Armenia's ordeal. A sketch of the main features of the history of Armenia; an inside account of the work of American missionaries among Armenians and its ruinous effect; and a general review of the Armenaian question

Front matter

1^ cMp......T. Copyright No.

Slielt.ii.L_l^

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.

Part First. A Historical Sketch

CHAPTER L*

THE ORIGIN AND GROWTH OF THE ARMENIAN NATION.

The Armenian race belongs to the Japhetic branch of the human family. Its origin is traced to a patriarch like that of the Jews. They are the descendants of Haig, the eldest of the eight sons of Torgom, or Togarmah. Togarmah's name is recorded in the book of Genesis as a grandson of Japhet. This shows that the national antiquity of the Armenians dates further back than that of the Jews.

After the deluge Noah is said to have settled near the skirts of Mount Ararat, which is quite natural to assume, where his descendants lived with him until they grew so numerous that it became necessary for them to emigrate towards Shinar.

Haig accompanied the migration to Shinar where he took part in the construction of the tower of Babel, but after the confusion of the tongues he returned with his family to the shores of Lake Van, in Armenia, where his

*This chapter is written chiefly upon the authority of Moses of Khorene, the Armenian historian of the V. ceiitury.

father and grandfather resided. It is but natural that all did not join the great emigration, and the older folks preferred to remain in their paternal home near the skirts of Mount Ararat. Returning to the home of his forefathers, Haig built a town for his family and attendants^ in all numbering about three hundred souls, which he named Hark, meaning the fathers, from which Ingigian, the eminent Armenian archaeologist, infers that Haig must have been an affectionate son, strongly attached to his forefathers; hence he finds it natural that 'Haig should have learned again the tongue of his father which he had lost in the confusion, and that he did not preserve the language which he brought from Shinar, and which was given as a divine curse. In those days Nimrod, a powerful chief, established a monarchy and ruled over all the emigrants who had gone to Shinar. After his arrival and settlement on the shores of Lake Yan, Haig was followed by Mmrod, who came at the head of an army to subjugate Armenia. Haig gave battle to Nimrod and slew the tyrant. By this act of gallantry Haig became the protector and chief of his country.

The family of Haig grew into a nation within 300 years, and Prince Aram, the sixth generation of Haig, extended his conquests as far as Cappadocia, where he planted a great colony on the site of the present Csesaria. It was after this prince that Haig's descendants were called by foreign nations "Armenians," instead of Hal, and their country was known as Armenia, instead of Haiasdan. Hai and Haiasdan are still the only appellations used among the Armenians themselves. Particulars are wanting regarding the rule of the first Armenian dynasty, which governed Armenia down to the time of Alexander the Great, by whom the country was brought to submission, B. C. 327. Among the princes of the first dynasty the greatest was King Tigrane I., who reigned over Armenia for fourty-five years (565-520 B. C). In the days of this illustrious monarch Armenia attained the maximum of her pre-Christian prosperity. The historian tells that in those days almost all the available land throughout the kingdom was cultivated ; the country was densely populated, and the prevailing prosperity attracted the peoples of the neighboring countries. The famed city of Tigranocerta, now known by the Turkish name Diarbekir,* was founded and built by this king. Tigrane I. al- FO engaged in many wars and aggrandized his dominion. He was succeeded by Vahagn, the youngest of his three sons, who possessed such remarkable muscular strength, that he was deified and his image was worshipped by the Georgians for several centuries.

After the downfall of the first dynasty and the conquest of Armenia by Alexander the Great, the country was governed by Armenian noblemen, who paid a tribute to Seleucia. Armenia regained her independence m the year 149 B. C, receiving upon her throne Vagharshag, a Parthian prince and a brother of the king of Persia. Vagharshag became the founder of the Arshagouni (Arsacedean) dynasty which reigned over Armenia until A. D. 428.

Under this second dynasty Armenia once more became a powerful kingdom. Ardashes I., surnamed the Conqueror, ascended the Armenian throne B. C. 114. He was a warlike prince, and conquered many neighboring principalities. One of his enterprising achievemerts wa3 the construction of a formidable fleet with which he su''

ceeded in capturing many islands in the Mediterranean. He also invaded Greece, and thence imported to Armenia the images of Grecian deities, together with their respective priests, and established them in various parts of Armenia ; hence the introduction of Grecian polytheism in Armenia. After a glorious reign of twenty-five years Ardashes the Conqueror was killed by his own troops during a tumult in his army.

Tigrane II., better known as Tigrane the Great, succeeded his father, Ardashes the Conqueror, in 89 B. C. The news of the sudden death of Ardashes came to the newly conquered nations like a signal for a general rebellion, so that when Tigrane ascended the throne Greeks and other peoples were invading Armenia. Tigrane's rule began by first putting down the widespread insurrections, and making it understood by all that although Ardashes was dead, he was much alive in the person of his young son.

Mithridates VI., King of Pontus, was a brother-in-law of Tigrane, having marrried a daughter of Ardashes the Conqueror. His kingdom was under the suzerainty of that of Armenia, and, on account of his extraordinary talent and bravery, he had been a favorite at the court of his father-in-law. Tigrane entrusted Mithridates with, the command of an Armenian army consisting of 140,000 infantry and 16,000 cavalry, and commissioned him with, the conquest of Greece. Mithridates met with great success. Within a short time he subdued Bithynia, which was in revolt, and advanced on Thrace, Macedonia and Greece, which likewise submitted to his conquering advance. The Armenian army under the command of Mithridates finally captured Athens in 87 B, C, This swift succes encouraged Tigrane the Great to contemplate of pushing his conquest forward even to Rome itself. But soon matters took an adverse turn. Sulla hastened from Rome at the head of an army to meet Mithridates in Greece. The Romans were coming out fresh from their home, while the Armenian army was badly in need of re inforcements as its conquests had naturally cost more or less loss of strength. But Armenia M'as too far behind for immediate reinforcements. Mithridates was driven out of Greece with great loss and the Romans pursued him across the Hellespont.*

Dissatisfied with the outcome of Mithridates' expedition in Europe, Tigrane assumed the commandership himself and began to conduct the war in person. These wars lasted very long. Sulla, Lucullus, and Pompey were successively sent on Armenia, but they found her unconquerable. Tigrane and Mithridates resisted them very bravely. The Romans would have certainly been driven back to Europe had it not been for treacheries in Tigrane's own army, — the result of Roman bribery and promises. Parnag, (Pharnaces, ) son of Mithridates, passed to the enemy's side and besieged his own father at Panticapseum till at last in his despair Mithridates sought relief in death by committing suicide together with the mem-

♦Mithridates being a king himself, the Romans seem to have had the impression, which was not unnatural, that he was waging this war on the account of his own crown, and Roman historians have recorded this campaign accordingly. They also seem to have felt a pleasure in speaking of the achievements of the Armenian fleet in the Ionian and Tuscan Seas as the work of Cilician pirates, but the magnitude of the depredations, as they describe, is sufficient to convince their readers that they could have been no work of mere pirates.

bers of his family who were with him, B. C. 63. Tigrane the Great also had the same misfortune as his brother-in-law. His son, Diran, rebelled against him and by the help of the king of Persia laid siege to the city Ardashad. Diran was defeated by his father and put to flight, whereupon he went into the camp of Pompey whom he guided against his own father. Under these sinister circumstances Tigrane was compelled to conclude peace with Pompey, ceding to Rome certain territories.

Tigrane abdicated and placed his son Ardavazt I. upon the throne, taking the command of the army upon himself. Once more he went to war with the Romans and fought against Gabianus, Crassus, and Cassius, but eventually the Romans became masters of Assyria because Tigrane was no more young. By making certain concessions Tigrane secured the alliance of the King of Persia and renewed hostilities against the Romans and drove them out of Assyria. The wars continued until Tigrane the Great died at the age of eighty-five years, having reigned fifty-four years, which was an era of almost continual wars for Armenia.

Ardavazt I. did not posses the spirit of his father, and the powerful kingdom of Armenia was soon overcome. Ardavazt was treacherously made a prisoner by Mark Antony and was carried to Egypt where he was decapitated. After the death of Ardavazt, the kingdom of Armenia was divided into two and was governed by two different princes of the Arsacedean dynasty, the one being Armenia proper and the other Mitchaked (Mesopotamia),

CHAPTER II.

CHRISTIANITY IN ARMENIA.

Arsham, a nephew of Tigrane the Great, became the ruler of Mesopotamia, making Mudzpin (Nisibis) his seat, and paid a tribute to Rome. After a reign of about thirty years he was succeeded by his son, Abgar,* in the year 1 B. C. This prince became famous in Armenian history not by conquest, but by being the first monarch to believe in Jesus Christ.

Finding Mudzpin to be too near to the Assyrian boundary, King Abgar thought that he was exposed to the danger of suddenly being attacked by the Romans. Therefore he removed his seat to Edessa. In his days the King of Persia died and a dispute arose for the succession among the king's surviving three sons. The royal house of Persia being related to that of Annenia, Abgar hastened to Persia to settle the dispute by arbitration. During his sojourn in Persia Abgar contracted a dreadful desease, supposed to be leprosy, by which he suffered long.

It so happened that three Armenian military emissaries upon their return from their mission, passed through Jerusalem for the purpose of seeing Jesus, whose fame had

*According to Moses of Khorene the correct name of this prince was originally Avac-air, (which in Armenian means great ina7i^ "because of his meekness and wisdom, and also for his stature," but it was corrupted by his numerous Greek and Assyrian subjects to Avgarus; hence Abgarus. This latter form some less informed persons have supposed to be a corruption of the Arabic name Akbar.

8 Armenia's oRDEAii

reached their ears. On their return to Edessa they told to King Abgar of the miracles they had witnessed and heard of. Upon hearing their narrations the afflicted king exclaimed: "He must be either a god that has descended from the heavens, or a son of a god." He believed in Jesus then and there, and believed that He could cure him of his disease. Immediately he caused a letter to be written to Jesus inviting Him to come to Edessa and heal him, and rule upon his little kingdom to-- gether. The letter was dispatched by Anan, the royal courier. Anan was accompanied by an artist who was instructed to bring a portrait of Jesus, in case He should decline the invitation. Jesus sent an answer, written by the apostle Thomas, in which He declined the invitation and promised to send two of His apostles after He would "ascend unto His Father."* Besides the letter, the Lord

*The text of Abgar' s letter and Its answer are to be found in Eusebius' Ecclesiastical History. Eusebius declares that tie had found the copies in the archieves of Edessa, and had translated from them. Moses of Khorene, one of the best scholars of the Golden Age of Armenian literature, testifies in h.\s> History of Armenia that in his time those manuscripts were still preserved in the royal archieves of Edessa. His history contains not onl)' the texts of those two letters, but also those of several other important epistles sent by Abgar to various monarchs recommending them the religion of Jesus. These precious documents were lost probably during the destruction of Edessa by the .Saracens when the magnificent metropolis was set on fire and razed to the ground.

Referring to the passage In the Gospel where the visit of "ceriain Greeks" to Jesus is mentioned, Moses of Khorene says that they were Abgar's emissaries. In the Greek version of the Gospel those visitors are referred to as "certain Gentiles," while according totheSyriac version they were "Aramaeans."

It is considered strange that a full account of such a remarkable event in the career of our Lord should have been Osent to King Abgar a napkin bearing the likeness of His face.

After the ascension of Jesus, apostle Thomas sent Thaddeus, one of the seventy-two disciples, to Edessa. King Abgar received Thaddeus with the greatest honors, and even prostrated himself on his face before the dis-

mitted by the four Evangelists. In chapter xii. of the Gospel of John the account of the visit of those Gentiles seems to be abruptly curtailed. While the Evangelist has gone into details regarding the visit of the strangers as to who they saw flrst, what they said, and what Philip did&c; nothing is said about the strangers being received by the Lord, and whj^ they wanted to see Jesus, or why Philip was so much stirred up as to go and confer with another apostle. There must have been something unusual about these strangers, for we see no other instance in which the apostles should have conferred with each other before presenting to Jesus any one that wished to see Him.

Assuming that the strangers were royal emissaries, who had come to offer the Lord a crown, does it not seem natural that the apostles should have conferred with each other as to with what etiquette the distinguished visitors were to be received by Jesus? Philip and Andrew, after conferring with each other, did not take the strangers forthwith to the presence of Jesus, but went and spoke to Him, presumably to inquire in what manner He ■would receive such royal emissaries on such a mission. The words of Jesus on this occation tend to support the belief that they were Abgar's emissaries inviting Jesus to go to Edessa and share the throne with the king Jesus said on that occation: "The hour is come that the Son of man should be glorified," [that is to sa^', I think, that he should be glorified by the accomplishment of His mission, which was to die for the salvation of mankind]. His words on this occation are very much like arguing why he should not accept the offer, and should suffer death at the hands of his own people. He said:

"Verily, verily, I say unto you. Except a corn of wheat fall into the ground and die, it abideth alone: but if it die, it bringeth forth much fruit. He that loveth his life shall lose it; and he that hateth his life in this world shall keep it unto life eternal. If any man serve me let him follow me." (John xii. 24-26.)

ciple.

"Art thou the disciple of the blessed Jesus," asked the king eagerly, "whom He had promised to send unto me, and canst thou heal me of my affliction?"

<'If thou believe in Jesus Christ, the Son of God, thy heart's wish shall be granted unto thee, " replied Thaddeus.

"I have believed in Him, and in His Father," answered Abgar.

Thaddeus preached the gospel, and placing his hand upon the head of the king healed him of his affliction. The whole royal household and the people of Edessa soon believed in Christ and were baptised by the apostle. Thaddeus ordained Atte, the king's morion maker, as bishop of Edessa and he went to Armenia proper there to preach the gospel.

During the days of Abgar Christianity was rapidly spread throughout Armenia, but upon his death Anane, Abgar's son and successor, and Sanadroug, Abgar's nephew and the king of Armenia proper, became persecutors of the newly introduced religion, obviously for political reasons. Anane reigned but a short time and he -was crushed to death under a falling pillar while giving instructions in the construction of a new palace. Upon Anane's death Mesopotamia was re-annexed to Armenia proper. Apostle Bartholomew also came to Armenia and labored for the propagation of the Christian faith. Like Anane, Sanadroug also lost his life by an accident. He was killed by an arrow shot astray by one of his archers while hunting.

After that there were times of persecution and times of toleration, and the number of the believers increased or

ARMENIA'S ORDEAIi 11

decreased accordingly. But Christianity was never peremptorily abandoned by the Armenians. However a revival took place at the hands of St. Gregory the Illuminator, by the conversion of King Durtad (Tiridates, ) and once more Christianity became the national religion of the Armenians, A. D. 302. "Within a very short time almost the whole nation had been converted. The Church of Armenia was formally organized and St. Gregory became the Catholicos or Pontiff of the Church.*

CHAPTER in.

THE STRUGGLE FOR THE MAINTENANCE OP THE NATIONAL

CHURCH.

Upon the downfall of the Arsacedean dynasty, 428 A. D., Armenia lost her independence and became a satrapy of Persia. Yezdigird II., the King of Persia, first secured his powerful grasp on Armenia, and then he invited the Armenian nation to renounce their religion and become Zoroastrian fire-worshippers. A council consisting of the leading ecclesiastics and the nobility, especially assembled, wrote, on behalf of the nation, a ringing reply t) the King's imperious message, which concluded thus :

"From this faith no one can m-ove us, — neither angels

*Perhaps it may not be out of place to correct an error, which appears so often in the press, legarding' the Catholicos of the Church of Armenia. The Catholicos is not the "head" of the Church as he is erroneously called. He is the high priest of the Church,— the head of the clerg-y. The Church of Armenia recognizes Christ as the only head of the Church, according to the teachings of Paul (Ephesians Vi 23, Coloasians i. 17.18,)

12 AllMBTrrA'S OKDEAIj

nor men; neitlier sword, nor fire, nor water, nor anydeadly punishment. If thou leave us our faith, we will have no other [civil] lord in place of thee ; but we will accept no god in place of Jesus Christ."*

This dauntless reply enraged the self-styled King of Kings, and he issued orders to his generals to go and crush the rigid necks of the obstinate Armenians, and to show them that the crucified Jesus, whom they worshipped so devotedly, was no match for Zarathrustra's Ahura- Mazda. This happened in A. D. 451. The invading army was accompanied with a host of magi who were to instruct the Armenians in the worship of the fire when brought to submission by force. The Armenians were determined to perish rather than renounce their Christianity. A great Armenian revolution resulted, led by the ecclesiastics, — a holy war, a heroic struggle, great bloodshed, horrible martyrdoms. The decisive battle was fought in the plain of Avarair, on the banks of the river Dughmood. One thousand and thirty-six Armenians fell in the battle, including many prominent nobles, and the Commander-in-chief Vartan Mamigonian , the soul of the revolution, who has since been recognized as a saint for defending the Church so heroically.

Of the Persians that day over 3500 were killed, among whom were many prominent soldiers and chiefs, the flower ot the army, so that the Persian commander trembled to report to his sovereign the result of the battle. Yezdigird II. became convinced that it would be impossible to subdue the Armenians and to forcibly proselyte them, and wishing to put an end to the unprofitable war-

*Eg'hiche, Vartan^ and the War of the Armenians.

IP

VARTAN MAMIGONIAN.

fare, he abruptly changed his policy and issued an edict granting them freedom of worship.

Peace reigned in Armenia for a short time, and the Persians again began to oppress the Armenians. About fourteen years after the battle of Avarair, the Armenians once more revolted against Persia ; this time being led by Vahan Mamigonian, the worthy nephew of Vartan. This revolution met with every success. The Persians were driven out of Armenia, and the King of Persia sued for peace, conceding to Vahan the satrapy of Armenia for life. Vahan governed his country for twenty-six years on a liberal scale, and after his death Armenia continued to enjoy an autonomous government for about one hundred and forty years, being ruled by Armenian nobles appointed by, and tributary to Persia.

In the first half of the VII. century Armenia successively fell into the hands of the Greeks, the Persians, and the Saracens. About the year 640, during the Khalifate of Omar, when Mohammedanism had become powerful in the South, the Saracens swooped upon Armenia under the leadership of Abd-ul-Rahman. They met with but little resistance and captured Tween, the then capital of Armenia; they plundered the city and massacred 12,000 souls, and they carried 35,000 into captivity. After thus plundering and devastating the country they retired from Armenia. At this time Armenia was governed by a native prefect, appointed by the Emperor of Constantinople. While the Greeks ruled over Armenia and exacted heavy taxes, they would not protect her inhabitants against foreign incursions, and, besides, they would even abuse their power so much as to attempt to meddle with the religious affairs of the Church of Armenia. These

14 Armenia's ordeaij

things drove the Armenians to prefer to be under the suzerainty of the Saracens rather than that of the fanatical Christian Greeks who hated them as much as the Moslems did, and whose bigotry and endless theological disputes were more intolerable than the rule of the Mohammedans.* Therefore they entered under the protection of the Saracens. This enraged Emperor Constantino and he invaded Armenia, and garrisoned the country with Greek soldiers. He ordered the Council of Chalcedon to be read in the cathedral in Tween, and forcibly constrained the Armenians to accept the same, But after Constantine's departure, the Catholicos, Johannes the Philosopher, condemned the Council of Chalcedon and ruled it out, 647 A. D.

After that Armenia alternately fell into the hands of the Saracens and the Greeks. Each one proved to be worse than the other. When the Greeks were dominant Armenians wished to be under the Saracens, and when the latter ruled they wished to be under the former. The Greeks were as tyrrannical as the Mohammedans and as much eager to proselyte the Armenians into their Church. Armenians struggled with all their might for the preservation of the apostolic purity of their national church, which was "the price of the blood of their brave forefathers, and the glory of the Armenian nation." It was impossible for such a conscientious people as the Armenians to leave their pure and simple Christian Church, which stobd only for the edification of the spi-

* "The Greek race, too old and too exhausted to bear a new and a severe religion like Christianity, dissolved it into theological quibbling which was obliged to borrow substance from idolatry." — Menzies, History of the Ottoman Empire, p. 37.

rit,* for that of the Greek Church, which was used as an instrument to subjugate peoples and to rule over the nations, body and soul. Armenians would endure the tyrranny of the Moslem rather than forsake their practical Christianity and suffer the sanctity of their religion to be made the plaything of the Greeks. So, finally, in the year 693 A. D. once more they flung themselves into the arms of the Saracens in compliance with the motto of Vartan Mamigonian's revolution: ''Fear him not that killeth only the body ; fear him that doth cast both body and spirit into hell. "

Had the Greeks left the Armenians alone, perhaps the Armenians could defend their country against the Moslems and could regain their autonomy. But it was impossible for them to do anything effective between those two fires, having on the one hand the fanatical Greek Christians and on the other hand the barbarous Arabian Mohammedans. Armenians could not resist both of these powerful enemies at the same time. They had to choose between the two and throw themselves into the arms of the one which they considered less dangerous to the constitution of their Church.

* The following is the testimony of an American who was formerly a missionary in Armenia; it has particular weight because, as a rule, the missionaries are not disposed to speak well regarding the Church of Armenia:

"By nature the Armenians are deeply religious, as their whole literature and history show. It has been a religibn of the heart, not of the head. Its evidence is not to be found in metaphysical discussions and hair-splitting theology as in the case of the Greeks, but in a brave and simple record written with the tears of saints and illuminated with the blood of martyrs." — Rev. Frederick D, Greene, The Armenian Crisis in Turkey, p. 140.

16 Armenia's ORDEAii

CHAPTER IV.

THE RISE AND FALL OF THE BAGARATIAN DYNASTY.

Under Moslem rule Armenia became the scene of the most awful cruelties for a period of about one hundred and sixty years, until they regained their autonomy at the hands of Ashod Pacradound, an Armenian nobleman, who established a kingdom tributary to the Khalif of Bagdad, and became the founder of the Pacradouni (Bagaratian) dynasty, A. D. 859, This dynasty reigned over Armenia one hundred and eighty-seven years. During the reign of the Bagaratian princes Armenia once more flourished and became a centre of civilization. Her capital, Ani, became a magnificent Christian metropolis which boasted of having one thousand and one churches.*

* The reader may be enabled to form an idea of the splendor of this superb metropolis of ancient Armenia by reading Sir Robert Ker Porter's description of the state of its ruins on the occation of his visit in 1817, several centuries after the destruction of Ani by earthquake. It is as follows:

"The "Western and Northern fronts have been defended by a double range of high walls and towers of the finest masonry. Three great entrances present themselves to the north. Over the centre gate was sculptured a leopard or lion-passant; and near it on the flanking towers, several large crosses were carved in the stone, and richly decorated with exquisite fret-work. On entering the city I found the whole surface of the ground covered with hewn stones, broken capitals, colum.ns, shattered, but highly ornamental friezes; and other remains of ancient magnificence.' Several churches, still existing in different parts

KING ASHOD PACRADOUNI.

If there ever was a place and a time when the kingdom of Christ was come on earth, in the highest sense of the word, it was Armenia under the Bagaratian dynasty. "While, in times past, and in the present. Christian monarchs have assumed and do assume to be the head of the church wherein their subjects worship, the King of Armenia at this time humbly served the priest before the altar, and chanted hymns together with the choir like any other common man. The King of Armenia, when in the church, considered himself the equal of any layman, and below any ecclesiastic. The priesthood had no worldly power wherewith to constrain the laity into submission, yet the people reverenced them and humbly submitted to their authority as to the servants of the Church of Christ. And the clergy guided their flock in the true of the place, retain something more than ruins of their former dignity, but they are as solitary as all the other structures, on which time and devastation have left more heavy strokes. In. the western extremity of this great town, in which no living beings, except ourselves, seemed breathing, we saw the palace, once of the kings of Armenia; and it is a building worthy of the fame of this old capital. Its length stretches nearly the whole breadth, between the walls of the city on one side, and the ravine on the other. Indeed it seems a town in itself; and so superbly decorated within and without, that no description can give an adequate idea of the variety and richness of the highly wrought carvings on the stone, which are all over the building; or of the finely-executed mosaic patterns, which beautify the floors of its countless halls. (^

"Near the centre of the city rise two octagon towers of an immense height, surmounted by turrets. They command all around them, even the citedal, which stands to the south-west on a high rock and at the edge of a precipice. The farther I went, and the closer I examined the remains of this vast capital, the greater was my admiration of its firm and finished masonry. In short, the masterly workmanship of the capitals of pillars, spirit of Christianity, without taking advantage of the people's submission for their own worldly benefit.

The Pontiff of the Church of Armenia never needed to have temporal power for the purpose of being obeyed by the laity ; the laity obeyed him as children would to their father. When the King was found in any misdemeanor the Pontiff would go and advise him or rebuke him, as the case might make it necessary. The King, having all the power in his hand to punish the Pontiff for disregard to his royal dignity, would cast down his eyes acknowledging his fault, and would promise to be good, sealing a kiss upon the hand of the venerable Pontiff. The King, as a Christian, knew that the temporal authority was below the spiritual, and that the former was to be guided by the latter. The King obeyed the Pontiff as a robust young man would obey his aged father, never for a moment thinking that he is physically