The history of the war, between the United States and Great-Britain, which commenced in June, 1812, and closed in Feb. 1815 ... Comp. chiefly from public documents. With an appendix, containing the correspondence which passed ... in treating for peace. To which is added, the treaty of peace, and a list of vessels taken from G. Britain during the war

Front matter

Class.

Book

THE ITTCTADV

Introduction

AN history of recent transactions, must always DC executed under many, and great disadvantages.

In a time of war, many important occurrences are but imperfectly known, till the truth is elicited by legal investigation ; and, in addition to this, the feelings of men are so ardent, that an author cannot be expected to be wholly impartial, when recounting those events, in which himself, or his friends, have acted a conspicuous part.

The publishers were, therefore, of opinion, that at the present time, the most useful History of the War, would be a faithful collection of Official rotate Papers, and accounts of Military operations. Such a work cannot be taxed with partiality; and, it is presumed, will be perused with interest by every American, vtho values his national rights, and whose bosom glows, at the recital of those deeds of valor, which have exalt ed the honor of his country.

If, in some instances, Commanding Officers have seemed to manifest a want of candor, it ought still to be remembered by the public, that they wrote in the heat of the occasion ; and, often, while agonizing under wounds received from an exasperated enemy. ■Modern Histories of Campaigns, are not, to say the least, more candid, and are, surely, less entitled to apology. This collection of Documents can never become a useless volume ; for, besides furnishing the best evidence of fact to (lie inquisitive reader, and future historian, it is a ready manuel, by which every enquirer after truth, can at once adduce the best e\ idence on questions which affect the character of the American nation, relative to her military prowess. Our readers will feel satisfied, alter its perusal, that they possess all the Official information, which can he obtained, relative to the military movements, and bj

IV INTRODUCTION.

very and skill of our countrymen in the field of battle. Perhaps, in some instances, the losses and sufferings of the armies of both nations, have not been fully ascertained ; so wide is the Held, that it is somewhat difficult to collect all the facts. On the water, where we have been peculiarly successful, the official accounts more fully and explicitly state the loss, as well as the comparative skill and bravery of the contending- parties.

In the list of public and private vessels taken from the enemy during the war, we have not given the whole number of men and guns, as it was never officially stated on board of a large proportion of the merchant vessels. In every instance of this kind, where we could not obtain correct information, we have left the number blank. We are sorry to say it is wholly out of our power to accompany the list of prizes with a correct list of the vessels we have lost ; the enemy never having made a public statement of their prizes, we could not collect them from any authentic source.

CHAPTER I. Page ent's Message, 9

Messrs. MoDroe and Foster's Official Letters, relating to the Orders in Council, Blockades, and Impressment ot Seamen,

1 6, 25, 26, 27, 30, 43, 52, 53, 60 Adjustment of the affair of the Chesapeake Frigate, 66

Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Chesapeake affair,

67,68,69, 70 " relating to the Berlin and Milan Decrees, 71,82

CHAPTER II. President's Message, 75

Monroe and Foster's Letters relating to the Non-Importation Act, 76, 80

CHAPTER III. The President's Manifesto, , 85

Report of the committee on Foreign Relations, 94

Declaration of War, 109

Yeas, and Nays, on the Declaration of War, in the Senate, and

House of Representatives, ibid.

Promulgation of the Declaration of War, 111

CHAPTER IV. The first Prisoner, 112 P

The first Prize, 113

Monroe and Foster's Letters, relating to the Orders in Council,

and Berlinand Milan Decrees, 113, 117, 119

President's Message, 122

Mr. Russell and Lord Ca9tlereagh's Letters relating to the

Orders in Council, 122, 123

Order in Council, 131

Loss of Gen. Hull's baggage, 133

Hull's Proclamation, to the Canadians, ibid.

Skirmishing, near Sandwich, 135

VI CONTENTS.

Canadian Militia join Gen. Hull,

Capt Hull's, Victory,

Orders in Council Revoked, 138

Gen. Hull's Statement of his Surrender,

Vanhorn's Defeat,

Battle at the river Raisin,

Articles of capitulation of Hull's army, and Michigan Territory, i53

Colonels Cass, M'Arthur, Findley and Miller remonstrate

against Gen. Hull's conduct, 154

Gen Brock's Proclamation, to the Inhabitants of Michi

Territory, 161 A card from Col. Symmes to Gen. Brock, 162 Capt. Porter's Victory, ibid.

" " Letter, 163 Defence of Fort Harrison, 164 Majors Jessup and Taylors' corroboration of Col. Cass' statement, 168 Skirmishing at St. John's river, rbid " " at Cananoque and Ogdensburg, 1 69 Affair at St. Regis, 170 Capt. Elliot's victory, 171 Evacuation of Port Chicago, 174 Com Chauncey's battle in Kingston harbor, 177 Battle of Queenston, A 179

Chapter VIII

Harrison's Battle at Lower Sandusky, 233, 238 Capture of Fort George, 237, 238 Capture of Fort Erie, ibid.

Cnn. Chauneey's Letter to the Secretary of the Navy conveying the British Standard, taken at York, 241 Batile at forty mile creek, ibid Attack on Sackett's Harbor, 242 Naval Expedition from Sackett's Harbor, 244 Major Croghan's Victory, 245 Loss of the Frigate Chesapeake, ibid Capture of Little York, the second time, 248 Burning of Sodus, 249 Attack on Craney Island, ibid.

Capture of Hampton, 250, 251 Murder of John B. Graves, 252 Skirmishing at Fort George, ibid.

Destruction of Indian towns, 253 A Yankee Trick, ibid.

Capt. Burrows' Victory, 254

CHAPTER IX. Perry's Victory, 255, 256, 257

Capture of the Dominico, 259

Capture of Maiden, ibid.

Gen Harrison's Victory, 260

Fruits of Harrison's Victory, 267

Tecumseh's Speech to Gen. Proctor, ibid.

Com. Chauneey's Victory, 269

Something Singular 270

Com. Rogers' cruise, ibid.

Col Clarke's Expedition, 271

Massacre at Fort Tensaw, 272

Harrison and Perry's Proclamation, 274

Wilkinson and Hampton's Expedition, 275

Chapter X

Gens. Jackson, White, and Coffee's Victories, over the Creek

Gen Floyd's Victory, 281 283

Gen. Claiborne's Victory 282

Chapter XI

Capt. Porter's cruise, 290

Loss of Fort Niagara, 292 Burning of Buffalo, nnd Black Ro

Vlll CONTENTS.

Capt. Holmes' Victory, 295

Battle at Stoney Creek, 296

Capt Warrinetofi's Victory, ibid.

Loss of the Es->ex frigate, 298

Capru-e of Oswego, 302 Gen. Brown's Victories, SOi, 506

Chapter XII

Capitulation of Alexandria. 309 Capture of Washington City, 310, 312 Cora. Macdonough's Victory, 314, 315

Buinine of Pettipauge, 3i7

Attack on Stonington, 318

Gen Gains' Victory, ibid.

Attack on Baltimore, 321

Attack on For: B >wyer, 324

Gen. Brown's V"-'ory, ibid.

Gen. Macomb'** Vicf^ry, 327

Capt Biakeley's Victory, 328

Destruction of the Avon, 329

Expedition from Detroit, 330

Chapter XIII

Capture of Pensacola, 331 Gen Jacks.m's Victories at New-Orleans, 333, 334

Lieut Shield's Expedition from New-Orleans, 336

Lieut Johnson's E ;»edition from New-Orleans, 337

G^n Jackson's Address to his army, ibid.

Capture of f he frigate President, 341

Cap! Boyle's Victory, 344

Cant. !YIi< kler's Victory. 345

Gun Boat No. 168 and the Erebus frigate, 346

Capt. Stewart's Victory, 349

Appendix

Correspondence, which passed between the Commissioners of

the t'vo governments, whilst treating for Peace, transmitted to

Treaty of Peace, 42 *

List of V sets taken during the War, ^35

Capt. Buldle's Victory, 465

HISTORY

THE WAR.

Chapter I. Presidents Message

WASHINGTON CITT, Tuesday, November 5,. i*fc*;i

The President of the United States tfiis day communicated by Mr. Edward Coles, his private secretary, the following Message to Congress- Fellow- Citizens of the Senate, and of the House of Representatives, IN calling 1 you together sooner than a separation from your homes would otherwise have been required, 1 yielded to considerations drawn from the posture of our foreign affairs ; and in fixing the present for the time of your meeting, regard was had to the probability of further developements of the policy of the belligerent powers towards this country, which might the more unite the national councils, in the measures to be pursued.

At the close of the last session of Congress, it was hoped that the successive confirmations of the extinction of the French Decrees, so far as they violated our neutral commerce, would have induced the government of Great-Britain to repeal its Orders in Council ; and thereby authorise a removal of the existing obstructions to her commerce with the United States.

Instead of this reasonable step towards satisfaction and friendship between the two nations, the Orders were at a moment when least to havp hren ^xpert^d put into more vigorous execution ; and it was communicated through the British Envoy just arrived, that whilst the revocation of the Edicts of France, as officially made known to the British government, was denied to have taken place ; it was an indispensable condition of the repeal of the British Orders, that commerce should be restored to a footing, that would admit the productions and manufactures of Great-Britain, when owned by neutrals, into markets shut against them by her enemy ; the United States being given to understand that, in the mean time, a continuance of their non-importation act would lead to measures of retaliation.

At a later date, it has indeed appeared, that a communication to the British government, of fresh evidence of the repeal of the French Decrees against our neutral trade, was followed by an intimation, that it had been transmitted to the British Plenipotentiary here ; in order that it might receive full consideration in the depending discussions. This communication appears not to have been received ; but the transmission of it hither, instead of founding on it an actual repeal of the Orders, or assurances that the repeal would ensue, will not permit us to rely on any effective change in the British cabinet. To be ready to meet with cordiality satisfactory proofs of such a change, and to proceed, in the mean time, in adapting 1 our measures to the views which have been disclosed through that minister, will best consult our whole duty.

In the unfriendly spirit of those disclosures, indemnity and redress for other wrongs have continued to be withheld, and our coasts and the mouths of our harbors have again witnessed scenes, not less derogatory to the dearest of our national rights, than vexatious to the regular course of our trade.

Among the occurrences produced by the conduct of British ships of war hovering on our coasts, was An encounter between one of them and the American frigate commanded by Captain Rogers, rendered unavoidable on the part of the latter, by a fire commenced without cause by the former ; whose commander is therefore, alone chargeable with the blood unfortunately shed in maintaining the honor of the American flag. The proceedings of a court of enquiry, requested by Captain Bogers, are communicated j together with the correspondence relating to the occurrence, between the Secretary of State, and his Britannic Majesty's Envoy. To these are added, the several correspondences which have passed on the subject of the British Orders in Council ; and to both the correspondence relating to the Floridas, i^ which Congress will be made acquainted with the interposition which the government of Great-Britain has thought proper to make against the proceedings of the United States.

The justice, and fairness which have been evinced on the part of the United Statestowards France, both before and since the revocation of her Decrees, authorised an expectation that her government would have followed up that measure by all such others as were due to our reasonable claims as well as dictated by its amicable professions. No proof, however,, is yet given of an intention to repair the other wrongs done to the United States : and particularly to restore the great amount of American property seized and condemned under Edicts, which, though not affecting our neutral relations, and therefore, not entering into questions between the United States and other belligerents, were nevertheless founded in such unjust principles, that the reparation ought to have been prompt and ample.

In addition to this, and other demands of strict right, on that nation; the United States have much reason to be dissatisfied with the rigorous and unexpected restrictions, to which their trade with the French dominions has been subjected : and which, if not discontinued, will require at least corresponding restrictions on importations from France into the United States.

12 HISTORY OE THE WAR.

On all those subjects our Minister Plenipotentiary, lately sent to Paris, has carried with him the necessary instructions ; the result of which will be communicated to you, and by ascertaining' the ulterior policy of the French government towards the United States, will enable you to adapt to it that of the United States towards France.

Our other foreign relations remain without unfavorable changes. With Russia they are on the best footing- of friendship. The ports of Sweden have afforded proofs of friendly dispositions towards our commerce, in the councils of that nation also. And the information from our special Minister to Denmark, shews that the mission had been attended with valuable effects to our citizens, whose property had been so extensively violated and endangered by cruisersunder the Danish flag.

Under the ominous indications which commanded' attention, it became a duty, to exert the means committed to the Executive Department, in providing for the general security. The works of defence on our maritime frontier have accordingly been prosecuted, with an activity leaving- little to be added for the completion of the most important ones ; and as particularly suited for co-operation in emergencies, a portion of the Gun-Boats have, in particular harbours, been ordered into use. The Ships of war before in commission, with the addition of a Frigate, have been chiefly employed, as a cruising guard to the rights of our coast. And such a disposition has been made of our land forces, as was thought to promise the services most appropriate and important. In this disposition is included a force, consisting of regulars and militia, embodied in the Indiana Territory, and marched towards our North Western frontier. — This measure was made requisite by several murders and depredations committed by Indians ; but more especially by the menacing preparations and aspect of a combination of them on the Wabash under the influence and direction of a fanatic of the Shawanese tribe. With those exceptions the Indian tribes retain their peaceable dispositions towards us, and their usual pursuits.

I must now add, that the period is arrived which claims from the Legislative Guardians of the National rights a system of more ample provisions for maintaining them. Notwithstanding the scrupulous justice, the protracted moderation, and the multiplied efforts on the part of the United States, to substitute for the accumulating dangers to the peace of the two countries, all the mutual advantages of re-established friendship and confidence ; we have seen that the British Cabinet perseveres not only in withholding a remedy for other wrongs so long and so loudly calling for it ; but in the execution brought home to the threshhpld of our Territory, of measures which under existing circumstances, have the character, as well a^ the effect of war on our lawful commerce.

With this evidence of hostile inflexibility, in trampling on rights which no independent nation can re^- linquish, Congress will feel the duty of putting the United States into an armor, and an attitude demanded by the crisis, and corresponding with the national spirit and expectations.

I recommend accordingly, that adequate provision be made for filling the ranks and prolonging the enlistments of the regular troops : for an auxiliary force, to be engaged for a more limited term ; for the acceptance of volunteer corps, whose patriotic ardor may court a participation in urgent services ; for detachments, as they may be wanted, of other portions of the militia ; and for such a preparation of the great body, as will proportion its usefulness to its intrinsic capacities. Nor can the occasion fail to remind you of the importance of those military Seminaries, which, in every event, will form a valuable and frugal part of our military establishment.

The manufacture of cannon and small arms has proceeded with due success, and the stock and resources of all the necessary munitions are adequate to emergencies. It will not be inexpedient, however, for Conrgess to authorize an enlargement of them.

Your attention will of course be drawn to such provisions, on the subject of our naval force, as may be required for the services to which it may be best adapted. I submit to Congress the seasonableness also, of an authority to augment the stock of such materials, as are imperishable in their nature, or. may not at once be attainable.

In contemplating the scenes which distinguish this momentous epoch, and estimating their claims to our attention, it is impossible to overlook those developing themselves among the great communities which occupy the southern portion of our own hemisphere, and extend into our neighbourhood. An enlarged philanthropy, and an enlightened forecast, concur in imposing on the National Councils an obligation to take a deep interest in their destinies : to cherish reciprocal sentiments of good will ; to regard the progress of events ; and not to be unprepared for whatever order of things may be ultimately established.

Under another aspect of our situation, the early attention of Congress will be due to the expediency of further guards against evasions and infractions of our commercial laws. The practice of smuggling, which is odious every where, and particularly criminal in free governments, where, the laws being made by all, for the good of all, a fraud is committed on every individual as well as on the state, attains its utmost guilt, when it blends, with a pursuit of ignominious gain, a treacherous subserviency in the transgressors, to a foreign policy, adverse to that of their own country. It is then that the virtuous indignation of the public should be enabled to manifest itself, through the regular animadversions of the most competent laws.

To secure greater respect to our mercantile flag, and to the honest interest which it covers, it is expedient also, that it be made punishable in ourcitizens, to accept licences from foreign governments, for a trade unlawfully interdicted by them to other American citizens ; or to trade under false colours or papers of any sort-

A prohibition is equally called for, against the acceptance, by our citizens of special licences, to be used in a trade with the United States; and against the admission into particular ports of the United States, of vessels from foreign countries, authorized to trade with particular ports only.

Although other subjects will press more immediately on your deliberations, a portion of them cannot but be well bestowed, -on the just and sound policy of securing to our manufactures the success they have attained, and are still attaining, in some degree, under the impulse of causes not permanent; and to our navigation, the fair exteut of which it is at present abridged by the unequal regulations of foreign governments.

Besides the reasonableness of saving our manufacturers from sacrifices which a change of circumstances might bring on them, the national interest requires, that, with respect to such articles at least as belong io our defence, and our primary wants, we should not be left in unnecessary dependence on external supplies. And whilst foreign governments adhere to the existing discriminations in their ports against our navigation,, and an equality or lesser discrimination is enjoyed bv their navigation in our ports, the effect cannot be mistaken, because it has been seriously felt by our shipping interests; and in proportion as this takes place, the advantages of an independent conveyance of our products to foreign markets, and of a growing body of mariners, trained by their occupations forth*, service of their country in times of danger, must be diminished. *»

The receipts into the Treasury, during the year, ending on the thirtieth of September last, have exceeded, thirteen millions and a half of dollars, and have enabled us to defray the current expences, including the interest on the public debt and to reimburse more than five millions of dollars of the principal, without recurring to the loan authorized by the act of the last Session. The temporary loan obtained in the latter end of the year one thousand eight hundred and ten, has also been reimbursed, and is not included in that amount.

The decrease of revenue, arising" from the situation ot our commerce and the extraordinary expenoes which have and may become necessary, must be taken into view, in making commensurate provisions for the ensuing year. And I recommend to your consideration the propriety of ensuring- a sufficiency of annual revenue, at least to defray the ordinary expences of government, and to pay the interest on the public debt, including that on new loans which may be authorized.

T cannot close this communication without expressing my deep sense of the crisis in which you are assembled ; my confidence in a wise and honourable result to your deliberations, and, assurances of the faithful zeal with which my co-operating duties will be discharged ; invoking at the same time, the blessing of heaven on our beloved country, and on all the means, that may be employed in vindicating its rights, and advancing its welfare.

(Signed)

JAMES MADISON,

Washington, November 5, 1811.

OFFICIAL CORRESPONDENCE,

Laid before Congress, on Tuesday, November 5.

ORDERS IN COUNCIL.

MR. FOSTER TO MR. MONROE.

WASHINGTON, July 3, 1811.

SIR,

I have had the honour of stating to you verbally the system of defence to which his majesty has been compelled to resort for the purpose of protecting the maritime rights and interests of his dominions against the new description of warfare that lias been adopted by his enemies. I have presented to you the grounds upon which his Majesty finds himself still obliged to continue that system, and I conceive that I shall best meet your wishes as expressed to me this morning, if in a more formal shape I should lay be* fore you the whole extent of the question, as it appears to his Majesty's government to exist between Great- Britain and A.merica.

1 beg leave to call your attention, sir, to the principles on which his Majesty's Orders in Council were originally founded. The Decree of Berlin was directly and expressly an act of war, by which France prohibited all nations from trade or intercourse with Great-Britain under peril of confiscation of their ships and merchandise ; although France had not the means of imposing an actual blockade in any degree adequate to such a purpose. The immediate and professed object of this hostile Decree was the destruction of all British commerce through means entirely unsanctioned by the law of nations, and unauthorised by any received doctrine of legitimate blockade.

This violation of the established law of civilized nations in war, would have justified Great-Britain in retaliating upon the enemy by a similar interdiction of all commerce with France, and with such other countries as might co-operate with France in her system of commercial hostility against Great-Britain.

The object of Great-Britain was not, however, the destruction of trade, but its preservation under such regulations as might be compatible with her own security, at the same time that she extended an indulgence to foreign commerce, which strict principles would have entitled her to withhold. The retaliation of Great-Britain was not therefore urged to the full extent of her right ; our prohibition of French trade was not absolute, but modified ; and in return for the absolute prohibition of all trade with Great-Britain, we prohibited not all commerce with France, but all such commerce with France as should not be carried on through Great-Britain.

It was evident that this system must prove prejudicial to neutral nations; this calamity was foreseen.

and deeply regretted. But the injury to the neutral nation arose from the aggression of Franee, which had compelled Great-Britain in her own defence to resort to adequate retaliatory measures of war. The operation on the American commerce of those precautions, which the conduct of France had rendered indispensable to our security, is therefore to be ascribed to the unwarrantable aggression of France, and not to those proceedings on the part of Great-Britain, which that aggression had rendered necessary and just.

The object of our system was merely to counteract an attempt to crush the British trade ; Great-Britain endeavored to permit the continent to receive as large a portion of commerce as might be practicable, through Great-Britain ; and all her subsequent regulations, and every modification of her system by new orders or modes of granting or withholding licences, have been calculated for the purpose of encouraging the trade of neutrals through Great-Britain, whenever such encouragement might appear advantageous to the general interests of commerce, and consistent with the public safety of the nation. The justification of his Majesty's Orders in Council, and the continuance of that defence, have always been rested upon the existence of the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and on the perseverance of the enemy in the system of hostility which has subverted the rights of neutral commerce on the continent; and it has always been declared on the part of his Majesty's government, that whenever France should have effectually repealed the Decrees of Berlin and Milan, and should have, restored neutral commerce to the condition in which it stood previously to the promulgation of those Decrees, we should immediately repeal our Orders in Council.

France has asserted that the Decree of Berlin was a measure of just retaliation on her part, occasioned by our previous aggression ; and the French government has insisted that our system of blockade, as it existed previously to the Decree of Berlin, was a manifest violation of the received law of nations ; we must therefore, sir, refer to the articles of the Berlin Decree, to find the principles of our system of blockade, which France considers to be new, and contrary to the law of nations.

By the 4th and 8th articles it is stated as a justification of the French Decree, that Great-Britain, * extends to unfortified towns and commercial ports, to harbors, and to the mouths of rivers, those rights of blockade, which by the reason and the usage of nations, are applicable only to fortified places ; and that the rights of blockade ought to be limited to fortresses really invested by a sufficient force.'

It is added in the same articles that Great-Britain ' has declared places to be in a state of blockade, before which she has not a single ship of war, and even places which the whole British force would be insufficient to blockade ; entire coasts, and a whole empire.'

Neither the practice of Great-Britain, nor the law of nations, has ever sanctioned the rule now laid down by France, that no place excepting fortresses in a complete state of investiture, can be deemed lawfully blockaded by sea.

If such a rule were to be admitted, it would become nearly impracticable for Great-Britain to attempt the blockade of any port of the continent, and our submission to this perversion of the law of nations, while it would destroy one of the principal advantages of our naval superiority, would sacrifice the common rights and interests of all maritime states.

It was evident that the blockade of May, 18UG, was the principal pretended jusification oi the Decree of Berlin, though neither the principles on which that blockade was founded, nor its practical operation, afforded any color for the proceedings of France.

In point of date, the blockade of May, 180b", preceded the Berlin Decree; but it was a just and legal blockade according" to the established law of nations, because it was intended to be maintained, and was actually maintained by an adequate force appointed to guard the whole coast described in the notitication, and consequently to enforce the blockade.

Great-Britain has never attempted to dispute, that in the ordinary course of the law of nations, no blockade can be justifiable or valid unless it be supported by an adequate force destined to maintain it, and to expose to hazard all vessels attempting to evade its operation. The blockade of May, 1806, was notified by Mr. Secretary Fox, on this clear principle, nor was that blockade announced until he had satisfied himself by a communication with his Majesty f s Board of Admiralty, that the Admiralty possessed the means and would employ them, of watching the whole coast from Brest to the Elbe, and of effectually enforcing the blockade.

The blockade of May, 1806, was therefore (according to the doctrine maintained by Great r Britain) just and lawful in its origin, because it was supported by both in intention and fact by an adequate naval force. This was the justification of that blockade, until the period of time when the Orders in Council were issued.

The Orders in Council were founded on a distinct principle, that of defensive retaliation. Fiance had declared a blockade of all the ports and coasts of Great-Britain, and her dependencies, without assigning, or being able to assign, any force to support that blockade. Such an act of the enemy would have justified a declaration of the blockade of the whole coast of France, even without the application of any particular force to that service. Since the promulgation of the Orders in Council, the blockade of May, 1806, has been sustained and extended by the more comprehensive system of defensive retaliation on which those regulations are founded. But ii the Orders in Council should be abrogated, the blockade of JVIay, 1806, could not continue under our construetion of the law of nations, unless that blockade should be maintained by a due application of an adecmate naval force.

America appears to concur with France in asserting that Great-Britain was the original aggressor in the attack on neutral rights, and has particularly objected to the blockade of May, ]806, as an obvious instance of that aggression on the part of Great- Britain.

Although the doctrines of the Berlin Decree, respecting the rights of blockade, are not directly asserted by the American government, Mr. Pinckney's correspondence would appear to countenance the principles on which those doctrines are founded. The objection directly stated by America against the blockade of May, 1806, rests on a supposition that no naval force which Great-Britain possessed, or could have employed for such a purpose, could have rendered that blockade effectual and that therefore it was necessarily irregular, and could not possibly be maintained in conformity to the law of nations.