Greece, in 1823 and 1824; being a series of letters, and other documents on the Greek revolution, written during a visit to that country

Front matter

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Pnnk H 33

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Preface

(BY THE EDITOR.)

Amidst the various struggles for liberty which have recently agitated the South of Europe, none has excited so strong and permanent an interest as that of the people of Greece. Doomed for ages to endure the iron yoke of a barbarous nation, alien from their feelings alike in origin, in habits and in religion, the tyranny under which they groaned was rendered yet more insupportable by the galling recollection that their fathers had been free ; and that at a time when all the other inhabitants of the globe were in a state of slavery, Greece alone stood pre-eminent in the enjoyment of those republican institutions, which have continued to excite a higher degree of admiration, in proportion as the mind of man has become more enlightened, and, consequently, more capable of appreciating their merits.

The name of Greece is calculated to awaken and revive in every bosom feelings of the most pleasurable and improving kind. With our earliest years we are taught to admire the energy and pathos of her poets ; and, as we advance towards manhood, the genius of her historians, no less than the heroic actions which they have commemorated, become the favourite

VI PREFACE.

theme of our study. In the yet higher concerns of man, the culture of the mind and the administration of the state, the writers of Ancient Greece rise still higher, and approach, in many points, to that sublime system of ethics which characterizes the religion professed by their descendants. That such a Nation, descended from the warriors, the poets, the historians, and the philosophers, who present to us the noblest types of their respective classes, should have sunk so low in the scale of moral energy as to have become the unmurmuring slaves of a race of uncivilized infidels, was a phenomenon too remarkable to be overlooked, and too humiliating not to be universally deplored. From the school-boy to the statesman, all who had imbibed the slightest taste for literature, joined in the lamentation, and could only account for this apparent deviation from the usual course of things by the supposition that the modern Greek had degenerated from the talents and magnanimity of his forefathers ; that the owl of Minerva had dwindled into a beetle, and that the sword of Achilles had been again exchanged for the needle and distaff of the effeminate attendant on the court of Lycomedes.

In this state of apparent moral degradation, the virtues of the Greek people did but slumber, their mental and physical powers were not annihilated, and the fortunate moment at length arrived which enabled them to prove to the admiring world that they yet inherited a portion of those sublime energies which had ennobled their renowned progenitors. Roused from the apathy of their long-borne suffering, they at once burst asunder the massy chains with which their tyrants had loaded them, and, strong in the majesty of regenerated freedom, Greece once more lifted up her head. Her infidel oppressors fled before her newly-awakened and irresistible energies, and in the course of a single campaign, the surface of Greece was almost entirely freed from the locusts who had so long devastated her plains. The tranquillity which they had purchased was not, however, of long duration ; with the ensuing spring the oppressor returned,

PREFACE. vii

determined to inflict a tenfold vengeance upon those who had dared to emancipate themselves from his barbarous yoke ; but he came but to be defeated, and was driven back, though not without leaving behind him traces of his remorseless track, in the desolation and ruin which every where marked his course. Again and again have these attacks been repeated, and always with the same result ; still, however, the obstinate cupidity of their former masters strives to repossess itself of the fertile regions which have been wrested from their sway, and still are the Greeks compelled to defend their lives and liberties from those barbarous aggressors who yearly devastate their possessions.

Such, in brief, is the history of the Greek Revolution; the warfare which it has produced has hitherto been entirely of a defensive nature on the part of the Greeks. Offensive operations have not yet been attempted by them, although absolutely necessary, in order to secure a defensible frontier, which shall serve as a barrier against future encroachments and attacks. Various circumstances have combined to prevent such operations from being carried into effect j one of the most important of which has been the want of union among the Leaders. This, how much so ever it is to be regretted, and it has indeed been deeply lamented by every friend of Greece, may yet be regarded as a consequence almost necessarily resulting from the unsettled state of a nation just emerging from slavery into independence. At such a crisis there will always be found many men of nearly equal consequence, among whom jealousies will naturally arise, which are readily fomented by artful and interested intriguers into subjects of hatred and discord. It is happy for Greece that this unhealthy spirit has almost exhausted itself, and that a cordial union among the Chiefs appears to have taken place to such an extent, that the government may at length reckon on possessing that controlling power, without which its utmost exertions must ultimately prove of no avail. Dreadful as is War under all circumstances, and especially when the oppressed is armed viii PREFACE.

against the oppressor, to avenge the accumulated wrongs and miseries of centuries, it is, perhaps, favourable to the formation of a settled government for the future, that the transition from slavery to freedom should not be too immediate, inasmuch as a struggle of some continuance gives the people a fuller insight into the characters and motives of their Leaders, and enables them to make choice of the most deserving.

Another principal cause which may be mentioned, as confining the Greeks to defensive operations, has been the want of money, a want which they have on several occasions most severely felt. This difficulty has now, however, like the former, been removed, by the negotiation in England of a loan on account of the Greek Government, which is in course of payment, and which will enable it to overcome many of the obstacles which have hitherto embarrassed its naval and military equipments. Other causes which have induced this defensive line of policy might also be enumerated, particularly the wish on the part of the Greeks to demonstrate to the Sovereigns of Europe, that their exertions were directed solely to the recovery of their own independence, and by no means intended to disturb the tranquillity of their neighbours. By this cautious course the Holy Alliance have hitherto been deprived of that ever ready pretext of which they might otherwise have availed themselves, to interfere in her internal affairs, and thus to entail upon Greece, as the reward of her noble struggles, nothing but a change of tyrants, acting on the principles of her former oppressors, and differing from them only in name.

The reward, however, of her glorious efforts will, it is confidently anticipated, be very different from this disastrous result. During the momentous struggle in which she has been engaged, the public mind has been continually directed to subjects on which, under their former rulers, they dared not even think. The praises of liberty have been sounded in their ears, and the love of it has sunk too deeply in their hearts to be soon obliterated. It is principally in this point

PREFACE. i x

of view that the efforts of those distinguished foreigners who have exerted themselves in behalf of Greece have been most beneficial to her, and it is here that the Greek Committee of London justly bears away the palm of merit. The wide range and bold tone of political discussion, which have long prevailed in England, are universally acknowledged as the primary cause of the blessings which she possesses as one of the freest Nations of the Earth, and her sons, proud of the liberty which they enjoy, and deeply imbued with the warmest zeal for the source from which it was derived, have been ' constantly active in promoting the extension of its sway even to the remotest corners of the globe. Regenerated Greece presented to their view an ample and fertile field for the cultivation of its advantages, and the establishment of free presses and free discussion was looked forward to as the most effectual means of securing her national independence, as well as the personal freedom and security of her children.

It was at this period that Colonel Leicester Stanhope, whose exertions in behalf of the press in India are too well known to need repetition here, offered his services to the Greek Committee to proceed to Greece in the character of their agent. His offer was received by the Committee with the highest satisfaction ; that honourable body, which comprises among its members no inconsiderable portion of the rank and talent of England, anticipated, from the exertions of such a man, the fulfilment of their most ardent wishes. That their expectations were not disappointed by the result, is proved by the warm resolution of thanks which they voted to him on his return from his honourable mission. The following pages consist, principally, of the details given by him to the Committee as to the steps which he was daily taking in furtherance of their generous designs, and will, doubtless, be found peculiarly interesting to every friend of the Greek Cause, the advancement of which forms the chief object of their publication.

x PREFACE.

Of the talents of Colonel Stanhope, of his devotion to the cause of freedom, and of his persevering zeal, as well in India as in Greece, in furtherance of the establishment of a free press, the great palladium of the liberty of the human race, the Editor feels that it would not become him to speak in the terms which would spontaneously flow from him on such an occasion. Under personal obligations, which he is now, as at all times, anxious most gratefully to acknowledge, to that tried and active promoter of " the greatest good of the greatest number," the praise which he might offer would naturally become suspected. From this he will, therefore, abstain ; but he has held it a bare act of justice to put on record, among the documents which compose the Appendix to this volume, some portions of the opinions of the venerable Bentham, and of others, well qualified to judge on the subject, and to offer a disinterested and unbiassed opinion. The testimonials of the distinguished merits of Colonel Stanhope, which he has there preserved, are, indeed, almost unnecessary to the reader of the following pages, each of which bears ample evidence of a mind perseveringly and ardently devoted to the moral improvement of mankind, and through that to the increase of freedom and of happiness.

Note from Col. Stanhope to the Editor, regarding the Publication of this Volume,

London, 1st Sept. 1824.

Dear Sir,

Many persons have recommended me, and you have undertaken, to publish my Correspondence concerning Greece. I accept their counsel and your kind offer. I must, however, state, that most of these letters were written on the spur of the occasion, from huts and caves, or in the open air, and frequently in the midst of difficulties, mutiny, and a crowd of people. They are not even of an official character, but were addressed to my friend Bowring, for the information of the Greek Committee.

I leave you my Correspondence, and must bid you a hasty farewell, as I am just starting for the Continent.

Believe me very truly yours,

LEICESTER STANHOPE.

To Mr. Richard Ryan,

A

SERIES

OF

LETTERS.

Letter I

TO J. BOWRING, ESQ.

Stable-Yard, St. James's, 14th September, 1823.

Having understood that Captain Blaquiere's pursuits will detain him for some time in England, I venture to offer my services to the Committee, as his substitute, till his affairs shall enable him to proceed to Greece. In every thing except zeal I am conscious of my inferiority to Captain Blaquiere, and nothing but a conviction that his useful exertions are for the present unavailable would induce me to come forward with an offer to fill his place.

Should my services be accepted, I shall consider myself the servant of the Committee just as much as if I was paid for the performance of the duty.

In my way to Tripolizza, I should propose to confer with the Swiss and German Committees, and to establish an efficient system of co-operation, without shackling' our efforts.

On my arrival in Greece I might be usefully employed

A under Lord Byron in conferring with the government on the disposal of the services of those officers whom the Committee have sent thither ; in making arrangements for the formation of the laboratory-establishment, and in selecting proper persons to work in that department ; in recommending the introduction of discipline in the Greek armies, and in pointing out the means of effecting that object ; in endeavouring to improve the discipline of their irregular troops, by instructing them in the use of their arms, in the attack and defence of places, and in the construction of field-works. It would, also, be matter of vast importance to promote a general system of useful education, in which the use of arms should not be neglected.

The printing and lithographic presses should be properly disposed of, not to the government, but to the public ; and intelligent and honest men should be stimulated to express and publish their thoughts freely.

I am, &c.

Leicester Stanhope.

[Vide Appendix, Nos. 1, 2, 3.]

Letter II. To The Same

Redstadt, 6th October, 1823.

Dear Bowring,

On my arrival at Darmstadt, on the 4th instant, I called on the two Messrs. Hoffman. Both, unfortunately, were absent. I next addressed myself to the President, Monsieur Hcepfner. This Gentleman complained much of the conduct of the Greek government towards the German corps : the Capitani, he said, were jealous of them ; they had been left inactive and destitute of all succour. The German and Swiss Committees had, in consequence, come to a resolution to order the legion home, unless the Greek government would supply them with the means of subsistence.

In reply to these remarks, I observed that the Greek chiefs, though too aspiring, were wisely jealous of the interference of foreigners: that so far from wishing to curb this spirit, it should be fostered, as calculated to root, in the public mind, a hatred of foreign dominion, whether exercised by Turk or Tartar ; and that the only reason for employing foreign troops was some case of emergency, or for the purpose of communicating and spreading knowledge in the various branches of the art of war. Upon this principle, and to this end, all our succours should be employed. As to the policy of sending the troops back to Germany, that measure should only be warranted by a want of funds, which, under the present prospect of obtaining a loan, could not be anticipated ; and that under even the most unfavourable circumstances, there was reason to hope that a number of those Germans might be employed in the laboratory. It may be well here to remark that, according to Mr. Hcepfner's estimate, a soldier may be subsisted in Greece at the rate of one guinea per month, and for 14/. may be sent back to Germany.

I then put various questions to Mr. H. and solicited a written answer to the following, viz. —

1st. Whether any aid to a Greek loan could be obtained in Germany, and how that measure could be furthered ?

2d. What measures were advisable with respect to the German corps in Greece ?

3d. Whether it would be desirable to establish a joint committee in Greece, consisting of one English, one German, and one Swiss member ?

4th. By what means he thought a safe communication could be established between Greece and Germany ? and

5th. In what manner the feeling in Germany could be excited in favour of the Greeks, so as to baffle the efforts of the Turks, to avert the power of Russia, and to confound the wily arts of the holy league ?

To these questions I received the following answers* [Vide Appendix, No. 4.]

As far as these points are connected with my duties, they shall be scrupulously attended to.

I furnished the Darmstadt Committee with all Captain Blaquiere's able reports, which they have agreed to publish in the papers. I also gave them a list of the Consuls of the Levant Company, which they promised to publish, and to animadvert on their ungenerous conduct. The Darmstadt Committee are desirous of giving publicity to Mr. Canning's schoolboy Essay on the Rise and Fall of the Greeks. They will add to it such a commentary as they may deem useful to the cause. Colonel De Lounay has had a conference with the Darmstadt Committee: they think well of him. He is now at Zurich, where I expect to meet him in a few days.

Not wishing to check my progress, I have resolved not to go to Stutgard. The North and South German and Swiss Committees are in such close alliance that by conferring with those of Darmstadt and Zurich, all my business may be accomplished. I trust that you and the Committee will approve of my determination.

I am vours,

L. S.

Letter III. To The Same

Bern, 10th October, 1823.

Dear Bowring,

From Darmstadt I travelled with a Prussian officer of hussars. Much of our conversation was about the Landwehr, as I thought that parts of the system might be applicable to the Greek constitutional force. I was happy to learn from this hussar that flogging had been entirely

GREECE, IN 1823 AND 1824. s

abolished in the Prussian army. I was, however, shocked to reflect that, while we imitated the Prussians so closely in our tactics, our discipline, and even in our dress, we should differ from them only in this most barbarous custom ; and that those valiant soldiers who had never lost a field in the peninsula should still be subjected to the worst and severest code of any perhaps in Europe.

I reached Zurich on the 8th of October, and immediately called on M. Hirzel, of the Greek Committee : I found him honest and enlightened. I put a number of questions to him for the consideration of the Committee, similar to those previously proposed at Darmstadt.

On the same night the Committee assembled. Mark well the character of the meeting. President, Monsieur Hirzel, Secretar der Justiz and Polizey. Members, Professor Foest, Oberschreiber am obergericht und Mitglieddes Geheimen Ratbs, Major Foest, Monsieur Hess, Pfarrer an der Waisenkirche, Professor Hollinger, Dr. Hans Locker, &c. The questions were put by the President. He then called upon me to explain the object of each measure, and afterwards on each member in rotation to give his opinion. The measures having been approved, I was next desired to state what the London Committee had done and what they had in contemplation.

I told them that the London Committee consisted of some of the most eminent scholars, members of parliament, soldiers, merchants, and virtuous men in England. I mentioned the names of Bentham, Erskine, Mackintosh, Hume, Hobhouse, and the Russells. I said that the grand object of the Committee was to give freedom and knowledge to Greece. To this end they had given publicity to their sentiments, as also to the sufferings and heroic actions of the Greeks, which they conceived calculated to excite the public mind of Europe in their favour, and even to check the impious intentions of tyranny and ambition. In this they had, perhaps, partly succeeded. At all events, more favourable measures had lately been pursued by the British.

government. They had observed the law of nations in the blockade, and had afforded an island as an asylum to the Greeks. With respect to pecuniary contributions in their favour, I stated that Colonel Gordon had expended nearly 20,000/. ; that Lord Byron had devoted to their cause his genius and his purse ; that the Quakers, with their usual liberality, had gathered above 8,000/. ; and that the subscription, set on foot by the Greek Committee, was still in progress. The grand object of the Committee, however, was to impress on the public mind the stabilitv and security of the Greek government, and to procure her an efficient loan. Already 100,000/. had been offered, and there was reason to hope that a larger sum would be obtained, on high but not unreasonable terms. This loan would enable the Greek government to establish a disciplined military and naval force.

To communicate knowledge to the Greeks was an object the Committee had near at heart. From this source spring order, morality, freedom, and power. The venerable Bentham, with a spirit of philanthropy as fervent, and a mind as vast as ever, had employed his days and his nights in contemplating and writing on the constitution of Greece, and in framing for her a body of rational laws, tbe most useful of human offerings. The mighty power of the press of England had been exerted in favour of Greece. The Edinburgh and Quarterly Reviews had both ably advocated the cause. The latter had especially recommended the Committee to furnish the Greeks with the means of acquiring knowledge. The Committee had sent out lithographic and other presses to Greece, and hoped soon to hear of their having been instrumental in the diffusion of knowledge. The Committee and the Quakers both contemplated sending out schoolmasters. Two Greek youths were educating by the Foreign School Society, and three schools on the Lancasterian principle were said to have been established in Greece. Mr. Bentham had also directed me to send home two intelligent Greek boys, for the purpose of their being first instructed, and then employed as teachers for the diffusion of useful education. The Committee contemplated sending to Greece many elementary works on education, on the sciences, on agriculture, and on the art of war. Feeling strongly that Greece could not long maintain herself without military discipline, they had been, above all things, anxious to promote that object. They had, for this purpose, sent out to Greece officers of engineers, of artillery, of infantry, and cavalry; also, a most able fire-master, and several mechanics for the manufacture of all the materials of war — cannon, mortars, carriages, arms, Congreve-rockets, Schrapnel-shells, gun-powder, &c.

This explanation of the conduct of the London Committee seemed to satisfy the meeting. [Vide Appendix, No. 5.]

In my next letter I shall speak of the policy of establishing the military system of Switzerland in Greece ; also of my interviews with Monsieur Fellenberg and the Count Capo D'Istria.

I have discovered a most efficient instructor in the person of Professor Hahele. He is said to be a man of moral character, and highly liberal. He is well informed in the ancient and modern languages, as also in the sciences, and pursues the system of Pestalozzi. I have written to him at Chur, and have desired him to communicate to you and me his opinions as to the most efficient means of introducing instruction into Greece, and also as to the terms on which he would be willing to proceed thither.

L. S.

Letter IV. To The Same

Geneva, 13th October, 1823,

Dear Bowring,

I travelled from Zurich to Bern with two veryintelligent persons. The one, Professor Leppe, who had been an assistant under Mr. Fellenberg, and has established an academy, on his principle, at Lenzburg ; the other, a Colonel of the Swiss staff, who owns the castle where lived the tyrant Gessler. Monsieur Leppe confirmed all I have said in favour of Professor Hahele ; he gave me letters to Messrs. Fellenberg and Pestaiozzi. The Colonel afforded me some information about the military system of Switzerland. He calculated the whole expense of the army, consisting of 60,000 men, from twenty to thirty years of age, at about 60,000/. per annum. He told me that the military schools, the staff, the artillery, the engineers, the infantry, and sharp-shooters, were all well informed in their duties, and that the cavalry was the only defective arm. Every branch of the service is assembled and exercised for about one month in the year, and the whole body is ready to march at one day's notice. It is evident that a militia of this description cannot be equal on their first taking the field to a more exercised army. The Swiss, however, like the Greeks, having a strong country, can act on the defensive till they become perfectly aguerried. The Colonel gave me a list of all the books that apply especially to the sj^stem. These I shall procure and present them to the Greek senate.

In addition to this system, I think the Committee would do well to send out by Parry the American ordinance. I have great satisfaction in acquainting you that all the Greeks and Philhellenes, to the amount of one hundred nd sixty, who had sought refuge in Germany and Switzerland, have been sent to the Morea. Of this number eighty have been disciplined.

Many well-informed persons have assured me that, on the Greek loan being properly announced, the debentures to a considerable amount would be purchased in Germany and Holland. Upon this subject you should address Messrs, Hbpfner and Co.

I beg leave to suggest to the Committee the probable advantage of soliciting the society in India to subscribe to the Greek cause and to the loan. Mr. Campbell and Mr. Buckingham, Dr. Gilchrist and Colonel Young, could further this object on being applied to ; the two last might be added to our Committee. Be pleased to state to Mr. Bentham that I put a copy of his works into the hands of Monsieur Hirzel, who will place them in the public library at Zurich, where they will be read by the friends of freedom.

I had an interview with Monsieur Fellenberg, at Hofwill. He takes a strong interest in the cause of Greece. The Count Capo D'Istria had been for some time with Monsieur F. and had left him on the day of my arrival. He was desirous of soliciting the Count to return ; but, on my telling him I was pressed for time, he said it mattered not, he would give me a letter to the Count at Lausanne. I then expressed my fear that Capo D'Istria was under obligations to Russia, and that he might wish to place Greece under the protection of that power, — protection that would entail dependence. " No," said Monsieur Fellenberg ; " he is a Greek." He then asked whether we had no selfish — no English interest in view ? I assured him that we wished to see Greece, her people, her soil, her commerce, and her press, free as their thoughts. Monsieur F. said, if Capo D'Istria had heard you express that sentiment he would have embraced you. He told me that Capo D'Istria's object was to preserve the Greek character, to which he attributed her success. To this end he proposed to establish an academy in Switzerland, exclusively for the youth of Greece. I said that the progress should be onward, not backward. Mon~ sieur F. informed me that the Count was now educating a number of Greek boys in France and Switzerland in the military art, in ancient languages, in architecture, sculpture, painting, in short, in all the sciences.

I reached Bern on the tenth instant : Sir Thomas Maitland was there, on his way to the Ionian Isles. On my arrival at Lausanne, on the 12th, I found that the Count Capo D'Istria was living at the same inn. I sent him my letters, and he received me with great kindness. He commenced his discourse by a diplomatical and historical sketch of the modern history of Greece. He then spoke of the course pursued by Russia and England, glossing over the conduct of the former. He said that Lord Londonderry's desire was to render Greece as insignificant and harmless as possible, and to make her people like the spiritless natives of Hindoostan ; that he had recommended him to pursue an enlightened and liberal course towards the Ionian Islands; but that he (Lord L.) had not a mind to look deep into things, nor a soul to act nobly. He then began to hint at the selfish and commercial views of England. I replied that we had no fears for Greece on the side of Turkey, that what we feared was internal commotion excited by the military chiefs. We feared, too, Russia ; — her invasion, even her protection, we feared. The count resumed by observing that the Committee had done, and might still do, great good, but that we must not attempt to Anglicanise Greece. I replied that we rather wished to Americanize her. The Count thought our end should be to enlighten Greece and to act upon utilitarian principles. Yes, said I, Count, but do you think that the Sainte Alliance will allow Greece to establish a virtuous republic ? His excellency spoke as well as could be expected ; he beat about the bush and then said that it was not in the nature of things that monarchs should encourage republics ; he added, that if England acted nobly and sided with Greece, no power could succeed against her. Here I remarked that, though I had a favourable opinion of Mr. Canning's feeling towards Greece, I could trust to the honesty

GREECE, IN 1823 AND 1824. H

of no government ; my only confidence lay in the free and martial spirit of Greece ; if she could but enjoy two years of pure liberty, the enemy that invaded her would either waste to death in the attempt, or else, by a reaction, be herself revolutionized. The Count highly approved of my wish to introduce the military system of Switzerland into Greece. He also thought it a matter of the very first importance that Lord Hastings, or some enlightened man, should be sent to the Ionian Isles. " If," said he, " your Committee can effect this object, and obtain alone, they may prove themselves the saviours of Greece. You should not, however, forget that if England can have her Committees, so also may Russia." After this I made my bow to the Count, and he expressed a wish to have another conference with me at Geneva.