary to this, however, and in order to enable the reader intelligently to follow us in our descriptions of the different battle scenes, it is necessary to recount briefly, but clearly and impartially, the remote and proximate eauses of the rebellion and the events which immediately preceded the outbreak of hostilities. The antagonism between North and South which came to a head in December, 1860, in the secession of South Carolina from the Union was not new. It was old almost as the Union itself. It had its roots deep down in the nation's history. It might be interesting, if it lay within the scope of this work, to show how much of this antagonism was due to race, how much was due to climate, how much was due to interest, and the pursuits of life. In all these particulars, it could be easily shown, there was difference between North and

South. But to enter into these details with any degree of fulness would be foreign to our plan. From the very commencement of our national history difference of opinion prevailed as to the nature of the bond which held the States together. It was held by one class of statesmen that the Federal Union was a league or confederation which might be dissolved at will by any of the States. It was held by another class of statesmen that the Federal Union constituted a nation, with a national government, and that no one State coxild secede from the Union without the consent of all the others. This was the radical difference out of which ultimately grew the rebellion. It was not until certain material questions arose that any serious practical point was given to this difference of opinion. In course of time such questions did arise. Chief among these were those which related to the tariff and to slavery. The South, which depended on the products of the soil, demanded free trade. The North, which derived its wealth from the manufac tuiing industries, called for protection. And while great statesmen advocated these conflicting views, Congress witnessed many a stormy scene. The question, however, which was a pennanent source of division, and on which agreement was found to be impossible, was that of slavery.

At the time of the formation of the Union, slaveiy was more or less common in all the States. It was more common in the South than in the North, but it existed in all the States. The invention

THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE.

of the cotton-gin by Whitney, in 1793, rendering, as it did, the cultivation of cotton the leadino; branch of Southern industry, hxrgely increased the demand for slave labor. While slavery, for a variety of reasons, had ceased to be a source of wealth in the North, and was gradually dying out, it had become a source of great wealth to the Southern planters and a conspicuous feature of Southern life. In the year 1860, the negro population of the Southern States had increased to about four millions. In the North, slavery had completely died out, and in the States of the Northwest, which were now being rapidly filled up with free immigrants, it never found a place. Slavery was thus found to be a root of bitterness. It determined and rendered permanent the natural antagonism between North and South. Yeai' by year the gulf was widening; and it became more and more apparent that if the South were not to be allowed to maintain its peculiar and favorite institution, and would not be permitted to secede, a gigantic civil war was one of the certainties of the not distant future.

The slavery question, as we have said, was a cause of division from the beginning of om* history. The anti-slavery agitation in England, and the passing of the memorable law in 1807, abolishing the slave trade in the British colonies, had naturally enough a powerful influence on this side of the Atlantic. It helped to determine the purpose of the North, and it infused new life into all those who were in favor of abolition. It was not, however, until about the year 1820 that the real political struggle began. With the famous Missouri Compi'omise began that political contest out of which grew the civil war. It was the first of a series of steps which led up to the act of secession and the firing on Fort Sumter. The Missouii Compromise, it was supposed, was a complete and satisfactory settlement of the dispute between the North and the South. It turned out to be a great source of trouble. Its history is as follows : Missouri formed part of the Louisiana purchase. After the organization of the " Territory of Orleans," in 1803, Missouri fonned part of the "District of Louisiana." Later it took the name of " Missouri Territory." The State of Missouri was a part of that Territory. In 1820, Missouri applied to Congress for admission into the Union as a State. It was proposed that the application be granted only on condition that slavery be prohibited in the new State. The pro-slavery party were indignant. Both in and out of Congi-ess party feeling ran high. The discussion, which was conducted with great bitternees, resulted in what was called a compramise. It was agreed that slavery be allowed in Missouri, but prohibited in all the ten'itory of the United States north and west of the northern boundary of Arkansas. On these terms Missouri entered the Union as a State. The compromise, from which so much was expected, settled nothing. The Southern people continued to feel and act as if they had been hindered in the exercise of their rights. In 1850, they succeeded in passing the-

CAUSES OF THE WAR.

Fugitive Slave B^il , ^yhicli enabled masters to recover theii' slaves who might have escaped to a freo State. This act gave great umbrage to the North. In

1854 the South gained another triimiph by the ivpeal of the Missouri Compromise. Th:s act, which had for its object the oi'gainzation of a territorial govei'nment in Kansas and Nebraska, provided that the people of the Territories should be at liberty to adopt or exclude slavery, as they thought fit. State Rights were thus again in the ascendant; and the Southern planters were left at liberty to establish their favorite institutions all over the Southwest. At this juncture was formed the Republican party — a party whose principal doctrine was opposition to the extension of slaveiy. The organization of the Republican party made it plain to all the world that the struggle between the South and the North — between the pro-slavery party on the one hand and the anti-slavery party on the other — meant war to the knife. A truce was now no longer possible.

These preliminary remarks would be incomplete Avithout a passing reference to what is known as the Kansas struggle. Kansas, like Missouri, originally formed part of that immense territory which went by the name of Louisiana, It will be remembered by the reader that the Missouri Compromise left the southwestern provinces open for the introduction of slaveiy. The repeal of that act by Mr. Douglas's bill did not destroy the hopes of the southern planters with regard to Kansas. From the date of the Missouri Compromise it had been the battle-groxmd of the two contending parties. Both the pro-slavery party and the anti-slavery party did their best to colonize it. From the East and the Northwest freemen poured into the new territory, and " emigrant aid societies" were formed in all the Free States to lend the freemen a helping hand. The South was not less industrious in its efforts. " Bordei- ruffians," as they were called, rushed in from the neighboring State of Missouri, and a reign of violence ensued almost if not entirely unparalleled in the history of the country. The Kansas struggle, as can easily be imagined, deeply embittered feeling on both sides, and had a powerful influence in hastening the " in'epressible conflict." At last, after some years of weary fighting, the anti-slavery party triumphed, and Kansas was admitted a free State 30th Januaiy, 1861. While this struggle was at its height, took place the presidential election of 1856. It was one of the keenest contests in the history of the country. Mr. Fremont, the Republican candidate, polled a large number of votes ; but the Democrats carried the day, and Mr. Buchanan, a warm friend of the South, came into power. The election of a Democratic president was more an apparent than a real gain to the South. Mr. Buchanan, with all his immense influence, could not hinder the admission of Kansas as a free State ; and the settlement of the Kansas difficulty was justlj^ regarded as an anti-slavery triumph. "The Kansas-Nebraska struggle," as Dr. Draper well puts it, " marks an epoch in the great contro-

BUCHANAN'S ADMINISTRATION.

versy between the North and the South. It closes the period of parliamentary or congressional debate between them, and introduces one of violence and open war. The South clearly perceived that nothing more was to be hoped for from peaceful measures, and that, if it were its intention to perpetuate or even to protect African slavery, it could do so only by force."

The history of the next four years is the history of a war of opposing views and conflicting aims. The South was becoming more embittered, the North raore resolute. The Buchanan administration was in fact a great misfortune to the country. Of all the pul>lic men of his time, he was perhaps least fitted for the stern duties which devolved upon the chief of the State. Men like Cromwell or Napoleon or General Jackson would have been equal to the situation ; but Buchanan was neither a Cromwell nor a Napoleon, nor is he to be mentioned in the same breath with General Jackson. Admirably adapted for the high position in times of peace, he was altogether ime(iual to the stirring times in which he found himself. A strong hand would have seized the helm and acted with decision. The prospect of war unnerved him; he hesitated, and the vessel floated to destruction. His term of ofiice was marked by four great events — the Dred Scott decision in 1857 ; the John Brown raid in the fall of 1859 ; the sale of arms to the South, and the organization and retirement from the Union of the Southern Confederacy. The Dred Scott decision vvaw very properly regarded in the

North as the virtual establishment of slavery throughout all the States of the Union, and converting it from a local into a national institution. According to the decision given by Judge Taney of the Supreme Court in this case, a slave owner might carry his slaves with him into any State of the Union. Some of the Northern States resented this decision by passing " Personal Liberty Laws," declaring freedom to every slave who came within their borders. The bitter feelings engendered on both sides by the Dred Scott affair were aggravated by the John Brown raid. It was no doubt a foolish affair, which never had the approval of any large or influential st ct'iDU of the Northern people ; but it was felt by the South to be a demonstration of Northern sentiment^ and it was treated accordingly. The execution of Brown and his associates was no doubt justified by the law of the land, but it was nevertheless a great blunder. It exalted a foolish filibustering raid into the character of a crusade for liberty, and it transformed a crazy old man into a hero and a martjr. Blood had now been shed, and reconciliation had become impossible.

In the midst of the heat and excitement occasioned by the Dred Scott decision and the John Brown raid, the South was secretly and busily prepar ing for Avar. Through the indifference of the government at Washington, and through the treacheiy of the secretary of war, large stores of arms and ammunition were transferred to the South; and while the North was dreaming of war only as a probability, the South

CAUSES OP THE WAR.

was armed to the teeth. Such was the condition of things North and South when the time came to nominate a candidate for the presidency in the spring of 1860. The people were divided into four parties. Each party had its own candidate, and each candidate had his own platform. The candidates were Breckenridge, of the Southern Democracy; Douglas, of the Northern Democracy ; Lincoln, of the Republican party; and Bell, of the Union Constitutional party. On the platform that "there is no law for slavery in the Territories, and no power to enact one ; and that Congress is bound to prohibit it in or exclude it fi'om every Federal Territory," the Republicans carried the day. The elec- KoT. tion of Lincoln on the 6th of No-

*• vember, 1860, crushed the hopes of the South. It was the signal for secession. South Carolina was the first to move. At a special convention, held Dec. on the 20th of December, 1860,

20» her connection with the Union was dissolved by an unanimous vote. The example of South Carolina was promptly followed by Mississippi, Alabama, Florida, Georgia, and Louisiana, and later by Texas. As Buchanan held the opinion that neither he nor Congress had the right to coerce a State into submission, nothing was done to hinder the progress of secession. On the 4th of February, 1861, a F*b« convention of the seceded States

4« was held at Montgomery, Alabama; and there a constitution was adopted and a government organized, under the name of the Confederate States of

America. Jefferson Davis, late United States senator from Mississippi, was elected president, and Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia vice-president. The seceders took possession of all the forts, arsenals, custom-houses, ships, and all other Federal property within their boundaries. In the South, iu the possession of the United States there remained only Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor, Fort Pickens, near Pensacola, and the forts off the southern extremity of Florida.

On Mareli 4th, 1861, Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated. In his ad- Mar. dress, the president declared it to *• be his duty to "hold, occupy and possess the places and property " belonging to the Federal government in the South. This was accepted by the Southern leaders as a declaration of war. Several of the southern-born officers ia the United Stares army and navy, who had not yet declared themselves, now entered the Confederate service. Without delay, General Beauregard was placed at the head of the forces, about four thousand men, who were already investing Fort Sumter, in Charleston Harbor. Fort Sumter was held by a garrison of about eighty men under Major Anderson, whose name will be memorable in American history. At the time of the secession of South Caro liua, in December, 1860, Anderson was stationed at Fort Moultrie, but for greater security he removed to Fort Sumter. It was known that the garrison was reduced to great straits, and must soon surrender, unless supplies and reinforcements came from Washing-

CHAELESTON HARBOK.

ton. It was believed that the president and his advisers were disposed to withdraw the garrison. Early in April, however, it became known that the government had decided to send a fleet with supplies to Major Anderson and bis garrison. Beauregard received instructions from the authorities at Montgomery to demand the surrender of the iort; and, if his demand was not complied with, he was to reduce it by force. On the afternoon of the Apnj 11th of April, 1861, the demand !»• to surrender was made. Major Anderson refused to comply. Early on the following morning the threat which was made was carried out, and fire was opened on Fort Sumter by the Confederate land batteries. The American Civil War had commenced.

Chapter II

Iffanrleston Harbor. — Fort Sumter. — Gardiner and Floyd. — Major Anderson. — Adjntant-General Cooper. — Evidence of Conspiracy. — Transfer of Arms from Northern to Southern Arsenals. — Jefferson Davis' ' ' Little BUI. " — Captain Foster's 'Workmen. — General Scott becoming alarmed. — Conspirators in the Cabinet. — Anderson moves from Fort Moultrie into Fort Sumter. — Great Excitement all over the Conntrj'. — Indignation in the Sonth. — Resignation of Floyd. — Action of the Secession Convention. — Castle Pinckney and Fort Moultrie occupied by the Secessionists. —Seizure of the Custom House and Post-Office. — The Southern Commissioners in Washington. — Their Extraordinary Demands Refused. — President Buchanan Aroused. — More Energy on the part of the Government. — The Star of the West. — Preparations for Attacking Fort Sumter. — The Star of the West seen in the Outer Harbor — Fired upon — Compelled to Retire. — Anderson called upon to Surrender Fort Sumter. — Secession Spreading. — The Peace Conference. — Election of Lincoln. — His .Journey to Washington. — His Life in Danger. — His Inauguration. — His Address. — Anderson more Hopeful. — Disappointment. — Lincoln ' ' Putting His Foot Down Firmly. " — The Relief Squadron. — Anderson again called upon to Surrender the Fort.— His Reply. — The First Shot.— The Bombardment. —The Relief Squadron Sighted.— Hope.— The Garrison Reduced to Extremities. — Red-Hot Shot. — Fort Smnter in Flames. — The Last Three Cartridges. — The Flag Staff Shot Down. — The notorious Wigf all.— Wigf all's Deception Discovered. — Anderson Indignant. — Surrenders on his own Terms. — Anderson and his Men safe on board the Baltic.

Before the close of 1860, public attention was centered on Charleston Harbor. It was here that the first indications of actual war were revealed. The harbor of Charleston is one of the finest on the South Atlantic seaboard. Duiing the years of peace and prosperit)^, great care had been taken of it by the State and Federal authorities ; and when South Carolina, yielding to the fierce impulses of rebellion, took the bold step of retiiing from the Union, it was one of the best guarded harbors in the States. It had the advantage of four powerful fortresses — Castle Pinckney, Fort Moultrie, Fort Johnson, and Fort Sumter. Castle Pinckney was situated upon the southern extremity of a tract of marshy land known as Shute's Folly Island, and was near the city of Charleston. Fort Moultrie stood on Sullivan's Island, distant from Charleston between three and four miles, and not far removed i2 vOET SUMTER.

from the famous little palmetto-log fort of that name, made memorable during the Wai' of Independence by its heroic defiance of the British fleet in 1776. Fort Johnson stood on James Island, and to the west of Fort Sumter. As a fortificati' a it was of comparatively little accc .nt. Fort Sumter was by far the largest and most important of these strongholds. Its position gave it an immense advantage over all the others. It was built in the middle of the entrance to the harbor piope ■; and its walls of defiance towered up on the southwestern edge of the ship channel. Fort Sumter was about three and a half miles from the city. A truncated pentagonal in form, its walls were of solid brick and concrete masonry. The island on which the fort was erected rested on a mud bank. The materials of which the island was composed were chips of granite from the quarries of New England. In the conveyance of these materials and in the construction of the island ten years were consumed, and the actual cost amounted to over half a million of dollars. The fort itself cost another half million. The walls, which were sixty feet high and from eight to twelve feet thick, were pierced for three tiers of guns on the north, east and west sides. The two lower tiers were under bomb-proof casemates. The first tier was intended for forty-two-pounder Paixhans, the other two were intended for eight and ten-inch columbiads. The full complement of guns was one hundred and forty, but when the war broke out there were only seventy-five guns in the work.

In 1860 Colonel Gardiner was commander in Charleston Harbor. A variety of circumstances encouraged the belief that Gardiner was in league with the enemy. The strange conduct of War Secretary Floyd and the cunning efforts of Jefferson Davis to secure anns for the South, had created a spirit of watchfulness, and Gardiner having revealed an inordinate amount of anxiety to have his supply of ammunition increased, iucuiTed the displeasure of the government and was removed. The vacant place was filled without delay by Major Robert Anderson, a native of Kentucky, and an officer who had won some distinction in the Mexican campaigns. On the 20th November Anderson jfoy, arrived and assumed the com- 20t mand, his head-quarters being at Fort Moultrie. It would have been strange if a man of his discernment had been deceived by the peculiar state of things which prevailed all around him. Anderson was not deceived. On the 23d of November he wrote to Adju- jf^y, tant-General Cooper, describing 28. the situation. In that letter he uses the following remarkable words : "That there is," he says, "a settled determination to leave the Union and to obtain possession of this fort is apparent to all." All the forts in the harbor, he assured General Cooper, were in a wretched condition, Fort Moultrie particularly inviting attack by its weakness. " Fort Sumter and Castle Pinckney," he went on to say, "must be garrisoned immediately, if the government determines to keep command of this harbor," Major Anderson's letter to