Theodore Roosevelt, patriot and statesman; the true story of an ideal American

Front matter

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Preface

THEODORE ROOSEVELT, the twenty-sixth President of the United States, occupies a unique position in the country over which he presides. The youngest man who has ever occupied the chair of chief magistrate of the Union, his personahty makes him the most prominent figure in the Western hemisphere. The man and his individuality are spoken of, but after all little is known about him by the general mass of readers. He has been before the public of his native city and State since his twenty-second year when he became assemblyman, while his services as colonel of the regiment of Rough Riders during the Spanish war made him a popular hero. But what of the man, his life, and the trend of affairs that led to his nomination for the Vice-Presidency in 1900, with strong indications that 1904 would see him chosen for the Presidency? The terrible crime that deprived the counti-y of William Mc- Kinley while at the zenith of his fame and placed in Theodore Roosevelt's hands the reins of government could hardly make him an accidental President, for he was on the way, fully equipped, to a ' pli'.y probable assumption of the office four years later, the whole . :;ucal aspect pointing in his direction. That he was the organizer of the Rough Riders and is now President is largely what the majority of the people know about him, and they wish to know more.

S PREFACE.

Every item concerning him is eargerly read in the newspapers, and stories of him are listened to with avidity. He is endeared to the people for the little that is known of him, his bravery in battle and his thorough Americanism as the head of his party. But there are other sides to his character which go to make up a man perhaps the most remarkable the country has ever produced — a student, an author, a political reformer, a statesman of unquestionable ability, the exposition of all this must prove interesting reading to the millions who know so few facts concerning the man. The scope of :his book is to present a full and authentic exposition of the varied parts that go to make up a character that is plain, strong, unaffected and fearless. Born to wealth, of exceptional abilities, from his earliest manhood he has gone onward with a steadiness of purpose that has proved in his case that wealth is no bar to action, that an American citizen should drop all prerogatives of social prestige and stand before his fellows for what he is himself, and not for what he has of material well being. In his short life of a little over two score vears Theodore Roosevelt has had an experience varied as few other lives can boast of. The statesman of old is a statesman only, or at best a cultivated, gifted man who has developed his talents upon certain lines that have finally made for his oratory, his logic and his philosophy. A brave soldier may have as much said of him, or a politician, a reformer, and any other leader of men. But in the subject of this volume we see first a student and author, whose writings stamp him as an original man in whom are excellences that lead to fame. Then there is the politician understanding to the fullest the complexities of party faction and the clarification of party spirit.

PREFACE. 7

Again the statesman expounding statecraft and the relation of nation to nation with a simplicity and power that are rarely surpassed. Also the reformer, energetic in crusades against corruption in office and bad legislation that hamper the freedom of the citizens and keep the poor and defenseless in subjection. Together with these, there is the man of war, insisting upon his country's honor being upheld, patriotic in his love for the flag, and doing deeds of daring and bravery with the single impulse to actuate them — the duty he owes to the land of his birth. At the same time this man of many parts is a hunter, a plainsman in the great West, bringing down big game and teaching the meaning of civilization in explorations of the wild country.

The life of such a man must mean much to those who study it. Such a biography as is here presented must point a lesson of importance to -^s all — that in no man are the limitations of character, if in the man are the incentives to excel in whatsoever his hand finds to do.

The history of an exceptional man, the narration here set forth should impress every loyal citizen with the signal worth of the first miagistrate of the United States — Theodore Roosevelt, the typical American of strong manly attributes. What his early years promised has been fulfilled, and he stands before the w^orld to-day as one of the foremost worthies that ever shaped a nation's destiny. Unaffected, incorruptible, as statesman and ruler; brave and loyal as politician and soldier; upright and gentle as husband and father, and always, and preeminently so, an American of the best and highest type. That this biography of our President, from his youth down to the present day, will be of wide interest cannot be doubted. The

8 PREFACE.

history of the man is woven closely with the history of his times and the poHtical parties of the country, and this history is here told with majiy facts heretofore not set forth in print. The book is placed before you; Theodore Roosevelt tells his own life in his acts ana deeds, and the faithful narration of these acts and deeds comprise the contents of a volume which it is believed will prove as entertaining as a story as it is valuable as a creed for true American thought and feeling.

COISTTEISTTS

Chapter I

Heredity — Progenitors — Eight Generations of the Family ^^siclents of New York City — Family of Americans —

Great-Grandfather and the Revolution — Grandfather one of the Wealthiest Men in New York— Theodore Roosevelt, Sr., one of the Leading Men of his Day — Early Training and Outdoor Life — Harvard — Athlete and Student— College Men and Politics— Duty of

Educated Men ^7

CHAPTER H.

Graduated at Harvard— Entrance into Political Life— Member of New York Assembly— At Albany— Reform Charter for New York — Married — Various Honors •^ Assemblyman — Death of his Mother and his Wife — State Legislation— Duties of Citizens to Attend Primaries— Bribe-taking — "Bosses" — Corrupt Politics the Fault of Citizens at Large— Machine Politics

— Leaving the Assembly — Literary Work 3/

CHAPTER HL In the West— Ranch Life— Horse Hunting— A Roundup- Enjoyment of the Freedom of Outdoor Life — Activity

on the Ranch— Stampede of Cattle— Writer on the Plains— Terrible Cold— Arduous Duties of the Ranchman— Line Riding— "Hamlet" in the Ranch-house— Winter of 1886-87— Fine Descriptive Powers— News from the East— Out of Public Life, but

Studying the Questions of the Day 5/

CFL\PTER IV.

Americans and Mexicans on the Plains— The "Bad Man" of the West— Claim-jumpers— Horse-thieves— A Noted Desperado— Opening a Cowboy Ball— The Frontier n

10 CONTENTS.

and Women — Character of the Cowboy — Indians — An Indian Adventure — Organizing a Troop — Loss of Boat — Capture of Boat-thieves and Taking them to the Sheriff — Dogged Determination a Characteristic '

CHAPTER V.

Antelope and the Manner of Hunting Them — The Black-tail of the Mountains — Still-hunting — Deer Hunting with Hounds — Coursing Jack-rabbits, Swifts and Foxes — Round-horn Elks — A Hunt of Elks — Big-horn Sheep — Experiences with Them — Wonderful Speed — Habits of Bighorn Sheep — White Goats of the Rockies — Praise of Hunting — Instincts of Born Hunter — Adaptability of Character — Back to Politics 97

CHAPTER VI.

Republican Candidate for Mayor — Largest Republican Vote for Mayor ever Polled in New York — Civil Service Commission — How he "Ruined Himself" — Duties of Civil Service Commission — Abolishment of Abuses in Politics — Paper on Civil Service Reform — Case before LIII. Congress — In Office Six Years — Resignation to

Accept Office as Police Commissioner of New York. . 1 13

CHAPTER VII.

Department of Police — Augury of Defeat — No Sentiment for Professional Politicians^ — Enforcement of Laws— Improving Police Force — Gaining Respect — Opposition — Strike Leaders — Abuse Stopped — Attacked by Certain Newspapers — Adverse Criticisms —

CHAPTER VIII.

Tidal Wave of Reform — Blackmailing Tariff — Detectives — Methods of Restoring Order — Rewards and Punishments — Police and Citizens — Sunday Liquor Law — Saloonkeepers and Politicians — Report of Interviews — Wealth from Corruption — Sunday Law Enforced — Increase of Police Force — Examinations — Best Policemen — Honest Elections — Premiums for Merit — Tramp Lodging-houses — Bertillon System —

Good Results of Reform '53

CONTENTS. 11

CHAPTER IX.

Assistant Secretary of Navy— Foresees Spanish War— Personnel Bill in Navy— Pushing Repairs of Ships— $800,000 and $500,000 for Powder and Shot— Story of Old-time Buffalo Hunting— Washington's Majcim— Address Before Naval War College— War of 18 12 Recalled— Need of a Reconstructed Navy— Necessary to Proceed at Once— Stirring Peroration— War Actually Declared

Resignation from Naval Department — "Roosevelt's

Rough Riders" Organized ^75

CHAPTER X.

The Rough Riders— Mustering Places of Regiment— Colonel Wood and Lieutenant-Colonel Roosevelt — Men from Colleges, Clubs, Police Force, Cowboys, Miners, Indians— Personnel of Some of the Men— x\ppre-^^ ciation of Colonel Roosevelt— "Remember the Maine"— Trouble in Getting Matters Organized— Drilling-grounds— Uniform of Rough Riders— Impatient to go into Action— Orders to Move ^99

CHAPTER XI.

From San Antonio— For Tampa— On the Way— OfT to Cuba

—On Landing at Daiquiri— On the March— "Forward"—

General Young's Fight— Rough Riders in Battle for

the First time — "Don't Swear, Shoot" — Death of ^

Fish and Capron — Colonel Roosevelt Charges — Incidents — Colonel Roosevelt in Command— Army Food- Money for Food out of Colonel's Pocket — In Camp — Waiting for Santiago - ^9

CHAPTER XII.

On to Santiago— El Poso Hill— General Wheeler— El Caney —Through the Lane— Kettle Hill— A Ruse to get to the Front— The Colored Troopsr— The Catlings— In Charge of Parts of Six Regiments — Taking the Trenches— San Juan Hill Taken— Only Forward Movement of the Spanish— Acts of Gallantry— Digging Trenches — Opposing Forces — Waiting to Take Santiago ^39

12 CONTENTS.

CHAPTER XIII.

Before Santiago — Men in the Trenches — Continuous Firing —Spanish Guerrilla Warfare— Lack of Medicine and Food

Red Cross Kindness — Cessation of Flostilities —

Devotion of Rough Riders to their Colonel — Fort Roosevelt— Sharp-shooters— End of Truce— Fighting On

Storm and Privation— The Refugees— Surrender

of Santiago — Stars and Stripes over the City — Return of Refugees— Helped by the Rough Riders 257

CHAPTER XIV.

Suffering of the Soldiers— Bad Commissariat— Yellow Fever Scare — Troops not to go Home — Meeting of Officers —

Famous Letter to General Shafter — Troops Ordered Home— On the "Miam.i"— Talk to Men— At Home — Regiment Mascots — Present for the Colonel — Festivities before Disbanding — Farewell to the Rough Riders — Incidents of the Campaign — Colonel Roosevelt's

Estimate of his Men - 275

CHAPTER XV.

Governor of New York — Exciting Campaign— Takes the Stump — Speeches— In Office — Appointments— Final Day of Legislature, 1899— Pressing Measures— Original Methods — Tenement Houses — Needs of the Poor — Charities — Labor Unions — Labor Leaders — Self Help — Philanthropic Work — Young Men's Christian Association — Public School Teachers — College Settlements — Governor in Fullest Sense 295

CHAPTER XVI.

Convention of 1900 — Senator Hanna and Mr. Quay — Senator Depew — Governor Roosevelt Seconds the Motion Nominating Mr. McKinley for President — McKinley and Roosevelt — "In the East we call him Teddy" — "For Vice-President, Theodore Roosevelt"— Colonel^ Young Nominating Roosevelt — Enthusiasm and Excitement — For the Campaign — Speeches — the Cotmtry Knows the Man — His Work and his Christian Manliness — A

Tribute — Vice-President of the United States 3^5

Contents

CHAPTER XVII.

The Office of Vice-President Unique— History of the

Office— Electoral College— Distrust of Party Government —The Vice-President's Theory of Vice-Presidency— Examples Cited— List of Books Written by Roosevelt—Address in Minnesota— Life of Effort— Right Start- Law and Prosperity— Amassing Fortune— Say what you Mean— Dealings with Cuba— Essential of Civilization—President McKinley Shot o37

Chapter II

Graduated at Harvard — Entrance into Political Life — Member of New York Assembly — At Albany — Reform Charter for New York — Married —

Various Honors as Assemblyman — Death of his Mother and his Wife — State Legislation — Duties of Citizens to Attend Primaries — Bribe-taking — "Bosses"--

Corrupt Politics the Fault of Citizens at Large — Machine Politics — Leaving the Assembly — Literary Work.

AT the age of twenty-two, in 1880, Theodore Roosevelt was graduated at Harvard University. He took a European trip for rest before entering upon his life career. He tramped through Germany, his love of walking never absent from him. His first view of the Alps inspired him with the desire to mount them, and he climbed the Jungfrau and the Matterhorn. Returning to New York he began the study of the law, but politics called him as they were bound to do.

'T have always believed," he has said, describing his entry into the political field, "that every man should join a political organization and should attend the primaries; that he should not be content to be merely governed, but should do his part of that work. So after leaving college I went to the local political headquarters, attended all the meetings and took my part in whatever came up. There arose a revolt against the member of Assembly from that district, and I was nominated to succeed him, and was elected."

It was in the fall of 1881 that he was elected from the XXI. district, and he was twice re-elected, serving in the legislatures of 1882, 1883 and 1884. At Albany he found a fruitful field for the aggressiveness of his nature which wrongdoing has never failed to arouse.

Some of the veteran politicians were at first amused by his energy

B8 THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

and the ingenuousness and straightforwardness of his speeches. But they were speedily to discover that this "youngster/' as some one of them called him, was a fighter who could not be kept under either by open or secret methods. Few men looked less fitted for public life. He was well dressed, while his eyeglasses led the Tammany Hall .members to think him effeminate. Then they learned that he was a good all-round boxer, and two or three encounters, in which however ro blows were struck, convinced them that he was a courageous man. Though the fact that he had literary inclinations caused the opinion to gain ground that he was merely a writer and would take no active part in legislation once the novelty had worn off. However, the new member from the XXIst soon began to express his sentiments, and the serious minded members of the Assembly began to think that his judgment regarding New York City matters had soundness in it. He was an attractive speaker, was rapid in speech, hit hard, was good natured, while he was savagely sarcastic in dealing with, rascals, and public opinion outside of Albany w'as soon in his favor. For several years various attempts had been made to pass a reform charter for New York City. All these attempts failed, because the threatened departments united and were too strong for the reformers. Assemblyman Roosevelt made his attacks on certain city departments separately, and overturned them one after another.

His rise in rank was rapid. In the second year of his membership he was Republican candidate for Speaker. It was a Democratic House, but the honor was nevertheless great for so young a man. He had recently married Miss Alice Lee, of Boston, a young lady who believed in his abilities and who urged him to fresh endeavor.

In the third year he was placed at the head of the Committee on Cities, for he had proved his thorough knowledge of New York and other cities.

He served his constituency especially well by aiding in the passage nf bills abolishing fees in the of^ces of the Register and the County

Clerk, and while he was chairman of the Committee on Cities he intro- Juced reform legislation which proved immensely beneficial. One of his measures was the act taking from the Board of Aldermen power to confirm or reject the appointments of the Mayor. He was chairman of the noted legislative investigating committee which bore his name, and which revealed many of the abuses existing in the. city government in the early '80s, Assemblyman Roosevelt was highly popular with his associates, irrespective of party, and it is seldom a man receives more genuine expressions of sympathy than did he from his fellow assemblymen when his mother and his young wife to whom he had been married a little over a year, both died in one week. Attending the Republican State Convention of 1884, he was elected one of New York's four delegates-at-large to the Republican National Convention, as a delegate desirous of nominating George F. Edmunds for the Presidency. ''Young Roosevelt has started out to reform the universe," were the words of a veteran member of the Assembly at Albany. If this was to be his task New York was an appropriate place to begin it. The spasm of virtuous indignation which had convulsed New York when ten years earlier it had overthrown the Tweed ring had spent its force. Some of the old abuses had been left untouched; many of those which had been removed had returned; in the growth in population and wealth in the decade many new abuses had sprung into being. In the sessions of 1882, 1883, and 1884, in which he served, he assailed them all and corrected some. From the first his honesty and independence were prominent. He refused to have to do with rings or cliques. Corruption and dishonesty of all sorts in both parties and in every guise he fiercely attacked. Bosses he denounced and defied. With his first entrance into public life he began his career as a reformer. He introduced the first intelligently-drawn civil service bill ever presented in the New York Legislature. By an odd coincidence, this was signfcC

«> THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

by Governor Cleveland at nearly the same time (1883) that the civil service reform measure drafted by Dorman B. Eaton and championed by Senator George H. Pendleton passed the Republican Congress at Washington and received the signature of president Arthur.

In his own words, few persons realize the magnitude of the interests affected by State legislation in New York. "It is no figure of speech to call New York the Empire State; and many of the laws most directly and immediately affecting its citizens are passed at Albany, and not at Washington."

In truth, at Albany there was a little home-rule parliament which ruled much of the destiny of a commonwealth more dense in population than any one of two-thirds of the Eu-ropean kingdoms, and one which in regard to wealth, material prosperity, variety of interests, extent of territory, and capacity for expansion can truthfully be said to rank next to the powers of the first class.

Among his colleagues there were many good men; there was also a class of men that were not very good nor very bad, but went one way or the other according to the strength of the various conflicting influences brought to bear around, behind and upon them.

"Where a number of men, many of them poor, some of themi unscrupulous, and others elected by constituents too ignorant to hold them to a proper accountability for their actions, are put into a position of great temporary power, where they are called to take action upon questions affecting the welfare of large corporations and wealthy private individuals, the chances for corruption are always great; and that there is much viciousness and political dishonesty, much moral cowardice, and a good deal of actual bribe taking in Albany, no one who has had any practical experience of legislation can doubt; but, at the same time, I think that the good members generally outnumber the bad, and that there is not often doubt as to the result when a naked question of right or wrong can be placed clearly and in its true light before the Legislature."

Regarding bribe-taking, in each of the three Legislatures there were certain men who were interested in getting through measures which they thought to be for the public good, but which were certain to be strongly opposed — some for political, some for money reasons.

"To get through any such measure requires genuine hard work, a certain amount of parliamentary skill, a good deal of tact and courage, and above all a thorough knowledge of the men with whom one has to deal, and of the motives which actuate them. In other words, before taking any active steps we had^to 'size up' our fellow legislators to find out their past history and present character and associates; to find out whether they were their own masters or were acting under the directions of somebody else; whether they were bright or stupid, etc., etc. As a result, and after very careful study conducted purely with the object of learning the truth so that we might work more effectually, we came to the conclusion that about a third of the members were open to corrupt influences in some form or other; in certain sessions the proportion was greater, and in some less. Now it would of course be impossible for me or any one else to prove in a court of law that these men were guilty, except perhaps in one or two cases; yet we felt absolutely confident that there was hardly a case in which our judgment as to the honesty of any given member was not correct. The two or three exceptional cases alluded to, where legal proof of guilt might have been forthcoming, were instances in which honest men were approached by their colleagues at times when the need for votes was very great; but even then it would have been almost impossible to punish the offenders before a court, for it would have merely resulted in his denying what his accuser stated. Moreover, the members who had been approached would have been very reluctant to come forward, for each of them felt ashamed that his character should not have been well enough known to prevent any one daring to speak to him on such a subject.

THEODORE ROOSEVELT.

And another reason why the few honest men who are approached (for the lobbyist rarely makes a mistake in his estimate of the men wdio will be apt to take bribes) do not feel like taking action in the matter is that a doubtful lawsuit will certainly follow, which will drag on so long that the public will come to regard all the participants with equal distrust, while in the end the decision is quite as likely to be against as to be for them."

Thus, it would seem, it is almost beyond possibility to actually convict a legislator of bribe-taking, though at the same time the true character of a legislator soon becomes known, and no dishonest man can long keep his reputation good among those who are honest.

Roosevelt, as reformer, knew what was going on around him. Hobnobbing with all sorts and conditions of men, making impassioned speeches, he was acquainted with the men with whom he associated and who listened to the words he had to say. Corruption in ofifice angered him thoroughly and he says:

"Much the largest percentage of corrupt legislators come from the great cities; indeed, the majority of Assemblymen from the great cities are 'very poor specimens;' while on the contrary the Congressmen v/ho go from them are generally pretty good men. This fact is only one of the many that goes to establish the curious political law that in a great city the larger the constituency which elects a public servant, the more apt that servant is to be a good one; exactly as the Mayor is almost certain to be infinitely superior in character to the average Alderman, or the average city Judge to the average city Justice. This is because the public servants of comparatively small importance are protected by their own insignificance from the consequences of their bad actions. Life is carried on at such a high pressure in the great cities, men's time is so fully occupied by their manifold and harassing interests and duties, and their knowledge of their neighbors is neces-

MRS. EDITH CAROW ROOSEVELT sarily so limited, that they are only able to fix in their minds the characters and records of a few prominent men; the others they kimp together without distinguishing between individuals. They know whether the Aldermen as a body are to be admired or despised; but they probably do not even know the name, far less the worth, of the particular Alderman who represents their district; so it happens that their votes for Aldermen and Assemblymen are generally given with very little intelligence indeed, while on the contrary they are fully competent to pass and execute judgment upon as promurent an ofiticial as a Mayor or even a Congressman. Hence it follows that the latter have to give a good deal of attention to the wishes and prejudices of the public at large, while a city Assemblyman, though he always talks a great deal about the people, rarely, except in certain extraordinary cases, has to pay much heed to their wants. His political future depends far more upon the skill and success with which he cultivates the good will of certain 'bosses,' or of certain cliques of politicians, or even of certain bodies and knots of men (such as compose a trade-union, or a collection of merchants in some special business, or the managers of a railroad) whose interests, being vitally alTected by State legislation, oblige them closely to watch and try to punish or reward the State legislators. These poHticians or sets of interested individuals generally care very little for a man's honesty so loug as he can be depended upon to do as they wish on certain occasions; and hence it often happens that a dishonest man who has sense enough not to excite attention by any flagrant outrage may continue for a number of years to represent an honest constituency."

How could a man using such language be popular among men who went into politics for the money to be gained by the move? Roosevelt had many opponents and made such opponents uncomfortable by his stubborn determination and his ability to show fight.

46 IrlEODORE ROOSEVELT.

He was above suspicion as a place-seeker, though it was known from the first that he intended to try for rulership in poHtics; his methods were too unpopular for the dishonest ruler, and they believed that they controlled the majority. His fortune saved him from the opprobrium of acting for mere effect, so that, at the proper time, he might swell his bank account by some bold stroke. He was beginning to be regarded as a statesman and an honest politician, and as such he was unbeloved by the class of men who at first had looked leniently upon him because of his well-fitting garment^ his eyeglasses, and his literary proclivities.

On one occasion there came before a committee, of which Mr. Roosevelt was a member, a perfectly proper bill in the interest of a certain corporation; the majority of the committee, six in number, were unscrupulous men who opposed the measure in the hope of being paid money to end their opposition. Mr. Roosevelt had consented to take charge of the bill. When he did so he bad stipulated that not a penny should be expended to insure its passage. It therefore became necessary to see what pressure could be brought to bear on the recalcitrant members of the committee, and accordingly the minority had to find out who were the sponsors of the political existence of these men. Three were found to be under the control of local "statesmen" of the same party as themselves, and of equally shady moral character; one was ruled by a politician of unsavory reputation; the fifth, a Democrat, was owned by a Republican Federal official; while the president of a city railway company controlled the sixth. A couple of letters from these two magnates forced the last mentioned members to change front, and Mr. Roosevelt's friends carried the measure.

In his paper on "Phases of State Legislation" he says: "There are two classes of cases in which corrupt members get money. One is when a wealthy corporation buys through some measure which will be of great benefit to itself, although perhaps an injury to the public at large; the other is when a member introduces a bill hostile to some moneyed interest with the expectation of beingpaid to let the matter drop. The latter, technically called a 'strike,' is much the more common ; for in spite of the outcry against them in legislative matters, corporations are more often sinned against than sinning. It is difficult for reasons already stated to convict the offending member, though we have very good laws against bribery. The reform has got to come from the people at large. It will be hard to make any great improvement in the character of the legislators until respectable people become fully awake to their duties, and until the newspapers become more truthful and less reckless in their statements." But "there is a much brighter side to the picture — and this is the larger side, too. It would be impossible to get together a body of more earnest, upright and disinterested men than the band of legislators, largely young men who" (during the three years he was in office) "have averted so much evil and accomplished so much good at Albany. * * * This body of legislators who, at any rate, worked honestly for what they thought right, were as a whole quite unselfish and were not treated particularly well by their constituents. Most of them soon got to realize the fact that if they wished to enjoy their brief space of political life they would have to make it a rule never to consider, in deciding how to vote on any question, how their vote would affect their own political prospects."