The sectional controversy; or, Passages in the political history of the United States, including the causes of the war between the sections

Preface

In tlie year 1850, the week before Mr. "Webster delivered his memorable speech on the seventh of March, I had the pleasure, in Washington, of taking tea with my old friend and classmate, Governor McDowell, then a member of Congress. When I rose to take m}^ leave of him, he said he was not willing to part without telling me of a burden which was resting on his mind. " I am couAnnced, my dear friend," said lie, " that there will be a disunion of the States. There is a great change going on at the South. Two years ago, when I delivered my speech for the Union, all were melted down into a common feeling of love for the Avhole country. Men of all parties in the House gave me their hands and congratulated me on what they were pleased to call my patriotic speech.

" But now some of the same men are not willing to hear a word on the subject of the Union. I am not in the councils of these Southern men, though I suppose I might be, if I would think and act with them. Every thing is tending to disunion ; and I wanted to tell you so before you return to the ISTorth."

As he said this to me in earnest, tender tones, and with eyes filled with tears, I felt that his sad forebodings ought to be heeded, and their grounds investigated.

ISTot very far fi'om this- time. I made the acquaintance of Judge BuENET, of Cincinnati, at Union Hall, Saratoga, and was greatly interested in his intelligence, wisdom, and patriotism. In repeated conversations, he said to me, in substance : " These

IV PREFACE.

States cannot long hold together — they will separate." On my replying, I can hardly believe that the Southern States will he so nnwise, he answered, " Ah, my dear sir, the difficulty is with Is"orthcrn men. Great numbers of them do not value the Union so much as they do their doctrines on slavery, which, in their working, are hostile to the Union. A spirit of disunion exists at the North which will continue to increase in extent and intensity until it has produced a separation of the States."

After hearing the testimony of these two patriot statesmen, the one speaking of the South and the other of the ISTorth, I resolved to investigate the following questions, chiefly for my own satisfaction :

I. Is the traditionary sentiment in favor of the Union dying out in the hearts of the people of the States ?

II. Is the bond of Union, namely, the Constitution, growing weaker in the respect and confidence of politicians ?

III. As a consequence, are the States drifting along, to some extent, unconsciously, toward disunion ?

IV. What are the causes of this alarming condition of the country ?

V. Which section of the Union is resj)onsible for the operation of these causes ?

While investigating these questions, m^' historical collections, in their bearing on their solution, grew to such an amount, and assumed so much importance in my estimation, that I concluded to p-esent them to the public in the following pages, as furnishing a satisfactory answer to these questions. In adopting a chronological arrangemeu/t of my materials, I have endeavored to bring distinctly into view the lyrominent questions in dispute hetween the two sections in the successive eras, from the first settlement of the country down to the close of President Buchanan's administration. The answer to the former set of questions depends on the answer to the latter. For the statement of

PREFACE.

these latter questions, and for the arguments on each side, I have quoted I^orthern utterances and Southern utterances. These, with the " Remarks " inserted at the close of each chapter, will enable the careful reader, at a small expense of time, to obtain a knowledge of the 'princi'pal sectional questions M'hich have agitated the country from the first to the present time. He cannot fail to see that the same questions, under different forms, appear, disaj)pear, and reappear, on the tide of time, as if they had not already been discussed, and as if one generation of politicians must again settle what had been regarded as settled by a former generation. Every political aspirant in each section has been ready to show his prowess in attacking some supposed political heresy in the other section, even though it had been often confuted ; just as formerly " every young churchman militant would try his arms in thundering on Ilobbes's Steel Cap."

Disguise it as we will, bitter feuds have existed between the Xortli and the South, for a generation at least, reckoning a generation at thirty years. In that period men have come forward into life in each section who think of those born in the other section, only to hate them or despise them, or, at least, to misunderstand them. "Where does the blame rest? IN'ot solely on the Xorth, nor solely on the South. Iliacos intra muros peccatur, et extra. The careful reader of this small volume will be satisfied that all the political intelligence and virtue of the country is not to be found north of Mason and Dixon's line, nor south of it ; and that political and sectional pride, and intolerance, and hatred, and desire of ofiice, confined to neither section, have brought the Union of the States to the verge of ruin.

"When the rapid current of events in 1861 outran the fears of the ridiculed " Union-savers," and hurried on the dreaded catastrophe, the civil war, then begun, was but tlie logical sequence of foregoing events. Bitter feelings long cherished, bitter

VI PKEFACE.

words often uttered, injuries inflicted, insults oflered, naturally germinated and grew into deeds of violence and blood. Dragons' teeth had been plentifully sown, and they started up armed men. And yet multitudes, at the time, were so ignorant of the prevalent sectional feelings and purposes, that, in surprise, they asked, " What are they fighting for ? "

The people of the two sections of the country, are, to a large extent, ignorant of each other, and hence, in their estimate of each other's institutions, they are misled by illusions of tlic imagination.

For the purpose of distributing information among the people, this volume, which might be entitled " Histokical Collections," is offered to various classes of readers.

I. To all, whether North or South, who are ignorant of the political history of the United States, and who have not an opportunity of referring to original sources.

II. To all, M'hethcr North or South, who have strong sectional prejudices.

III. To all, whether Korth or South, who wish for the restoration and the preservation of the Union.

IV. To all, whether Xorth or South, who wish to understand the causes of the war between the sections.

V. To all, whether North or South, who value the prosperity of the country more than they do the success of their party.

YI. To all, whether North or South, who believe that mere- 1}' defeating the armies of the Southern States will bring back the Union.

VII. To all, whether North or South, who wish to understand the constitutional relations between the States and the Federal Government.

VIII. To all, whether North or South, whose hearts, not limited by party or section, are large enough to embrace the interests of the whole country, and of all the States.

I'KEFACE. Vii

The final issue of the sectional controversy lies in the future, beyond the ken of mortal vision, wrapped up in the hollow of God's mysterious hand. He only, who presides over the destiny of nations, '' sees the end from the beginning." But though thus limited in vision, man can gather from the past the lessons of wisdom for his guidance in the future. And may we not indulge the pleasing hope that the people of the States, gathering wisdom from the mistakes of the past, in the sectional controversy, may become qualified to enjoy, in the long future, the blessings of union under the Federal Constitution ^

W. C. R

New York, 18G2.

CHAPTER I. Original sectional diversities

Additional sectional diversities, . . . . Bond of sympathy between the colonies,

Birth of the spirit of Union,

Sectional feeling yielding to love of country, Sectional opinions in the Continental Congress, Proposed sectional Convention of the Eastern States, Sectional feeling in the Revolutionary army. Remarks, . . ......

8 9 10 10 11 12 12

CHAPTER II. The Constitutional Conveution

Xavigation Acts, .

The slave trade,

Proposal of Gouverneur Morris,

Debate in the Convention on the slave trade, and navigation acts, Spirit of the Committee of Eleven, .....

Gain and loss to each section by the " bargain,"

Virginia not a pa>ty to the bargain, .....

Slaves recognized as property in the Constitution,

The word " slave " not used in the Constitution, .

Fugitive slaves, .........

Representation and taxation, ......

14 14 15 16

If;

Chapter III

General Washington's Administration, ........ SO

Duties on tonnage and imports, ......... 30

Submission of the South to these duties, ....... 31

Sectional discussion of slavery, ......... 32

Bank of the United States a sectional measure, ...... 33

The Excise law a sectional measure, 34

Assumption of State Debts a sectional measure, 34

X CONTENTS.

PAGE

Location of the scut of Government a sectional measure, . . .35

Bargain in Congress, .......••.■ 36

Fugitives from justice and from labor, ........ 39

Jefl'erson's letter to General Washington, 40

CHAPTER IV. John Adams' Administration, 44

Assertion of State rights, 44

Doctrine of State rights, 45

Luther Martin's letter, with the opinions of Johnson, Ellsworth, Hamilton, and

Madison and others on State rights and military coercion, . . . 40-52

Chapter V

Mr. Jefferson's Administration, ' . . 54

Mr. Jefferson elected by the States voting in Congress assembled, ... 54

Sectional spirit of the times, 55

Restrictions upon commerce, • . 58

Sectional opposition, ........... 59

The purcliasc of Louisiana, 59

Sectional opposition, 60

Chapter VI

Mr. Madison's Administration, Gl

Sectional opposition to commercial restrictions, 02

Sectional opposition to the war of 1812, 63

The Hartford Convention, 65

Proposed alterations of the Constitution, • 65

State Commissioners sent to Washington, 67

Contemporaneous views of Northern men, John Lowell, Gouvernenr Morris, De-

witt Clinton, John Quincy Adams, C7-71

Chapter VII

Mr. Monroe's Administration, 76

Restriction of slavery in Missouri proposed and urged by Northern men, . . 76

Resistance by Southern men, 77-79

Great sectional excitement, 79

The compromise bill passed, 80

The compromise not carried out by Northern members, .... 80-81

Admission of Missouri, 82

Remarks, ■ S3

CONTENTS. Xi

Gen. Pierce's Administration, ... 175

Appeal of Senators Chase, and Sumner and others on the subject of the repeal of

the Missouri Compromise, 176

Clerical protest, 178

Chapter XV

Mr. Buchanan's Administration, 187

Is the Republican party sectional ? IBS

The Dred Scott decision, 191

Helper's Book, 193

The John Brown inva.sion, .......... 197

Sympathy with Brown, 200

Personal hberty bills, 201

Is slavery a creature of local law ? 202

Northern Abolition and disunion sentiments, ...... 204

Caleb Cushing in Boston, 1859, • . . 209

Davis's resolutions on the relations of the States to the General Government, . 210

Power of Congress over Territories, 211

Territory of Louisiana, 211

Who were the parties to the constitutional compact ? . . • . . 213

Mr. Webster's resolutions in the Senate in 1832, 214

Ordinance of secession passed by Georgia, 216

Mr. Madison on secession, . . . . . . . . . . 217

Declaration of the Convention of South Carolina of the causes of secession, . 224

The peace Congress, 229

Mr. Crittenden's resolutions, .......... 229

Letters of Senators Bingham and Chandler, 230

THE SECTIONAL COXTEOVERSY.

Chapter I

OEIGIN^U:. SECTIOXAL DIVEKSITIES.

Before the American Eevolntioiij tliere were ou the great eastern slope of !N"orth America, along the shores of the Atlantic Ocean, thirteen separate colonics. These colonies were, indeed, connected with England, as their mother conntry ; hnt in their relations to each other they were independent and sovereign nations.

Moreover, they were, to sonic extent, alien to one another in race, in religion, and in political affinities. The inhabitants of Isew nampshire, Massachnsetts, and Connecticnt, were descended from that class of the English who were Pnritan in their religion, and Ronndhead in their politics. The inhabitants of Xew York and Xew Jersey were largely descendants of the Dntch. The English Quakers, the original settlers, ga^'e a certain character to Pennsylvania, just as the Roman Catholics did to Maryland, just as the j)rclatical cavaliers did to Virginia, iust as did the French Huguenots to South Carolina.

ADDmONAL SECTIONAL DIVERSITIES.

But other diversities were, in process of time, created by climate, education, industrial pursuits, social institutions, and

8 THE SECTIONAL CONTROVEKST.

government. Tlie people of New Hampshire, ISTew Jersey, Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, were mider what was called a Provincial Government, in which the Governors were' appointed hy the Crown. The people of Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Delaware, were under what was called a Projprietary Government, in which the Governors were appointed by certain individuals called proprietaries. Massachusetts, Kliode Island, and Connecticut, were under what was called a Charter Governnnent, in which the* Governor was appointed by the freemen of the colony. In Massachusetts, after 1002, the Governors were appointed by the Crown.

Xor were the existing diversities diminished by personal intercourse between the colonies, or by the press. In those times there were but few travelling, whether for the purposes of business or pleasure ; and the press had but a limited circulation for the few newspapers which it sent forth. So great were these diversities, that in Rivington's Gazette, p. 32, they are thus noticed : " I^othing has surprised peoj)le more than the Virginians and Marylanders joining with so much warmtli with the New England Republicans in their opposition to tlieir ancient Constitution, which has been the glory of the English in every part of the world. As there are certainly no nations under heaven more ojipositc than these colonies, it would be A'ery difficult to account for it on the principle of religion and sound j^olicy, had not the Virginians discovered their indifference to l)Otli, so highly revered by their illustrious ancestors."

BOND OF SYilPATUY LLTWEEX TUE COLONIES.

But it was also true that the colonies, generally, were of common blood, and spoke a common language, and were familiar with the same traditions, and, in relation to Great Britain, had common rights and interests at stake, and common habits of reasoning about tlicm. It is not surprising, therefore, that when the crown encroached on the rights of Massachusetts, that all the colonies should express the liveliest interest in her sufferings. Her fate might soon be theirs. It is not surprising that Virginia should take the lead in the declaration, that the interests of all the colonies were concerned in what was done by the British

BOND OF SYArPATJIV JUCi'WKKN THE COI-ONIES. U

Government, in respect to Massachusetts. The Assembly of Virginia warned the king of the danger that woiTld ensue, " if any person in any part of America should bo seized and carried beyond sea for trial," May IG, 1TG9.

Of the resolves j^assed by Yirginia at this time, Bancroft says : " Is it asked who was the adviser of the measure ? None can tell. Great things were done, tranquilly and modestly, without a thought of the glory that was their due. Had the Ancient Dominion been silent, I will not say that Massachusetts might have faltered ; but mutual confidence would have been wanting. American freedom was more prepared by courageous counsel for successful war." Ills. Am. Rev.., vol. iii,, p. 310.

In another place he says : " The Boston committee were already (1774) in close correspondence with the other New England colonies, Avith Kew York, and Peimsylvania. Old jealousies were removed, and perfect harmony subsisted between all. " Union " was the cry, a union which should reach from Florida to the icy plains of Canada ; " p. 541. Under a common impulse, in view of common interests at stake, all the colonies, except Georgia, sent delegates to the first Continental Congress, which assembled at Philadelphia on the 5th of September, 1774. It is not surprising that Patrick Henry should, in that Congress, scout the idea of sectional distinctions and of individual interests. "All America," said he, " is thrown into one mass. Where are your landmarks, your boundaries of colonies ? They are all thrown down. The distinction between Yirginians, Pennsylvaniaus, New Yorkers, and New Englanders are no more. I am not a Virgiman, hid an American.'''' Under a common impulse all the States sent delegates to the second Continental Congress, which assembled at Philadelphia on the 10th of May, 1775, which unanimously appointed George Washington commander-in-chief of the continental forces in the united colonies. Under a common impulse, all the colonies, on the 4th of July, 1776, voted, through their delegates, " that the united colonies ought to be Free and Independent States." Under the same common impulse, the States, eleven of them, adopted the articles of confederation in 1778, one in 1779, and the remaining one in 1781, by which the union of the States was consummated.

XO TUE SECTIONAL CONTROVERSY.

SECTIONAL FEELINCr YIELDING TO LOVE OF COUNTRY.

It is not to be supposed tliat the appointment of George "Washington to the supreme command, or that the draft of the Declaration of Independence by another Yirginian, or that the action of the Continental Congress would entirely avoid the manifestation of sectional feelings. Such feelings were, indeed, called forth, hut they were cxi)elled from the heart of the people of the colonies by the new and stronger affection, namely, love of country. The sectional feeling, which led some of the Northern delegates, in the Continental Congress in 1T75, to prefer Artemas Ward or some New England man to be commander-inchief, they nobly sacrificed on the altar of patriotism, and gave their voices and their votes for a Yirginian, who was selected partly on sectional grounds. The sectional feelings naturally aroused by the first draft of the Declaration of Independence, prepared by Mr. Jefferson, v/as allayed by striking from it the objectional clauses. These arc his words : " The clause, too, reprobating the enslaving of the inhabitants of Africa, was struck out in complaisance to South Carolina and Georgia, who had never attempted to restrain the importation of slaves, and who, on the contrary, wished to continue it. Our IsTorthern brethren, also, I believe, felt a little tender under those censures ; for, though their people had very few slaves themselves, yet they had been pretty considerable carriers of them to others." — Jejjerson^s WorJiS,

SECTIONAL OPINIONS IN TUE CONTINENTAL CONGRESS,

In the Continental Congress, it was proposed, July 12, 17TC, " that the expenses of the Confederation should be borne by each colony, in proportion to the number of inhabitants of every age and quality, except Indians, not paying taxes in each colony ; a true account of which, distinguishing the white inhabitants, shall be triennially taken and transmitted to the Assembly of the United States."

Mr. Chase, of Maryland, moved " tliat the quota should be paid, not by the number of inhabitants, but by the icldU inhabitants."

PROPOSED SECTIONAL CONVENTTOX. 11

John Adams, of Massacliusetts, and Mr. Wilson, of Pennsylvania, spoke in opposition to tliis amendment. The amendment was rejected by the votes of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Khode Island, Connecticut, 'New York, Xew Jersey, Pennsylvania, against those of Maryland, Virginia, Xortli Carolina, South Carolina, Delaware ; Georgia being divided.

March 28, 1783, on the same subject, it was voted that slaves be taxed 3 to 5. New Hampshire, aye ; Massachusetts, 7io ; Rhode Island, no ; New Jersey, aye; Pennsylvania, aye ; Delaware, no; Maryland, aye; Virginia, aye; North Carolina, aye; South Carolina, 720 ; Connecticut, ?i6»; New York, ffyc.

PKOPOSED SECTIONAL CONVENTION.

April 1, 1783. Mr. Goiimui, of Massachusetts, in the Congress of the Confederation, observed, as a cogent reason for hastening the business, " that the Eastern States, at the invitation of the Legislature of Massachusetts, were, with New York, about to form a convention for regulating matters of common concern, and that, if any plan should be sent out by Congress, they would probably cooperate with Congress in giving efficacy to it."

Mr. Mekcer, of Virginia, expressed great disquietude at this information ; considered it as a dangerous precedent ; and '• that it behooved the gentleman to explain fully the object of the Convention, as it would be necessary for the Southern States to bo otherwise very circumspect in agreeing to any plans on the supposition that the general Confederacy was to continue.''

Mr. Osgood, of Massachusetts, and Mr. Goku^vjsi, explained "• that the object of the proposed Convention was to guard against an interference of taxes among States whose local situation required such precautions."

Mr. Bland, of A'irginia, said " he always considered these conventions as improper, and contravening the spirit of the general government. He said they had the aj)pearance of Young Con-

GEESSES."

Mr. Madison and Mr. Hamilton disapproved of those partial conventions, not as absolute violations of the Confederacy, but, as ultimately tending to them, and as, in the mean time, excit-

12 THE SKCnONAL CONTROVEKSY.

ing i^ernieioiis jealousies ; tlie latter observing, " lie wished, instead of tlieiu, to see a Geneual Convention take place."

SECTIONAL FEELING IN THE AEMY OF THE EEVOLETION.

Nowhere were these sectional jealousies more prevalent than in the motley army assembled, from distant quarters, under Washington's own command. Eeed, the adjutant-general, speaking on this subject, observes: " The Southern troops, com- ]>rising the regiments south of tlie Delaware, looked with very unlcind feelings on those of New England." " It is with great concern," says Washington, in one of his general orders, " that the general understands that jealousies have arisen .among the troops from the different provinces, and reflections are thrown out which can only tend to irritate each other, and injure the noble cause in which we arc engaged, and which we ought to support with one hand and one heart."

In a letter to Gen. Schuyler, 177G, he says : " I must entreat your attention to do away the unhappy and pernicious distinctions and jealousies between troops of different governments. Enjoin this upon the officers, and let them inculcate and press home to the soldiery the necessity of order and harmony among those who are engaged in one common cause, and mutually (iontending for all that freemen hold most dear."

John Adams, speaking of the violent passions and discordant interests at work tln-oughout the country, from Florida to Canada, observes : " It rcrpiircs more serenity of temper, a deeper understanding, and more courage, than fell to the lot of Marlborough, to ride in this whirlwind." Irving's Z?/<3 o/* ^Yashington, vol. ii., p. 287.

REMARKS.

It is then manifest :

1. That there were original and acquired diversities of character in the early settlers of the States, which were the foundation of sectional feelings at the commencement of the American Ttcvolution.

2. That these feelings, for the time, were overborne by the common dangers and the common interests in respect to Great Britain, Avliicli established a strong bond of sympatliy between them.

3. Tliatj nevertheless, sectional interests were recognized and sectional feelings manifested in the Congress of the Confederation, and in the army, that were a great embarrassment to the Government and to the commander-in-chief.

4. That, notwithstanding these sectional feelings in the minds of those who indnlged them, and in the hearts of the people generally, national feelings so far prevailed through the several States, that they contended successfully through a seven years' war with the mother country, and won the independence which they had declared, and took their place by common consent among the civilized nations of the earth, as a Confederacy, styled, The U^'ited States of Ajieeica.

Chapter II. The Constitutional Convention

The common fear of Groat Britain liad caused the States to adopt tlie " Articles of Confederation." When that fear was removed by the treaty of i>eace, January, 1Y83, those articles had lost their power as a bond of union. The common fear of imbecility and anarchy, into which they were in danger of sinking down, after the excitements of the war had passed off, caused them to adopt the Constitution.

The Convention was composed of gentlemen of high moral principle, of undoubted patriotism, and of courteous manners, of broad views, some of them accustomed to act together in the Continental Congress or in the army, and all of them entertaining a great respect for Washington, the President. The Convention assembled in May, 1787.

Still sectional difficulties arose in that body, which, with others inherent in the subjects under discussion, threatened its dissolution, before they had accomplished the object for which they came together. Tlicse subjects were : 1. ISTavigation. 2. Slavery, The North insisted on having protection for their property in commerce ; the South insisted on having protection for their property in slaves.

NAVIGATION.

Tlie Committee of Detail had reported the follo\^^ing proposal : " No navigation act shall be j^assed (by Congress) without the assent of two-thirds of the members present in each House." This clause the Southern States were anxious to

THE SLAVIO TEADi:. 15

retain, lest their commerce should be placed too much in Ihe power of the Eastern States ; but which the latter were anxious to reject, that thus a bare majority of Congress might pass navigation laws to their advantage, even though injurious to the Southern States.

THE SLAVE TEADE.

By the same committee, the slave trade was left just where the old Confederation had left it, without giving Congress the power to abolish it, or to lay any duty on imported slaves. This proj)osal was acceptable to the Southern States, but not to the Northern ; for the deleG:ates from the latter thouirht that slaves imported ought to be placed under the general provision for taxing imports, and some few of them also thought that they ought to favor morals by the abolition of the slave trade.

Mr. King, of Massachusetts, "thought the subject ought to be viewed in aiwlitlcal light only. If two States (South Carolina and Georgia) will not agree to the Constitution as stated on one side, he could affirm with equal belief on the other, that great and equal opposition would be experienced from other States." He remarked that " the exemption of slaves from duty, while every other import was subject to it, is an inequality that could not fail to strike the commercial sagacity of the :N'orthern and Middle States."

Gen. CoTEswoETH PixcKNEY, of Soutli Carolina, in his reply, said " that he thought himself bound to declare candidly, that he did not think that South Carolina would stoj) the importation of slaves in any short time, but only stop it occasionally, as she now docs. lie moved to commit the clause, that slaves might be made liable to an equal duty with other imports, which he thought right, and which would remove one difficulty which had been stated."

Tuesday, August 21 and 22, 1TS7. — Mr. Ellswoeth, of Connecticut, was for leaving the clause (which did not prohibit the importation of slaves) as it now stands. " Let every State import what it pleases. The wisdom or morality of slavery are considercdions thcd helong to the States themselves. What enriches a part enriches the whole ; and the Stat-cs are the best judges

16 THE SECTIONAL CONTEOVERSY.

of their particular interests. Tlic old Confederation had not meddled witli this point, and ho did not sec any greater necessity for hringinii; it witliin the policy of the new one."

!Mr. SnKinrAN, of Connccticnt, "■ was for leaving the clanse as it now stands. lie disapproved of the slave trade ; yet, as the States were nioio ^^ossesseel of the rigJtt to import deivcs, and as tlie public good did not require it to be taken from them, and as it was expedient to have as few objections as possible to the proposed scheme of government, ho thought it best to leave the matter as we find it ; that is, not prohibit the importation of slaves."

Mr. GouvEENEUR JSIoEKis, of Pennsylvania, wished to have the whole subject to be committed, including the clause relating to navigation acts. " These things, namely, the slave trade, to which some of the North was opposed, and the navigation act without a restriction, to which the South was opposed, may form a hetrgahi between the Northern and the Southern States."

COilMITTEE or ONE EKOiM EACH STATE.

The Committee of Eleven, to whom was referred the subject of the " bargain," reported, August 24, 178T, " in favor of not allowing the Legislature to prohibit the importation of slaves before 1800, but giving them power to impose a duty at a rate not exceeding the average of other imjyorts.'"'

DEBATE IX THE CONVENTION.

General Pinckney, August 25, moved to strike out the year 1800, and insert 1808.

Mr. GoRiiAM, of Massachusetts, seconded the motion.

It was then passed in the affirmative ; Xcw Hampshire, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Maryland, North Carolina, and South Carolina, voting in the affirmative (6) ; New Jersey, Pennsyh'ania, Delaware, and Virginia, in the negative (4).

It was finally agreed, nem. con., to make the clause read, " but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." Ten dollars was considered by some of the members a '-'-fair average of other im])orts^''

DEBATE IN" THE CONVENTION. 17

comparing the price of a Blavc, at that time, with the price of " other articles" of importation, or five per cent, ad valorem, the money value of a slave. This sum, as a specific duty, therefore, was inserted instead of " a fair average of other imports,'' the phrase used in the report of the committee. Thus the price of a slave was reckoned at two hundred dollars by the Convention.