Man's mistake

Front matter

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K

Shelf.h(B.>7 2-

Conclusion

Important as are the money and railway questions, neither can afford a real or wholesome remedy. The remed}^ lies in the land question — in the question whether all men or only a few shall own the gifts of nature; whether rent shall go to landlords, or to the public, which creates it. Whatever else may be in order and essential, this is certainly the first and most fundamental economic arrangement that must be properly provided for. No matter what financial and railway systems may be established, so long" as the earth is monopolized must labor find it difficult to secure employment and impossible to obtain fair wages; and this is just what must be accomplished. The problem is to open the fields of industr}^ — to permit labor to use the world, which must immediately raise wages to the highest consistent point and cause an equitable distribution of the results of industry, no matter what money is used or how the railways are operated.

Already over 20,000,000 acres of very valuable American lands are owned by landlords of Great Britain alone; and their 'free' American tenants are compelled to pay them millions of dollars annually for the privilege of using and living in their own 'dear native land.' Millions of dollars every year we must pay to foreign landlords for the blessed privilege of earning a living. How stupid we 'free' Americans are! to pay foreigners, who do nothing to produce our wealth, such enormous bounties — we might as well cast our millions into the sea; and the sea is just as much entitled to the same.

Under our present land system and laws all our lands might be owned by foreigners, who, without ever touching the wheels of industry, would drain this beautiful land, the veriest paradise of the globe, of the bulk of all wealth that we might be permitted by such landlords to produce. We 'free' Americans would evidently be nothing more than their humble slaves.

But what would be the difference if these laudlords were to live in London or in New York, on this side or on the other side of the ocean? Practically nothing. Landlords can be no more instrumental in producing wealth or creating rent by living in idleness here than they can be by living in idleness across the sea; and hence, they are in neither case entitled to one cent of such wealth or rent. The only thing that can be said in favor of resident landlords is that they will spend their money here — as though that were a sufficient reason why landlords should get what others produce. But what advantage is there in having landlords spend their money here? Only this: that we will have the pleasure of feeding them, Money is spent or invested where it affords the greatest opportunities; and it matters not where men who possess it live. The money obtained from us by landlords will be invested wherever it may find the greatest demand or secure the highest returns — and it takes but a few days to ship money across the Atlantic, and but a few hours or minutes to effect an investment in the most distant portions of the globe. T- does not mean that because money is paid here it remains here. But whether it does or not, industry is not only robbed of so much of its results, but is demoralized by the obstructions thus thrown in its course. Money flows and seeks its level, just like water. We could not stop it if we would.

No, it differs not whether landlords live abroad or in our midst; whether they are foreigners or Americans; whether they constitute a million individuals or only one person. Industry must pay the rent and suffer just the same.

And, ah! how terrible to contemplate that we toiling" Americans must pay annually billions of dollars for the privilege of toiling, and to enable our landlords to spend our money for us in our own country! But even all this could be endured if it did not reduce and degrade labor, the noblest attribute of man, into misery and disgrace — nay, if it did not produce involuntary destitution, want, crime, and death !

Who can view these conditions, which all must see if they would or not, and then deny the possibility of some terrible injustice: He who cannot see that a great wrong exists must be blinder than a bat; he who has no faith in the application of any just remedy must, in his heart, be« a blasphemer of the Creator; and he who will shrink from enlisting his attention in the search for such a remedy must be an intellectual and moral coward.

We talk about Christianizing the world; but we cannot succeed until we begin at the proper place. If we would transport goods across the sea, we must first build a ship; and if we would climb to heaven we must first construct a ladder. If we would make men good we must first enable them to be good. Instead of denying them the use of the earth and thereby forcing them into idleness, destitution and crime, we must open up the fields of labor, from which they are barred by the monopoly created by our laws, and by which they are robbed when access to opportunities is granted them. We must enable all men to make an honest living", and fewer will engage in the occupations of swindling, stealing and gambling. We must abolish the laws that tempt and drive men into evil ways, before we can hope to see them honest and true. Let us establish a just economic system, so that no one will be forced into want, but can at all times make at least a comfortable living, and the Christianization of man will be easy and rapid.

The true teacher of religion and ethics must lay his foundation and begin to build here; for the laws that govern society are of greater consequence than the theories of creeds. If the clergy of the world would devote a tithe of their energies in this direction they would do far more good for the religion of Jesus than they do in teaching and preaching theories alone. This is Christianity; it is practical Christianity — the only Christianity that counts for much.

It is not only the duty of the churches to protest against the terrible crime of private appropriation of rent, but they commit no less a crime when they countenance and fail to protest against the same. To countenance wrong is no better than doing wrong, and there can be no alternative for the churches, if they are to serve the purpose of moral institutions.

Monopoly is the chief cause of crime, the principal obstruction to progress, and the awful curse of this otherwise magnificent world. It makes millionaires of idlers, and tramps of industrious toilers. It checks prosperity, and produces panics and hard-times. It debases human intellect and human character, and perverts human nature. It is the great fountain-head of nearly all that is low, vulgar and mean. We pray, and have prayed for centuries, 'Thy kingdom come on earth as it is in heaven.' Is this the kingdom of our prayer? a world of beggars and tramps? If it is, it is a veritable hell indeed, and it behooves us to pray for a better kingdom, or with greater faith, and to act as well as pray. But how often do we hear people say this prayer, and in the very next breath, if they are approached upon the subject, say this state of things cannot be avoided. In church they profess to believe that their praj^ers will be answered ; but in their hearts they have no faith. Let us have faith.

The struggle for this reform is not only begun, but is already far on the way. Thinking people the world over are giving it their serious attention; and the ablest of statesmen are championing the great cause. Enlisted in the movement are people of all classes, from orthodox to infidel, from millionaire to beggar, from monopolist to wage-earner, and even from landlord to tenant. This is no class movement. It is the movement of mankind for a truer and higher order of social justice. It is the movement of equal rights to all and a brotherhood of man.

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THE

Warfare of Science

BY

President of Cornell University.

Preface

In its earlier abridged form this address was given as a Phi Beta Kappa oration at Brown University, and, as a lecture, at New York, Boston, New Haven, Ann Arbor, and elsewhere. In that form, substantially, it was published in The Popular Science Monthly. I have now given it careful revision, correcting some errors, and extending it largely by presenting new facts and developing various points of interest in the general discussion. Among the subjects added or rewrought are, in Astronomy, the struggle of Galileo and the retreat of the Church after its victory; in Chemistry and Physics, the compromise between Science and Theology made by Thomas Aquinas, and the unfortunate route taken by Science in consequence; in Anatomy and Medicine, the earlier growth of ecclesiastical distrust of these sciences; in Scientific Education, the dealings of various European universities with scientific studies; in Political and Social Science, a more complete statement of the opposition of the Church, on Scriptural grounds, to the taking of interest for money; and in the conclusion, a more careful summing up. If I have seemed to encumber the text with notes, it has been in the intention to leave no important assertion unsupported; and in the hope that others — less engrossed with administrative care than myself — may find in them indications for more extended studies in various parts of the struggles which I have but sketched. $1.00

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